longer be maintained as a public elementary school. Mr. Balfour (City of London) feared that the Bill, while not relieving Nonconformist consciences, might create another kind of Passive Resister. He deprecated a division, but the Nationalists insisted on taking one, and leave to introduce the Bill was given by 264 to 109.

The Civil Service Supplementary Estimates, which were on February 26 taken, set up further echoes of the debates of 1906. A vote for Colonial services included an item for repatriation of Chinese from South Africa of 22,000l. This small sum, the Opposition contended, showed that the Government were not in earnest, and so that the attacks on Chinese labour had been unjustified. Mr. Mackarness (Newbury, Berks) also complained that repatriation had been hindered by the course taken by the Government. Mr. Churchill, however, explained that the State-aided repatriation had been meant only as an "emergency exit"; 1,500 Chinese had applied for repatriation, and some 750 sent home. Before deciding on their policy, the Government must await the attitude of the new Transvaal Parliament.

The discussion was eventually closured and the vote agreed to by 303 to 61. A reduction of the next vote as a protest against the withholding of the report of the West Ridgeway Commission, moved by Mr. Lyttelton, was met by Mr. Churchill with the argument that the report contained statements as to the character and aims of the various South African political associations who were contending in the elections. It might be published some day, but not yet. The closure was again applied amid Opposition protests, and ultimately the vote was passed by 236 against 43.

Ecclesiastical questions were the subject of two unpractical debates. On February 26, Mr. McCrae (Edinburgh, E.) moved a resolution condemning the Scottish practice of levying compulsory assessments towards rebuilding or repairing churches or manses of the Establishment; the motion, opposed by Sir Henry Craik (Glasgow and Aberdeen Universities) and two other Scottish Unionist members, was accepted by the Lord Advocate (Mr. T. Shaw) on behalf of the Government, and carried by 177 to 39. Next day Mr. Everett (Woodbridge, Suffolk) moved, and Mr. Goddard (Ipswich) seconded, a resolution advocating Church Disestablishment and Disendowment in England and Wales. They contended that the Church comprised only a minority of the nation, and that its ascendency was a barrier to its usefulness and extension. Sir John Kennaway (Honiton, Devon) moved an amendment, to the effect that the destruction of the ancient national position of the Church and the secularisation of her endowments would impede her work for spiritual and social welfare, and deal a serious blow at the cause of religion and morality. He pointed to the increase of Church life in Wales, as revealed by the Welsh Church Commission, and declared that in these days of materialism and

new theologies" the Church was pre-eminently the Church of the poor. Mr. Harwood (Bolton), a Liberal, seconding the amendment, praised the parochial system as looking after the part of the nation who did not care and would not pay for religion. Mr. Austin Taylor (Toxteth, E., Liverpool) objected to the conception of the Church of England as a "universal theological provider," and spoke strongly on the existing indiscipline and Romanising tendencies in the Church. Complete severance of Church and State, he thought, was not a desirable remedy, though less dangerous to Protestant Churchmen than to others. But before "cutting the painter " the Liberals should redress the balance upset by Mr. Gladstone and appoint Bishops faithful to the fundamental principles of the Reformation. Mr. Birrell stated that the Government had no intention of assuming responsibility for the motion, but that his own view was that Disestablishment would greatly strengthen the authority of the Church. He ridiculed the idea that the Church could be broad and colourless, truth and conviction would force their way in. The gulf between Nonconformist opinion and the prevailing opinion in the Church was wider now than ever before. The connection did no good to either Church or State, and Mr. Austin Taylor's solution must fail. Mr. Lyttelton declared that the Church had abandoned all claims to ascendency. Disestablishment would be a blow to Christianity throughout Europe, Disendowment would mean the secularisation of funds deliberately given for religious purposes, and would meet with passionate resistance. The amendment was rejected by 206 to 93, and the resolution carried by 198 to 90.

