them not only national heroes but men whom all the world delights to honor. But the path is not easy to tread; and we must be constantly on our guard lest we lapse from this high ideal. It is easy to see the motes in our neighbors' eyes; their traditions and problems are not ours, and we can readily persuade ourselves that we should have been juster, more disinterested, more generous, in such and such a case, than they. It would better behoove us to listen with open minds to the criticisms of our own conduct on the part of these others. For abstract ideals easily go by the board in the face of concrete exigencies; and to see ourselves as others see us is a salutary discipline.

In a word, it is not more patriotism quantitatively / that we need, but a higher quality of patriotism; not the sort of patriotism that has a chip on its shoulder, but the sort that seeks to make our nation first in justice, honor, and international service. And even more imperatively, the sort of patriotism that will make us conscious of our national solidarity, and glad to sacrifice our personal interests to the greatest welfare of our people as a whole. "America first" should mean precisely that; the welfare of our country before our personal advantage. In the words of Mr. Elihu Root, "True love of country means a little different feeling toward every American because he is an American. It means a desire that every American shall be prosperous; it means kindly consideration for his opinions, for his views, for his interests, for his prejudices, and charity for his follies and his errors."

This sort of patriotism will not develop unaided, from Fourth of July celebrations and salutations of the flag. It must be carefully fostered, by systematic

and skillful training. It requires the vigilance of every high-minded citizen to keep it from lapsing into its more primitive forms. But if it can be developed in masses of our countrymen into the noble passion that it has been in our greatest leaders, it will be a dynamic of incalculable power and beneficence.

"Out of a land of comfort and of ease,

Holding for conscience' sake the world well lost,
Our dauntless fathers dared the winter seas,
The savage arrow, and the hungry frost,
Knowing the danger, counting well the cost.
The legend of their courage we recall-
We thrill with pride to know that in our veins
The glow of that heroic blood remains.
We thrill-and that is all.

"We pile our heroes' cairns, each year a stone;
It is our joy the starry flag to wave
For those who died for freedom of our own
And those who died for freedom of the slave.
Laying our laurel on each patriot's grave,
Proudly we tell of liberty's great price.

And echo with a glibness undismayed

Words bled from the deep hearts of those who paid.
Shall not their blood suffice?

"We who have grown so perfect in the word,
Where is the holy lightning of the deed?

We of the facile heart so quickly stirred

And soothed with dreams ere it has time to bleed,
Vainly we call ourselves the Pilgrim seed-
Where is the Pilgrim soul that braved the sea
For a pure conscience? God awake the men
Of power to make America again

A country of the free!"

SUGGESTED READINGS

Lincoln's Gettysburg Address.

J. M. Gathany, ed., American Patriotism in Prose and Verse. G. K. Chesterton, Patriotism, in The Defendant.

George Santayana, Reason in Society, Chap. VII.

R. B. Perry, The Free Man and the Soldier, Chap. III.

Bertrand Russell, Political Ideals, Chap. V.
Rabindranath Tagore, Nationalism.

Gifford Pinchot, The Fight for Conservation, XII.

L. A. Mead, Patriotism and the New Internationalism.

I. W. Howerth, in Educational Review, vol. 44, p. 13. (Reprinted in Fulton, op. cit., p. 210).

Arthur Bullard, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 119, p. 491.

F. M. Stawell, in International Journal of Ethics, vol. 25, p. 292. Alfred Jordan, in International Journal of Ethics, vol. 15, p. 1.

CHAPTER XXVI

PEACEABLENESS

A PATRIOTIC people need not be militant; and in spite of the half dozen wars that we have waged during the brief span of our national life, we are a peace-loving folk. We have tried to observe Washington's injunction to "observe good faith and justice toward all nations," and to live in relations of mutual esteem and good will with the rest of the world.

We cannot control the spirit of other nations. But to no small extent, their attitude toward us will be determined by our attitude toward them. Emerson thus expressed the fearlessness with which a peaceloving people faces the future: "Whenever we see the doctrine of peace embraced by a nation, we may be assured that it will not be one that invites injury; but one, on the contrary, which has a friend in the bottom of the heart of every man, even of the violent and the base; one against which no weapon can prosper; one which is looked upon as the asylum of the human race and has the tears and the blessings of mankind."

Our hatred of war results from no lack of daring or ambition. On the contrary, our people have sprung from the more adventurous and hardy of the Old World, who had the courage and persistence to cross the ocean and make a new life for themselves in a faraway land. When we have had to face war we have fought as fiercely and as fearlessly as any. But our

composite origin, our distance from the ancient feuds of Europe, and the relative security afforded by our isolation, have given us a calmer outlook and enabled us to see war for the horror that it is. It was our General Sherman whose dictum "War is hell" has become so famous. And the boys who made such a gallant record for America on the fields of France · have for the most part come home resolved that if they can help it, no such horror shall recur.

But the American spirit is not that of non-resistance to evil. We were very reluctant, as a people, to enter the Great War; but the day came when it seemed a worse evil to stay out than to go in. There are wrongs so intolerable that even the horrors of war are to be preferred. And we must face the fact that such a situation may, possibly, arise again. If an aggressive military imperialism again seeks to enslave a weaker country, to seize its territory, crush its peoples' spirit, and plunder its resources for its own aggrandizement, and if no other way than war seems open to prevent that black and cruel tyranny, then war there must be again. Better that millions should die on the field, better that civilization should perish, if need be, than that such injustice should be done. So speaks the traditional American spirit.

America's passion for justice has been voiced by no one more eloquently than by Roosevelt. "Peace is not the end," he declared, "Righteousness is the end . . . It is a wicked thing to be neutral between right and wrong." "The chief trouble comes from the entire inability of these worthy people to understand that they are demanding things that are mutually incompatible when they demand peace at any price and also justice and righteousness." "The golden hopes of mankind can be realized only by men who have iron