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document is dated at Paris, 22d of December, 1797. The proposal for the return of Miranda to England was acceded to by Mr. Pitt, with whom a conference was held in January following. It was proposed that the United States should furnish ten thousand troops; and the British government agreed to find money and ships. But Mr. Adams, then the American President, declined to transmit an immediate answer; and the measure was, in consequence, postponed. In the year 1806, Mr. Jefferson, at that time President of the United States, disavowed the expedition of Miranda to emancipate Spanish America, and actually caused Messrs. Smith and Ogden, two merchants of the city of NewYork, to be indicted in the Circuit Court for this District for aiding and abetting Miranda's enterprise; but the jury found a verdict of acquittal. For a most ample and splendid account of the practicability and effects of liberating Spanish America, and joining the two oceans, see the thirteenth volume of the Edinburgh Review, pp. 277-311, both inclusive.

It appears necessary for England, now, to make some extraordinary effort to recruit her exhausted strength, and to relieve her present pressure. She has, indeed, during the lapse of five and twenty years, directed, with a daring and a steady hand, the vast resources of her mighty empire, against the common enemy of the human race: with the guardianship of presiding genius, she has aided the weak and restrained the encroachments of the strong: she has assisted the people of continental Europe in their patriotic efforts to trample beneath their feet the foreign domination of an invading foe; she has caused the star of Napoleon to fade into a dim tinct; she has put together the glittering fragments of disjointed Europe, and given again to that fair portion of the world the beamings of religion, the light of morals, and the beauty of social order. But her recent glories have led her to a painful pre-eminence; henceforth she is doomed to the proud but melancholy necessity of being first or nothing: The moment she recedes, the moment she bows her lofty head



beneath the ascendency of any other nation, that moment she is dashed from off her wide ambitious base, and falls, like Lucifer, never to rise again. In her late protracted conflict, her frame has been shattered; her finances are dilapidated; her agriculture languishes; her manufactures droop; her commerce is diminished; her population is impoverished; and, if she hopes to sustain that high eminence which her achievements have reached, in the times of Elizabeth, of William, and of her present sovereign; achievements which have rendered her the arbitress of Europe, the bulwark of civil and religious liberty, and the tutelary angel of man; she must hasten to emancipate the Spanish American colonists, and unite the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Unless some measures be adopted by Britain to employ and relieve her superabundant and indigent population, a much greater proportion than has ever yet left her native isles will find their way hither, to augment the number of our American citizens.

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On the Manufactures of the United States.


There can be no doubt that agriculture has a tendency to produce a more abundant and more healthy population than that which springs from manufactures;

agriculture and manufactures act and re-act upon each other for their mutual benefit; for the greatest and most important branch of the commerce of every nation is that which is carried on by the inhabitants of the towns and cities with those of the country. The townsmen draw from the people of the country the rude produce, the fruits of the soil, for which they pay by sending back into the country a part of this rude produce manufactured and prepared for immediate use; or, in other words, this trade between town and country consists in a given quantity of rude produce being exchanged for a given quantity of manufactured produce. Whatever, therefore, has a tendency, in any country, to diminish the progress of manufactures, has also a tendency to diminish the home market, (the most important of all markets for the rude produce of land) and consequently to cripple the efforts of agriculture.

In young and lately established countries, however, where the population is not, as yet, sufficiently numerous to answer fully the demand for labour; it is perhaps more adviseable to confine their attention chiefly to the raising of rude produce, to the clearing new lands, and cultivating those already reclaimed; because they can import manufactured goods from an old and thickly peopled country, at a cheaper rate than they can fabricate them in their own; and they will more rapidly in



crease the number, strength, and wealth of their peopleby so doing, than by consuming a larger quantity of capital in forming manufactured goods of a worse quality, and at a higher price than that for which they can bring them from abroad. Besides, as the wages of labour are so high, and land so cheap, in the United States (and in all new countries), there is a continual bounty offered to labourers to leave their manufacturing masters, and go and buy land, and till it for themselves; since every man, who has any proper feeling of independence beating at his heart, would rather toil for himself and his family, as an uncontrolled yeoman, than labour as a confined servant to a stranger. Whence the manufacturers would be (as indeed they are daily and hourly in the United States,) liable to frequent interruptions in their proceedings, and suffer much prejudice in their trade, enhancing the price and deteriorating the quality of their wares; all which evil must ultimately fall upon the consumers, and necessarily entail a burdensome impediment upon the productive exertions of the community

The United States, therefore, it should seem, would do well not anxiously to endeavour to force the production of manufactures by government bounties, by protecting or prohibitory duties, by monopoly prices, before an effectųal demand shall be made for them by an increased density of population along the seaboard, and in the interior; by the more minute division of labour, and by the more complete filling up of the other channels of trade and agriculture. Nay, perhaps it would be wiser, for some years yet to come (until the wilderness be reclaimed, and the population be more compact), for the Americans to confine themselves chiefly to the raising of raw materials, and let Europe continue to be the workshop where those raw materials might be manufactured; because experience has uniformly shown that no nation has ever yet pushed its manufactures to any great extent, without introducing and continuing a very alarming quantity of misery and disease, decrepitude, vice, and profligacy, among the lower orders of the peo.

ple; and this to the statesman, who measures the strength and greatness of a nation by the health and virtue, the prosperity and happiness, of its citizens, seems too great a price to pay for the privilege of manufacturing a few yards of broadcloth, or a few pieces of muslin. England herself is a portentous illustration of this truth : recently, and for the last five and twenty years, her manufacturing districts have sent forth full bands of Luddites, and Spenceans, and jacobins, and anarchists, and rebels, and assassins, that have continually put to the test the strength, and strained the nerves of her government. See the “ Resources of the British Empire,” pp. 140-154, for the state of British manufactures.

But as the introduction of manufactures into, and their extended increase in a country, generally promise large profits to speculators and capitalists, it is not to be expected that the mere circumstance of manufactures being destructive of the virtue, health, and happiness of the labourers employed in them, will ever be of sufficient weight to deter any nation from introducing and establishing these nurseries of individual wealth, and wide-spread poverty, among themselves, whenever an opportunity shall occur. The wages of labour in the United States are at least one hundred per cent. higher than in England, and quadruple those of France; and yet the agricultural products of this country find a profitable market in Europe; while the expense of erecting and continuing manufacturing establishments is such as, in many instances, to disable them from competing with those of Europe, unless protected by bounties, prohibitory duties, and a monopoly: The cause of these apparently contradictory effects is to be found in the vast quantity and low price of our new and fertile lands. One man is able to spread his agricultural labour over a much wider surface of soil in the immense regions of America, than can be done in the comparatively small and circumscribed districts into which the European farms are necessarily divided, on account of the narrow limits of territory, coupled with

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