The House of Lords meanwhile had occupied itself, as usual during the early part of the session, with the ventilation of various subjects of secondary but real importance. Attention was called by the Primate (Feb. 27) to the liquor traffic in Lagos and Nigeria, which, the Colonial Secretary stated, the Government was doing all that it could to regulate and prohibit. The opportunities offered to the House for legislation were again brought under consideration by the Earl of Camperdown, who, on February 28, moved for returns showing the dates at which Government Bills were brought up to that House and their different stages taken, in the present Parliament and its last three predecessors, and a similar return with regard to private members' Bills taken up by the Government, showing the date and stage at which they were taken up. The return was pressed for by the Marquess of Landsdowne, as tending to get at the facts on which the charges against the Lords were founded, but the Earl of Crewe, while not opposing its production, remarked that if Government Bills were introduced in the Lords they might be rendered unacceptable to the other House. The question of the appointment of a Traffic Board for London, raised by Lord Leigh, was met by the Government with a plea for delay on the ground of the crowded state of its legislative programme.

The confidence of the Liberals in their own prospects, however, now received several severe shocks. The bye-election at South Aberdeen (Feb. 19) had shown a considerable decrease in the Liberal majority, which was referred, however, to local divisions; but the same thing could hardly be said of the election for the Brigg Division of Lincolnshire (Feb. 26), at which the Unionist candidate, Sir Berkeley Sheffield, a thoroughgoing Tariff Reformer, was returned by 5,389 votes against 5,273 given for Captain Guest, the Liberal candidate. His personal and local popularity, no doubt, counted in his favour, but the result was seized on by the Unionists as a proof that the Government were "beginning to be found out."

A graver indication of Liberal weakening was the Progressive defeat at the London County Council elections on March 2. Efforts had been made by the "Municipal Reformers," previously called "Moderates," to discredit the Progressive administration and policy, and had been emphasised by lavish expenditure on meetings, leaflets, gramophones, and the general mise en scène of the "Municipal Reform" movement. On February 23 a "Municipal Reform" demonstration in Trafalgar Square, expensively staged with representations of a house constructed. with "County Council" bricks (from a brickfield taken over at Norbury), a Thames steamboat, and a Progressive robber with a ratepayer in his clutches, and also with numerous gramophones, was broken up by a Progressive mob. The explanation given was that attempts had been made to hire "unemployed" at 4s. for the afternoon, but that the Labour leader applied to revealed the plan to the Progressives. However, the Municipal Reformers' zeal was not abated. The dissatisfaction with the increase of rates, though it was rather the borough than the county rates which had increased, resulted in the return of 79 Municipal Reformers, 1 Independent and only 38 Progressives, as against 34 Moderates, 83 Progressives and 1 Independent in the previous Council. The poll, the heaviest on record, was still only 52 per cent., and the middle-class divisions. went over to the Municipal Reformers en masse. The elections to the Boards of Guardians on March 25 showed an even more sweeping victory for the Municipal Reformers, who had taken little part in previous elections. They secured majorities in twenty-six unions out of thirty-one, Bermondsey, Bethnal Green, Poplar, Southwark and Whitechapel being the only exceptions. The polls were small, but larger than on previous occasions. Speaking at a meeting of Primrose League workers in the elections at Caxton Hall (March 22), Mr. Balfour stated that the Government which originated the London County Council had hoped to keep London affairs out of party politics, but the Progressives had made the contest political and the Primrose League had been constrained to oppose them.

The sketch of the new Territorial Force given by the War Minister in introducing the Army Estimates on February 25

