The application of insurance to the extra hazardous occupations, particularly those of the public service corporations whose rates of charges are subject to regulation by law, is my theme.

Insurances by companies as a business on risks is not what I have in mind, but a system whereby public service corporations, or others for that matter, might carry their own risks, and provide a fund out of the income from their operation to pay the losses incurred by their employes from accidents and injuries.

Railroad companies, for instance, as carriers of passengers, are, except as to the acts of God and the public enemy, practically insurers of the safety of their passengers, in that the passengers pay for safe conveyonce; and, if injured, are entitled to compensation. This may sound more like the application of the principles of contract than insurance; but, however, when we consider that a part of the fare paid is for the purpose of covering the risk of loss, then it sounds more like insurance.

If this arrangement were put in operation as to the employes in extra hazardous occupations, the greatest of all difficulties with its endless calamities would at last be solved.

The corporations should be allowed to charge for the service performed a rate to cover this loss to the employe as well as in the case of the passenger.

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If public service corporations were quired to submit to a commission an annual budget of estimated expenditures, based on previous operation and experience, and be compelled to make that the basis of their scheduled rates, this would be bringing such enterprises to the correct methods of legitimate business; and, if a sum were included necessary to meet the casualties to their employes, this the public would most willingly and cheerfully pay in the rates of charges made.

The great trouble has always been, and the reason why dues and fares are often paid with so much regret is that the money is not put to legitimate use, so much of it, for instance, now finding its way to New York, there to be "wasted in riotous living," or, what is worse, leaves the country entirely to rehabilitate decaying European royalty that some American fool may have a title. If, instead, this money were expended for

improvements and betterments and to keep the property in a decent state of repair as well as to pay a fair income on the capital actually invested, all the difficulties existing between the people and the public service corporations would at once disappear.

If, further, these corporations would use that portion of their income, provided for in their rates of charges, to pay losses suffered by their employes in the extra hazardous occupations, using therefore that sum the public so willingly provided, the item of general distress, nay, calamity, incident to their operation would be met as far as human efforts are capable, and the people, notwithstanding the fact that they themselves have provided the money, and made such public service corporations only their agents or trustees for its proper distribution-the people, I say, under such circumstances, would lose sight of their own important part and in harmony with human desire to always find a hero, would ascribe all the credit to such public service corporations themselves.

But no, no, no; unsympathizing and soulless greed is too insatiable and despicable to even distribute the bounty provided by another, and would rather view pain, suffering and death itself to its own inconvenience than comfort, happiness and life at the expense of another.

SOME GOMPERISMS.

Labor's greatest progress can be brought about by organization and the establishing of a normal working day of eight hours.

Trade unionism is not narrow, but as broad as humanity. Its policy is to secure the best possible results for the workers with the least possible friction. Its forms are as varied as the conditions with which it has to deal.

Craft union strikes exist only in the minds of the half-baked; our American labor movement is broadly trade union, and not bounded in its operation by craft distinctions.

Manager Kruttschnitt was in error in refusing to deal with the federation of shop employes. His employes will logically organize in the most practical manner they can find; he should be willing to meet them in their best organized capacity.

There is a great poverty in America now, but it is in no way comparable with the poverty of the past. The labor movement is securing to the worker a greater degree

of economic independence every day.

You can not get the initiative and referendum and recall and equal suffrage any too

soon.

Nothing has occurred that has given a greater impetus to direct legislation, to advance it, than the veto by President Taft of the Arizona Constitution.

You have a golden opportunity, an opportunity to do something which will be historic in the progress of civilization.

You have an opportunity to strike a tremendous blow for the freedom, not only of working men, but the freedom of working

women.

There is a petition being circulated throughout the United States requesting Congress to submit to the legislatures of the several states for ratification, an amendment to the national constitution which will enable women to vote in all elections on an equality with men.

You know that the ballot is the great weapon which the working class can use whenever that class gets ready to use it. You know also, that the working class is about to use that weapon for its emancipation. Do you not want your mother, sister or daughter to be able to use that ballot with you?

Are you going to allow yourselves to be weakened in the great conflict by having those so closely interested with you, so closely aliied with you in the struggle, deprived of a chance to aid you in the struggle?

Remember that there are millions of women-daughters, and sisters, wives and mothers-who are now obliged to work and slave in order to live.

These are all members of the working class and have the same interests as the fathers, husbands, brothers and sons. Will you deprive them longer, by your carelessness and inactivity, of the privilege of participating in the making of laws which govern their conditions?

