lot, they will do away with the law of supply and demand! One particularly daring spirit wrote to the editor of an anti-suffrage organ demanding to know. "What State ever enacted that law of supply and demand you are talking about?" And as for men, well, is not this whole Suffrage movement built on the fascinating idea that women are to make a more intelligent use of the ballot than men?

The Suffrage economist is unmoved by the complaint of men that the underbidding by women in the trades and professions has lowered the standard of men's wages, and increased their burdens; she is not even frightened by the well-timed warning, that if forced to pay her an equal wage with men, many ungallant employers would not hire her at all. Everything is disregarded and discarded in her fatuous pursuit of “economic independence”—whatever that may be—while her roseate faith in the ballot as an economic lever, rises to the sublime height of the Latin poet's who wrote: "I believe, because it is impossible!"

Finally the pro-equal-suffrage claim that women's votes will result in desired social reforms-e. g., suppression of the liquor traffic.-is replied to by the assertion that, by and large, woman is morally no better than man, surpassing him in some matters, falling behind in others. On the other hand, politics is on the whole debasing to those engaged in it, and women and the homes which women make should be protected from its contamination.

Ex-Senator Root opposes equal suffrage for somewhat similar reasons. He believes that "the whole science of government is the science of protecting life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" and that "in the divine distribution of powers, the duty and the right of protection rests with the male." He feels that men should not part with the divine right to protect the women of their families; hence they should not place "in the weak and nerveless hands of those designed by God to be protected," the right "to engage in the stern warfare of government.""1

Ex-President Taft sums up his ideas on the subject as fol

lows:

It is fair to say that the immediate enfranchisement of women would increase the proportion of the hysterical element of the electorate to such a degree as to be injurious to the public welfare. But if it can be delayed until a great majority of women desire it I think it will be a correct and useful extension of the democratic principle. The benefit

1Revised Record of the Constitutional Convention of 1894 (N. Y.), Vol. II, pp. 521-524. Partially reprinted in Washington Post, Feb. 23, 1913.

82. Woman Suffrage in Practice.

will come slowly and imperceptibly; the issue is not acutely and immediately important.2

The volume of the writings on equal suffrage has grown to be immense and the enthusiasts on both sides have carried their arguments into every conceivable sphere of thought, not neglecting the biological and physiological foundations upon which ability to use the ballot beneficially may depend. Scientific investigations conducted with a view to obtaining impartial information concerning the actual results for better or for worse in those states where women vote, have not, however, been frequent.

The most recent of these was a careful examination, by Mr. Fred W. Eckert, of the election returns of the Chicago municipal election, April sixth, 1915. From this investigation the following conclusions were reached:-(1) that women as a whole register the same political convictions as men, but that this does not necessarily mean that they are lacking in independence; (2) that women suffrage promotes greater interest in and discussion of political issues and hence results in a more intelligent expression of opinion by the electorate; (3) that woman's interest in politics and the degree of her activity vary, as a general fact, directly with her social and economic standing in the community; (4) that woman's entrance into politics has tended to readjust the relative power of different social groups, leading in the main to a strengthening of the control of the upper middle class where general elections are concerned, but giving the poorer element a relatively greater degree of control where election by districts is practiced and the districts containing the upper middle class voters do not have representation in proportion to their numbers; (5) that woman seems to display a less active interest in matters of public finance than does man; (6) that a smaller minority of eligible women than of eligible men actually vote.

Miss Helen Sumner's celebrated investigation of the effect of woman suffrage in Colorado led to not dissimilar conclu

2Saturday Evening Post, Vol. 188, No. 11, p. 3, Sept. 11, 1915. New York Times, Sept. 9, 1915.

3Woman's Suffrage in the City of Chicago, Political Science Quarterly, XXXI, 1 (March, 1916).

Made in 1906-7. Results published in volume entitled Equal Suffrage.

sions. Less intensive than Mr. Eckert's, this investigation because of its greater breadth reveals a greater variety of interesting conclusions, of which a few examples may be given. "It is safe to say," remarks the author

that the most conspicuous effect of equal suffrage has been upon legislation, and, though it is impossible to prove beyond the possibility of a doubt that the woman's club movement alone would not have brought about the passage of the same laws, it seems probable that the votes of women have effected the desired end with less effort and in less time than would have been required in non-suffrage states.

The effect of the suffrage upon party politics seems to have been slight, but the interest of the women was seemingly on the increase and upon the majority of them the exercise of the ballot had been influential for good. Evidence that voting had any effect upon "womanliness" was not apparent. Finally, says the investigator,

the Colorado experiment certainly indicates that equal suffrage is a step in the direction of a better citizenship, a more effective use of the ability of women as an integral part of the race, and a closer understanding and comradeship between men and women.'

The

Qualifica

Next to that of sex, the educational qualification is probably 83. the one about which most controversy is at present waged and Educational in which interest is most apparent. More than a third of the tion. state constitutions provide for some sort of qualifications that may be considered educational, One of them merely states that the legislature may establish such qualifications under certain circumstances. Another state1 requires the legislature to

Bib., 211.

Bib., 258-260.