(p. 32) was filled in by him on Monday, March 4, when he brought in his Bill to provide for its raising and maintenance. This measure, he said, proposed (1) to constitute county associations mainly for the organisation and administration of the Territorial or Home Force, (2) to obtain Parliamentary authority for the constitution of this force, (3) to adapt the Reserve Forces Act to the training of a special contingent to serve with the Regulars when needed, (4) to enlarge the ambit of the "A Reserve for our striking force. The measure had been framed out of materials put together by Lord Esher's Committee, had been submitted to a variety of experts, and contained all the important principles of his scheme. The Government desired the scheme to act as an entrenchment against compulsory service, and to that end they had thought it best to organise a strong second-line Army for home defence. (1) Each county association would have to consider with the General Staff how best to supply its quota to the division in its grouped regimental district. It would provide for the administrative needs of the force it had raised. At least half of it would be composed of officers representing the different branches of the Territorial Service, appointed by the Army Council, and it would have representatives of the County and Borough Councils, and in some cases of the Universities, while it might also co-opt representatives of Capital and of Labour. There would be a chairman, vice-chairman and secretary, and the lord lieutenant, the link with the landowners, would be the president. Deputy lieutenants would in future be persons who had rendered distinguished service to the work. The associations would have nothing to do with command or training, and it was hoped to provide for their representation at the War Office. In large counties like Lancashire there would be several associations. (2) The strength of the Territorial Army would be specified by Parliament, the maximum being probably 300,000. The period of enlistment would not exceed four years, but a man might withdraw at three months' notice on paying a certain sum, not more than 51., but arranged on a sliding scale. The door would be opened for voluntary service abroad, but the scheme was essentially for home defence. There must be annual camp training for from eight to fifteen days, but there would be a dispensing power, and large latitude to commanding officers, and many employers of labour had approved this part of his plan. In the event of a great general mobilisation the Home Force could be embodied to receive war training for six months. On the issue of a Proclamation ordering out the Army Reserves it would be lawful for the King to give instructions for embodying the whole or part of the Territorial Force. The Army Council would then order embodiment within a month. Parliamentary control would thus be secured by leaving time for the voting of an address to the Crown against embodiment, or a refusal of the supply. There would be some elasticity as to the amount

of war training to be given, and the Territorial Army would be under strict military discipline only in war time. Its members would have certain privileges, one being exemption from service on juries. (3) As to the transition period, the county associations, which need not all be constituted at once, would take over any property held by a Volunteer corps. (4) As regards the reserve, it was not true that the Militia was being destroyed. The class that now joined it would enlist in the special contingent and get much the same training as the existing Militia. The organisation of the striking force or "Imperial Police" had been improved by extending the period for enlistment in the "A Reserve," enlarging its numbers to 6,000, and creating a corresponding reserve within the special contingent of 4,000, who would provide for non-combatant troops and for the wastage of war. They hoped, also, to get Volunteers from the Irish battalion representing the old Irish Militia. He appealed in conclusion to the House and the nation to give the scheme a fair chance. Criticism in detail would be welcomed, but the Government intended to adhere to the fundamental principles of their scheme.

In the debate which followed, Mr. Long (Dublin, S.) remarked that the scheme had been necessitated by the reductions made by the War Minister in the Army, and criticised rather unfavourably the proposed training of the new special contingent, the functions of the county associations, and the pay and condition of Volunteer service. He doubted whether enough men would be found for the Territorial Army. Skilled workmen would fear to lose civil employment in war time. Major Seely (Abercromby, Liverpool), replying to criticisms on the lack of training of the Territorial Army, instanced the Colonial troops and the Boers. Opposition speakers severely criticised the reduction of the Regulars, and Mr. Wyndham commented adversely and in detail on the organisation and probable strength of the new force. After a reply from Mr. Haldane, the Bill was read a first time amid cheers.

The introduction of the Navy and Army Estimates made it desirable for Ministers to reassert the policy which they had previously indicated their intention of following at the coming Hague Conference (ANNUAL REGISTER, 1906, pp. 125, 195). An opportunity was offered by the appearance of the Nation, a new weekly paper which absorbed the Speaker, and was designed to unite all sections of the Liberal party. To its first number, published on March 2, the Prime Minister contributed an article combating the objections made in some quarters to the project entertained by Great Britain of raising the question of "arrest of armaments" at the conference. He pointed out that the first Hague Conference was called in 1898 to effect such an arrest: that the discussion had then done no harm, and that the burden was heavier now, while there was reason to suppose that the increase would continue-in the case of naval