The laws of today, in the great majority of states, place women upon the same basis, politically, as mules, imbeciles and criminals.

A mule cannot vote (if he could he would raise a ruction), an imbecile cannot vote (supposedly, but a lot of them do), and criminals (who are in prison) are denied the right to vote. Do you want your wife and mother longer kept in this class? No, I do not believe it.

The California working men have just placed themselves in the vanguard of progress and have given the women of that state an equal voice with men in the affairs of government. Are you going to lag behind them and be less progressive than they?

Do you know who opposes suffrage for women? Listen, it is the women of the "400" who have their lap dogs, their monkey dinners, their "Adam and Eve strolls" to engage their attention and amuse themselves.

These are the ones who hold up their hands in holy horror at the thought of the women engaging in the affairs of state. It is they who tell the people that it is “unladylike" and "unfeminine" for women to vote.

They know that it would be dangerous to them and their class if the working wo men, who are in the majority, should be given the ballot.

Don't be fooled any longer by this cry of the dillettante opponent of equal suffrage.

Give your wife, daughter, mother and sister a chance to stand with you, and win or lose with you, in your struggles against your oppressors.

The Socialist party has flooded the country with petitions to submit this amendment.

Every labor organization, every individual working man, should take hold in this matter and secure the signature of every person in his community to these petitions.

Every one who believes women are human beings as well as the men, will sign.

Congressman Victor L. Berger, the first out and out representative of the working class in Congress, will submit this petition to Congress and fight for the submission of the amendment, as only Berger can fight.

Get busy and send Berger so many signatures that he will have to employ the services of every other Congressman in the House to bring this petition before that body.

When you have read this, don't hesitate. If you haven't any blanks, drop a postal to the National Secretary of the Socialist Party, 205 West Washington street, Chicago, Ill., asking him to supply you with them and he will immediately furnish you with all you can use.

Let the voice of the working class be heard in the halls of Congress as it has never been heard before. Let the warning be sounded that the working class insists that ALL of the workers shall be enfranchised, that the WOMEN who toil will no longer be denied the privilege of fighting shoulder to shoulder with the MEN of toil in the greatest battle of all time.

the average paid up and reported membership for the fiscal year 1911, up to 1,756,735, which is an increase of 194,623 over the membership of last year, and 80,535 members over the high water mark of 1904. That the membership of the affiliated unions is steadily on the increase is indicated by the fact that the paid up and reported membership for the month of September, 1911, is 1,763,614, which indicates that notwithstanding the hostile forces that are working against the labor unions, that the coming year will show an increase over the membership reported upon this year.

So that it may be seen at a glance the marvelous growth in membership of the American Federation of Labor, the following chart has been prepared to indicate the membership for each year since 1881 up to and including 1911-thirty-one years. The column for 1911, as stated above, represents 1,756,735 members.

FORMER PRESIDENT LEWIS OF THE U. M. W. PENS PROGRESSIVE LABOR PLANKS FOR THE OHIO CONSTITUTION.

[Tom L. Lewis of Bridgeport, the man who took up his pick and shovel and went back to the mines after leaving office as president of the United Mine Workers of America, has written the progressive platform on which the labor unions and granges of Belmont county will nominate a candidate for the. Ohio Constitutional Convention. Here are Lewis' views, written for the Cincinnati Post.-Editor].

Ohio is to have a constitutional convention to amend the constitution to conform with the wishes of the people and in harmony with the progressive age in which we live.

Among the important things to be considered are:

Shall the people govern themselves in their own interest and for their mutual welfare, or shall the people permit themselves to be governed in the interest of the few who constitute themselves the custodians of the people?

Shall there be a more equal distribution of the burdens of taxation, and shall the affairs of the people be conducted and managed with more economy in order that the people may be relieved of the excessive burdens of taxation?

These are primary questions involving the rights and the welfare of the whole people of the state of Ohio.

The constitutional convention should provide for the initiative and referendum and recall as the fundamental principles of a government by and for the people.

To make these principles effective the

United States senators, members of every branch of the judiciary and every officer of the state, county, township and municipality must be nominated by direct primary.、 The constitution should

Give the right of self-government to cities and villages in all things directly affecting the interests of their people, and the right to own and operate public service utilities.

Abolish prison contract labor and provide for employing convicts under state supervision to construct and improve public highways.

Require eight hours to constitute the maximum day's work at any kind of labor.

Establish a graduated income tax on all forms of incomes, whether from salaries, rents or dividends.

Provide employers' liability and workingmen's compensation for injuries sustained by wage earners.

