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economic problems involved. The point of this chapter is simply that ways must be found and utilized to cure the generally recognized evils of Privilege and Profiteering. The continuance of our American traditions depends, among other things, upon our success in this undertaking.

Success in this undertaking would be the realization of what Roosevelt meant by the Square Deal. In his address to the Ohio Constitutional Convention, in 1912, he declared, "This country, as Lincoln said, belongs to the people. So do the natural resources which make it rich. . . . It will help the people little to conserve our national wealth unless the benefits which it can yield are secured to the people."

The fact is, in a nutshell, that prosperity-and all the human goods that material prosperity makes possible—has been far too dependent upon the accident of birth. To give every child, so far as possible, an equal start in the race, we should see to it that, however poor his parents may be, he has a chance for health and education and an adequate livelihood. We must recognize that every child belongs not only to his parents but to the nation; he is a potential asset— or a potential weakling, incompetent, or even criminal. We must send him into life fairly equipped for the struggle. And on the other hand, we must see to it that the possession of the strategic positions by a group of owners of land and resources and important industries does not make it too difficult for him to succeed, and win for his family a fair share of the good things of life. It is not that we begrudge luxury and power to the fortunate and clever, but that we must have a Square Deal for those who are less fortunate or less clever in the acquisitive line. As Wilson has written, "America was set up that she

might be different from all the nations of the world in this: that the strong could not push the weak to the wall."

SUGGESTED READINGS

J. A. Ryan, Distributive Justice.

J. M. Mecklin, Introduction to Social Ethics, Chapter XVII. H. George, Jr., The Menace of Privilege.

F. C. Howe, Privilege and Democracy in America.

H. D. Lloyd, Wealth against Commonwealth.

W. J. Ashley, The Tariff Problem.

F. W. Taussig, Principles of Economics, Chapters 36, 37.
H. W. Hamilton, Current Economic Problems, pp. 268-343.
Stephen Leacock, The Unsolved Riddle of Social Justice.
W. L. Tucker, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 112, p. 480

H. A. Overstreet, in International Journal of Ethics, vol. 25, p. 165.

A. K. Rogers, in International Journal of Ethics, vol. 28, p. 143, 406.

J. H. Hollander, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 110, p. 492.

PART THREE

DEMOCRACY

CHAPTER XV

POLITICAL DEMOCRACY

THE Declaration of Independence declared that governments "derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." Lincoln defined Democracy as "government of the people, by the people, for the people"; and defended it by the assertion, already quoted, that "no man is good enough to govern another man without that other's consent."

More concretely, Democracy implies the choosing of legislators and executives by the people. In an autocracy the rulers are not chosen by the people; or even if, on rare occasion, they are so chosen, they are not responsible to the people when once in office. Democracy does away with the doctrine of the divine right of monarchs to do as they please; it makes the voice of the people the ultimate authority. Practically, that means the voice of the majority of the people; for if action is to go forward, there can be no waiting for unanimous agreement. But no individual or class in a democracy has a privileged position. Every adult counts for one; and the preponderance of opinion or desire determines policy.

Not only do all the people, in a democracy, have a share in the election of officials to govern, but every individual has the right to seek and hold office. There is no hereditary ruling class; anyone can attain the highest political position who can persuade his fellow

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