the world lapse into a complacent self-congratulation on the collapse of Teutonic militarism and the exit of Kaisers and kings. Other nations may yet become powerful, arrogant, imperialistic; the lessons of history are quickly forgotten by the ambitious and the proud-and, indeed, there are examples of successful aggression as striking as those of defeated ambition. Sources of friction and bitterness will long persist, injustices will still rankle, thwarted ambitions still smoulder. The growing complexity of international relations will produce more occasions than ever for friction. Nothing is more likely than that this will not be the last war, unless we set to work with utmost determination and create a mechanism which shall make the penalties for aggression so instant and certain that it will be universally recognized as suicidal. Nothing is more certain than that injustices will be committed and inequities persist, unless we find a way to settle the world's problems in peaceful cooperation.

We must combat by might and main that vague optimism that expects things to come out all right if they are left alone, that inertia that would let the peoples sink back into another era of unchecked nationalistic rivalry. It is to be hoped that the pacifists, i. e., the passivists, who counted on the efficacy of non-resistance in touching the hearts of the predatory and the proud, who thought that words, and paper treaties, could shame them or win them to a brotherly spirit, have learned their lesson. Isolated instances to the contrary, human nature is, unhappily, such that its fiercer impulses cannot be tamed by charity and patience. The ingenuity for evil and the blind passions of men must be counteracted by a greater ingenuity in devising the good and a greater

and wiser passion in embodying it. Effort, effort of organization, of thinking, of training, of education, is the inexorable price of progress.

And then, our plain duty is to forget our fears and suspicions of other nations' intentions, our bitterness and hatred and scorn of their wrongdoing, and to cultivate sympathy and understanding. For the former mental attitudes create trouble just as surely as the latter heal it. Our great danger now is not from Germany, or Japan, or any other nation, it is from ourselves. We are unchastened by years of suffering, we are rich, proud, unbeaten; we want our way in everything. Lately we have been hearing all about us the cries for revenge of those who would have us punish more severely an already prostrate enemy, keep our clutch on her throat, treat her as her autocratic rulers would have treated us. In no such way can a lasting peace be established. Might does not make right simply because it is our might. The time has come to apply the Golden Rule in politics. What we should be thinking of is not an enemy's past sins, but the future of the family of nations. It is not a weak surrender to return good for evil, it is safeguarding the future welfare of man.

Patriotism, like charity, begins at home. But it does not end there. It is rather a matter of concentric circles. Loyalty to one's family, or to one's club or college, does not imply disloyalty to the city or village in which one lives; nor does civic pride involve disloyalty to State or nation. Similarly, love and loyalty to our country does not rightly require disloyalty to the great brotherhood of man which not only Christianity but the most elementary common sense holds up to us as the supreme object of our sacrifice and service. Surely we must cultivate "the

international mind”-it is our most pressing duty just now, because international sentiment has as yet been so little cultivated. But to suppose that the era of international co-operation and loyalty is going to lessen our national pride and patriotism is a serious blunder. It is going to clarify and purge them, it is not going to make them less coercive or less beautiful.

Certainly if we fail to achieve a successful international organization in the near future, the effort and sacrifice of the War will have been largely wasted. The organization of an enduring peace is the only result which could compensate the world for these years of destruction and death, and the serious setback to civilization. Mr. Wilson, who, whatever his mistakes, has been the prophet of the new era, stated clearly what was implied in the slogan, "The war to end war." He declared, in an address to the Senate, on January 22, 1917, that "if the peace presently to be made is to endure, it must be a peace made secure, by the organized major force of mankind. . . It is inconceivable that the people of the United States should play no part in that great enterprise . . . It is clear to every man who can think, that there is in this no breach in either our traditions or our policy as a nation, but a fulfilment of all that we have professed or striven for."

SUGGESTED READINGS

Washington's Farewell Address.

W. H. Taft and W. J. Bryan, Addresses at Lake Mohonk, 1916. (Reprinted in International Conciliation, no. 106). Woodrow Wilson, The Hope of the World. (Addresses, 19181920).

A. Lawrence Lowell, H. Holt and others, in Towards an Enduring Peace.

C. W. Eliot, The Road toward Peace, Chap. XVII.
R. Goldsmith, A League to Enforce Peace.
H. N. Brailsford, A League of Nations.

J. A. Hobson, Towards International Government.
Norman Angell, America and the New World State.
William H. Taft, The United States and Peace, IV.
D. H. Trueblood, The Federation of the World.
L. Curtis, A Commonwealth of Nations.

D. J. Hill, American World Policies.

S. P. Duggan, The League of Nations.

J. B. Moore, American Diplomacy, its Spirit and Achievements.

Raymond Fosdick, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 125, p. 845. Pamphlets of the International Conciliation Association.

CHAPTER XXVIII

AMERICANIZATION

We have now completed our survey of American ideals, from the stout assertion of political independence, of 1776, to the keen realization of interdependence, of 1917. It remains to ask whether our people as a whole, or certain classes of our people, are clearly enough conscious of these ideals; and whether forces should be set at work to accelerate their spread, and to deepen devotion to them. It is that process of awakening comprehension of, and loyalty to, these ideals, that we call today Americanization.

Between a seventh and an eighth of our population today are foreign-born. Concerning these no sweeping statement can be made. They are of all types, of every nationality, of all degrees of education. Among them are some undesirables, as among the native-born. But the great mass of them are hardworking, honest, and loyal. The majority of them become citizens; and if they do not, their children are citizens by birth. In general, these aliens, when they arrive, are eager to learn our language, our customs, our ideals. If some of them become indifferent and cynical and lawless, it is usually because we have failed in our duty to them.

It may be questioned, however, whether, on the whole, the immigrant needs Americanization more than the native. From many schools comes the report that the children of immigrants are more eager and