Provide that no injunctions be issued in labor disputes except on approval of two or more elective judges, every temporary restraining order be heard on its merits within 30 days, and all trials for alleged contempt be by jury.

The constitutional convention should be made up of men of known ability, integrity and honesty. They should understand the questions that so vitally affect the welfare of the people of the state.

Men who aspire to be representatives to the constitutional convention should not only understand the questions to be considered, but should be fearless in expressing their attitude on those questions.

Any man who has personal or special interests to represent, or remains silent as to his attitude on the question at issue, has no right to expect the confidence and support of the people.

THE LONG DAY.

The minister found the alleged typical Kentucky colonel and told him he must give up whisky or it would land him in the grave.

"Think so?" asked the colonel.

"I am sure of it, colonel; and what is more, if you will stop drinking I am certain it will prolong your days," added the minister.

"Come to think about it, I believe you are right about that, parson," said the colonel. "I went twenty-four hours without a drink about six months ago, and I never put in such an infernally long day in my life, sah." -St. Louis Mirror.

The old negro had climbed into the dentist's chair of torture.

"Shall I give you laughing gas, uncle?" inquired the tooth carpenter.

"Not till after de toof am out, boss," replied the old man. "Reckon mebby Ah'll feel mo' lak laffin' den."-Exchange.

We, the people, have always been told that our protective tariff was for the purpose of protecting American trade and industries to the extent of enabling the employer here to pay a higher rate of wages to the American workman, and that the true measure of the tariff is the difference in the cost of production at home and abroad, specifically the difference between the high wages paid the American workman and the low wages paid in foreign countries, especially in Europe and Asia, particularly in Asia.

This would be nice, very nice, almost elegant, if the tariff mill ground out what is thrown into the hopper. What, however, are the facts? Let us see what becomes of this difference.

First, there is the difference in the cost of living, covering all human wants-clothing, food and shelter-we pay here in America over and above foreign countries a difference more than equaling the difference in the rate of wages, so that capital, the while employer, in seemingly generous wages, takes back in the higher cost of products more than has been given in wages. You, therefore, see that our protective tariff, as to the wage element, gives to the employer of labor all the advantages ostensibly intended to accrue to the employe.

Secondly, that while the theory of the difference in wages at home and abroad is urged as the reason in support of a protective tariff, yet still, at the same time, and always, the floodgates of foreign immigration have been wide open, admitting foreign laborers by the million, all for the purpose of furnishing the American employer with cheap foreign labor to compete with the American wage earner, thus greatly reducing the scale of the American workman below what is contemplated by the protective tariff, and in some cases putting American labor on, or even below, the European scale. scale.

In the first instance stated above, the American wage earner has taken from him, in the higher cost of living, more than the protective tariff gives; and in the second, as also explained above, the foreigner is admitted for the purpose of reducing his wages.

Mr. Wage Worker, can not you see that thus, in the first place, your increased wages, if any, only go to swell the pockets of capital, your employer, and that, in the second place, foreigners are admitted for the very purpose of keeping down your wages, and you lose twice in the same play? If this is not a confidence game, name it yourself. We have laws against shell

games, three-card monte and the like, but here, as seems to me, is a similar game established by law for the deception of the wage earner; but this is that "gentleman's game," created and operated by authority of law, a legalized deception.

THE COMING STORM.

By Hugh McGee.

The Socialist movement in the United States is engaged in as fierce and terrific a struggle in the political field as the struggle of the unions in the industrial field. It is more than that. It is a death grapple with organized society.

All the present laws, all the present customs, all the present beliefs, all the present conventionalities, all the present social actions are based on the present so-called rights of the present profit system.

In Europe there are conflicting conditions, such as castes and the hereditary beliefs in the divine rights of kings and the vested rights of the landed aristocracy, while in America the issue is a clear cut fight against the continuation of the present accepted political beliefs of the people of the United States.

Today in the United States the capitalist system of society compels the recognition of the superiority of the men who inherit money or accumulate money, over all other men, as well as permitting one man or set of men to take what another man has made, or ten thousand men have made, providing wages are paid to these men.

In other words, you can legally take what another man makes if you feed him.

Now, the Socialists say that this is robbery, and they propose to stop it.

They propose to make a new law which will say that no man or set of men can take profit, rent or interest from any man, woman or child who is living today or from those who will be born tomorrow.

They propose to make a new law which will make all the people of the United States owners of whatever they make or build or produce.

They propose to make a new law which will say that all the instruments of production and distribution used for private profit shall henceforth belong to the people of the United States.