relative cessation of hatred against the evils in our own body politic. The enemies of reform know this; many wars have been made, and many more urged, in order to distract attention from social or political reforms that seemed imminent. War is always the occasion for the accentuation of abuses for which the disengaged vigilance of peace would not have allowed so free a field.

So we shall refuse to believe that wars must yet be. We shall put all our weight on the side of a generous friendliness and mutual helpfulness between the peoples of the earth. We shall sternly repress the voices and the acts of those who seek to embroil us with any of these peoples, and vigilantly endeavor to refrain from any policy that would tend to arouse suspicion or fear among our neighbors. We shall follow William James's suggestion and find substitutes for war to engage the energies of our youth, in outdoor sports and achievements, in the adventures of a fully democratized politics and industry, and in the long campaign against privilege, inefficiency, graft, and all forms of private and collective selfishness.

This greatest of all wars needs to enlist us all. And the same spirit that led Nathan Hale to regret that he had only one life to give to his country, the spirit that would make twenty million men leap to arms if our fair land were invaded, must be kindled during the long, drab years of peace, for the routing out from our national life of all that is not worthy of the long line of heroes whom we honor, who paid the ultimate price, that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, should not perish from the earth.

SUGGESTED READINGS

Monroe's Message to Congress, Dec. 2, 1823.

(Reprinted in

part in Foerster and Pierson, and in Fulton, op. cit.).

Woodrow Wilson, Why We are at War.

Theodore Roosevelt, Fear God and Take Your Own Part. William James, The Moral Equivalent of War in Memories and Studies.

Jane Addams, Newer Ideals of Peace, Chapters I, VIII.
Durant Drake, Problems of Conduct, Chap. XXIII.

E. L. Godkin, Peace, in Reflections and Comments.

Norman Angell, The Great Illusion.

D. S. Jordan, War and Waste; War's Aftermath.

H. R. Marshall, War and the Ideal of Peace.

G. R. Kirkpatrick, War, What For?

J. H. Holmes, New Wars for Old.

R. W. Perry, The Free Man and the Soldier.

M. R. Rinehart, The Altar of Freedom.

Frederic Lynch, The Christian in War Time.

Josiah Royce, The Hope of the Great Community, Chap. I. Publications of the International Conciliation Association. Hiram Bingham, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 111, p. 721.

CHAPTER XXVII

HANDS ACROSS THE SEAS

PEACEABLENESS is not enough. If the world is to be saved from a recurrence of the tragedy of 1914, it will be by more than a passive pacificism on our part. We must learn how to co-operate with the other great nations in the building up of a common world-wide civilization and the removing of the causes that have hitherto made human history one long record of wars. Just now we are conscious that we want no more war and intend to have no more war. But we remember that in less than a century and a half we have fought six wars. We are not likely to escape future situations as acute. If we seriously mean to root out this intolerable, fratricidal way of settling disputes, we must do something about it. And we must set about doing it now, before the critical situation arises. We have been a leader in peace-propaganda; that proved in the event, to be of no value in averting war. is now our opportunity and privilege to take a leading part in the construction of a world-order that shall put an end forever to the settlement of disputes by the ordeal of battle.

It

In the early days of our national life it was wise for us to remain aloof from the conflicts that perpetually ravaged Europe. We were young and weak, groping our way toward a new form of society, and separated by a long and dangerous voyage from the old world. We had little intercourse with Europe,

her problems were not ours; and we could best serve the world by concentrating our thought and energy upon our own difficult experiment in self-government. Washington and Jefferson were right, then, in counselling their fellow-countrymen to keep clear of European feuds, and to make no "entangling alliances" that might drag us into war. Thus Lord Bryce was able to write of us, in The American Commonwealth, "America has lived in a world of her own. Safe from attack, safe even from menace, she hears from afar the warring cries of European races and faiths, as the gods of Epicurus listened to the murmurs of the unhappy earth spread out beneath their golden dwellings."

But the times have changed. The lesson of 1917 has taught us that we can not remain isolated any longer from the rest of the world, if we would. We have an enormous interchange of commodities, of letters and travellers, of investments, with Europe. We are now full-grown. Our experiment has succeeded. One by one the European nations have adopted our democratic ideals, until now we stand as one member, the richest and probably the strongest, in the family of democratic nations that encircles the globe. Our future is wrapped up with theirs. They look to us for aid. By the side of Jefferson's Declaation of Independence we must now put Wilson's Declaration of Interdependence. The only way now to make our democracy safe is to make the world safe for democracy.

This does not mean "entangling alliances”—or promises to help any one nation against another. It does mean a willingness to co-operate with the rest of the world in constructing a mechanism of worldjustice and peace. The experience through which we

have passed in welding a number of separate States into a single nation should make us particularly useful in the difficult task of establishing for the diverse peoples of the earth a working world-policy. This is the finest possible extension of the ideals which animated our Founders. They sowed the seeds of freedom-in-co-operation on these shores; the plant has flourished, and may now be more widely spread. "What was in the writings of the men who founded America," asks Mr. Wilson,-"to serve the selfish interests of America? Do you find that in their writings? No; to serve the cause of humanity, to bring liberty to mankind."

Many of us had hoped that the Great War would definitely mark the end of the period of our selfcentered and self-sufficient isolation. As a recent writer in the Century Magazine points out, "History does not tell a very reassuring tale of peoples that have striven to live apart, any more than memoirs give a comforting recount of recluses. . . No nation can cut itself off from the world without stunting its material and spiritual growth." It is not merely out of sympathy and altruism that we should stretch out our hands across the seas, but for our own souls' good, and to prevent the recurrence of a situation that may otherwise again arise, in which, as in 1917, we shall be drawn against our will into a maelstrom which we have not created, but which we have done nothing to avert. Whether we like it or not, whether we recognize it or not, we are now interdependent. Our future is linked with that of Europe and Asia.

The endowment of peace-societies, the teaching of the horrors of war, should be continued. But war can not be stopped by education and propaganda alone, any more than crime can be. "Hating war is quite