8

"Two of the replies received by Miss Sumner to a questionaire which was part of the investigation are interesting on this point-Suffrage produces a "higher standard of knowledge of public affairs in the home, and has a tendency to make the home the unit rather than the individual when the tendency is to double the power of the home vote," says a male correspondent; a woman writes, "It brings husbands and wives nearer to each other. Their interests are more closely related, and wives who are able to converse intelligently [are] more companionable" (p. 257).

Ala., VIII, 181; Cal., II, 1; Colo., VII, 3; Conn., Amend. XXIX; Del., V, 2; Ga., II, sec. I, 4; La., 197-3; Me., Amend. XXIX; Mass., Amend. XX; Miss., XII, 244: N. H., I, 11; N. C., VI, 4; N. D., V, 127; Okla., III, 4a; S. C., II, 4; Va., II, 19; Wash., VI, 1; Wyo., VI, Suffrage 9. In N. M. the right to vote is not restricted, abridged or impaired on account of inability to speak, read or write English or Spanish, except as provided in the constitution, which, however, fails to make any such provision (VII, 3).

Colo.

1N. D.

establish educational qualifications. Several states make the educational qualification applicable only in case the person wishing to become an elector is unable to fulfill certain qualifications otherwise required.

A number of the educational clauses provide for certain exceptions to their application-for instance in case the person shall have reached a certain age at the time of the adoption of the constitution or amendment, or is prevented from qualifying through physical disability.

Ability to read any section of the state constitution and to write one's name is the typical test. Some of the clauses apparently require the reading of the entire constitution. To the requirement of an article of the constitution one adds "or any section of the Statutes" of the state. Others' require not only the reading but the explanation of any section of the constitution. Another requires simply ability to read and speak English and leaves to the legislature the duty of enacting laws for ascertaining this ability.

Educational qualifications had their origin in the Knownothing agitation of the fifties, and were revived in the attempts of several of the former slave states to rid their electorates of the masses of ignorant negroes guaranteed the ballot by the fifteenth amendment to the federal constitution. The first step was taken when the voters of Connecticut amended their constitution, to the effect already noted, in 1855. In 1895 the restriction was added that the reading of constitution or statute should be in the English language. The powerful, though transitory, American Party was responsible, also, for the Massachusetts amendment of 1856-requiring ability to read the constitution in English and to write one's name. Persons above a certain age at the time the law was passed were excepted." In the application of an educational test there must of course be considerable discretion left with the registration officers

2e. g., Ala., La.

3Conn.

1e. g., Miss.

"Wash.

George H. Haynes, Qualifications for the Suffrage, Political Science Quarterly, XIII, 495 (1898); Prof. Haynes approves the educational test. Interest

ing mention and approval of an educational qualification is made by C. S. Lobingier, Efficient Democracy, in the Unpopular Review, Jan., 1916, p. 66.

Immigrants were seldom old people.

and therein lies much of the potency of such a method when dominant race determines to exclude a race that is without influence-save in number of heads to be counted.

The third state to adopt educational qualifications was not added to the list until a generation later, when the Wyoming constitution of 1889 adopted an educational test, apparently for its own sake.

84.

The Property

Among the first constitutions adopted by the states property qualification for the suffrage was the well-nigh universal rule. Qualification. During the democratic ascendency of the first half of the nineteenth century, however, it was generally abolished and is required today in only one state, Rhode Island,' where the amount required is only $134.2 Several states permit ownership of property to qualify one for voting who fails to meet other requirements.3

A property qualification is unqualifiedly forbidden in three states and a fourth constitution declares that the ownership of property ought not to affect the right to vote. It is prohibited save in elections levying a special tax or creating indebtedness in a fifth state, and in elections other than school and debtcreating in a sixth. Finally, in one states

Regulations to prevent such abuses have been attempted. Prof. Haynes (op. cit., p. 507) thus describes the Massachusetts process as it existed in 1898,"In the first place, the registration board must be composed of members of more than one party, thus enlisting party jealousy in the cause of honest registracon. The registrars are furnished by the secretary of the commonwealth with the constitution, printed on uniform pasteboard slips, each containing five lines printed in double small pica type. A full number of these slips are kept at all times in a special box, furnished by the state and so constructed that the box, with the slips concealed from view, may be revolved. From this box the candidate for registration must draw one slip and read the words thereon printed. After the return of the slips the contents of the box must be shaken up before the next drawing is made."

"These regulations," Professor Haynes comments, "may seem absurdly finespun, but the danger of cramming or of collusion warrants great precaution. In former years stories were told of specially primed candidates for registration who read with great glibness the opening sentences of the constitution out of the first chapter of Genesis!"

'Beard, American Government and Politics, p. 79. For actual percentage of population voting just prior to the Revolution, see A. E. McKinley, The Suffrage Franchise in the Thirteen Colonies. (University of Pa. Publications). 1II, 1.

Real estate above incumbrances; alternative, property renting for $7 per year. se. g., S. C., II, 4; Va., II, 19. Ala. (VIII, 181) makes ownership by one's wife of the requisite property sufficient; taxes for preceding year must have been paid. Cal., I, 24; Kan., B. R., 7; Minn., I, 17.

N. C., I, 22.

"Utah, IV, 7.

Ida., I, 20.

Va., II, 30.