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matters to be harrowed through the mill of politics than is the policy of the Panama Canal something to be stamped either as Republican or Democratic.

These questions are fruitful of trouble and perturbation, and the primary requisite of the man or men who must deal with them is an abundant knowledge of the people of the outlying domain. That Mr. Taft is possessed of this knowledge as is no other man in the country is hardly to be denied; granted that he has had extraordinary opportunities, he has shown himself able to improve those opportunities in a manner which it is not extravagant to say will be his broadest claim so far to enduring fame when the acute visual distortion of the present and opportune shall have given place to the inexorable perspective of history in which the relative values of public deeds to public duties are completely clarified and announced to posterity. The misery and misfortune which an ignorant or obstinate administrator, no matter how high the ethical standard of his motives, could entail upon our wards of the Pacific and Caribbean are appalling to contemplate; were his administration to be at fault in any other particular, in those things Mr. Taft's record shows him to be entirely dependable.

Since the last Presidential election there have been the following large movements of public sentiment which have a bearing either remotely or immediately pertaining to the present campaign: The temperance sentiment has developed marvelously and extended to a greater, scope than anything else in our history since the abolition of slavery; the evils of the various forms of gambling have provoked a smaller though considerable reform; the manifest wrongs of the tariff system have excited clamor, based on anger and resentment throughout the business world; the growing power of corporate interests have met a stubborn retaining wall in the resistance of the individual to domination or disadvantage, and the doctrines of Socialism, long looked upon as an excrescence of economic friction, have entered deeply into the thought of a disturbed people, and must be reckoned with.

The movement which has resulted in the closing of a hundred thousand saloons is fortunately something non-political, or, rather, it is so local a matter and is so nicely equalized that it can have no general party effect. In New York State the action of Gov. Hughes in compelling the

race-track gambling legislation has merely served to widen the breach between the Democratic city and the Republican country. Not in this election or the next is the question of the tariff at all likely to be a paramount issue of the principle involved. That will come later when conditions have altered nationally and our foreign trade interests have assumed something of the gigantic proportions that are their ultimate destiny!!!

In the policies of the present administration, which are announced as to be continued should Mr. Taft receive both nomination and election, there is an effect on the present campaign of a very puzzling nature indeed. If there were three large parties, one Liberal, one Radical, and the third Conservative, there is no doubt that the East and the manufacturing West would assemble its forces behind the Conservative standard and would carry them forward to a meagre victory, but this is to be a campaign in which the vested interests can have no candidate and in which they can best secure their selfish ends by taking the safer choice. It is not likely that the business interests of the country would be disturbed by the victory of either party, and certainly Mr. Taft's reiterated attitude toward corporations of all sorts contains no hint that fair dealing on their part will be met with anything but conservative and discriminating generosity on the part of his Administration. From impressions gathered among men with much at stake, it is clear to me that the corporate interests of the country, though convinced that illegal combinations, illegal repression of competition, and illegal exploitation of the public are things which the public intends to make no longer possible, have no fear of the outcome, knowing that honesty, whether compulsory or voluntary, never caused a panic or a decline in genuine values.

Gravely different, however, are the facts underlying the social movement. It must be realized that this is no agitation for a fairer adjustment of matters between capital and labor; it is something which attacks with the idea of destruction, the fundamental idea of property, and the plain principle of wage employment. With Socialism in the ascendency, capital and labor cease to be things which their terms now signify. It is not within my province to discuss,

controvert, or even elucidate the opposed conditions; rather should the political effect be considered.

Quite as the average citizen viewed with astonishment the total figures of the last election, seeing that even against the tide of Mr. Roosevelt's personal popularity Mr. Debs had polled nearly half a milliontes, so will they contemplate the results in November. If Mr. Hearst's party were not in the field, and therefore should not draw to it a large body of disaffected voters who will be chary of advocating radical Socialism, and the Socialist and Socialist Labor parties were to mark the full count of those who have become imbued with the fallacies of the non-competitive state of society they would be found to be more than a million strong, and it will be no matter of surprise to me if the returns show more than that up to the point of having tripled the record made four years ago.

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The union labor vote is an indeterminate quality and never will be more in America. In the first place, the causes that make a union are usually local and conflict with broader interests, as is quickly found when an effort is made to treat them as general. The mere fact of being federated on the basis of a single interest, that of common employment as skilled laborers for wages, can never force the mass of union men to act politically with anything like solidarity. We have seen the labor vote of a district crush a Congressman, or the labor men of a State make a Governor or control a Legislature, but never will it be possible for the National labor vote to be anything more than a myth, except when workingmen, no matter whether union or non-union, individually determine that a vote for a National candidate and his party platform means a continuance of their prosperous estate, or an improvement in one that is bad.

Preponderating in its importance to the future as to peace or war, and international relations and commerce, is the integrity, sanity, and perspicacity of the new Congress. Without wishing to be understood as anticipating attempts from the exterior to hinder our progress or balk the peaceful, prosperous course of our development, it would be an evasion for me to conclude this paper without taking cognizance of our international situation and its relation to the campaign. As I have intimated, there is no more reason to

consider ourselves a world power now than in the days when our fleet met the British on equal terms or when we went into the Mediterranean to punish pirates or, though young and raw, dared to balk the European programme that made Maximilian Emperor of Mexico.

While it is true that our powers have multiplied many times since then, it must be remembered that the military establishments and colonial activities of Europe have more than quadrupled. We are merely returning to our own in some things, though taking on a new importance in others. We are palpably drifting into a set of relations toward other powers, especially in the matters of China, Hawaii, and the Philippines, from which we can emerge without war only through the strongest and wisest statesmanship; nevertheless, the justice and humanitarianism of our acts and policies will serve us in the highest degree, and we may be able to surmount the crisis without those certain results which would be deplorable in the extreme.

It is not often that Congress has shown itself fitted to deal wisely with conditions outside our borders, compared with its handling of domestic affairs, and our political economy places such a potentiality for mischief in our deliberative assemblage that it might undo all the craft of State and the wisdom and conservatism of the Executive. For months the indications have been that the next Congress would see many new faces, and the country may look for Republicans from the South and Democrats from New England at a rate and with a diffusion that will be truly surprising.

But when the misadventures of parties, misled by sophisticated, sympathy-mad leaders, trumpet false calls to reform, treacherous distortions of sentiment subordinating private interests and the well meaning but overheated blunderings of the impetuous are all met and ordinated, there must rise the final good, for the Hand of the Almighty lies. to hold and guide, steadily, unwavering, and eternally secure, and through His infinite mercy we shall come to the fulfillment of our mission, foretold with our birth, nobly begun in our youth, for the uplifting of our race and our brothers of the favors not our own.

GROVER CLEVELAND.

The purpose of this book is to furnish in concise and convenient form for reference such information as is likely to be required by speakers, writers, and others participating in the dis cussions of the Presidential campaign of 1908. However well advised the speaker or writer may be upon the topics of the campaign, he will require for reference many facts and figures which can only be had by consulting, numerous publications, many of them so bulky as to be practicable for desk use only. This work is intended to present in concise and portable form the n ore important of these facts and figures, so condensed and arranged as to be convenient for ready reference in the field, on the stump, upon the train, or wherever they may be desired. The arrangement of the book will be apparent upon an examination of the table of contents which occupies the opening page. Each of the subjects likely to require discussion is treatel under its proper title and followed by such statistical statements as may be required for further reference. A copious index which follows the table of contents will enable those utilizing the volume readily to find the detailed facts which they may require for instant reference. The statistical and historical staten.ents presented in the discussions have been carefully verified and the authority, in the more important statements, cited, while the tables are in most cases from official publications of the Government or from accepted authorities.

It has been deemed proper to present as fully as praticable information upon subjects likely to receive especial attention, and the space allotted to the chapters on Control of Corporations, the Money Panic, and the relief afforded by the Treasury Department, Wages and Prices, Tariff, the Philippines, and the Work of the Army has been adjusted to the possible requirements of those desiring information upon these subjects. Much unfounded criticism has been offered by the Democrats with reference to the enlargement of the Army and the expenditures under its operations, and it has therefore been deemed proper to present somewhat in detail information regarding the work which it has so successfully accomplished both in war and in the development of conditions at home. The criticisms of the work of the party in regard to the Philippines, coming from a party which has already the record of having hauled down the American flag in islands of the Pacific, suggest ae importance of a full presentation of the splendid work done in those islands. The constant but unfounded assertions that cost of living has advanced more than wages justifies the detailed discussion of this subject which will be found in the chapter entitled "Labor, Wages, and Prices," and especial attention is called to the information there presented which fully isproves these assertions.

EXTRACTS FROM THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.

Another volume, entitled "Extracts from the Congressional Record," contains brief extracts from speeches delivered in Congress upon subjects likely to be discussed in the present campaign. It contains the best utterances of the party leaders during its entire history upon the great subjects likely to be considered in this campaign. Regulation of Corporations, the Money Panic, Protection, Reciprocity, Trusts, Prices, Republican Prosperity, Democratic Adversity, the Workingman, the Farmer, the Soldier, Rural Free Delivery, the Post-Office Investigation, Panama, Cuba, the Philippines and the Pacific, Shipping, the Navy, and the Record of President Roosevelt are discussed in these concise extracts from the public utterances of party leaders past and present. The volume may readily be used as a pocket companion, in the field or on the train, and will prove a valuable supplementary work in connection with this text book.

Both volumes may be obtained upon application to the National Committee.

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