sembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations:

"1. That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now more than ever before demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.

"3. That to the union of the states, this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population; its surprising development of material resources and its rapid augmentation of wealth; its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, from whatever source they may come, and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by Democratic members without rebuke, and with applause from their political associates. And we denounce those threats of disunion in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy as denying the vital principles of free government, and as an avowal contemplated of treason, which it is the imperative duty of a free people sternly to rebuke and forever silence."

The convention then passed a resolution committing its members to the doctrine that "the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends. And we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of any state or territory, no matter upon what pretext, as amongst the gravest of crimes.

"7. That the new dogma, that the constitution of its own force carries slavery into any or all of the terri

tories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy-at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent, is revolutionary in its tendency and is subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.

"17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the cooperation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support."

CHAPTER X.

The Peace convention-Organization--Personnel of the conventionAmendments proposed to the constitution--Insolence of secessionists-Call from Judge Douglas.

The Peace convention which assembled on February 4, 1861, convened under circumstances of great political confusion and uncertainty. It was organized by the election of Judge Tyler, former President of the United States, as president of the convention, Crafts J. Wright, of Ohio, secretary.

The delegates from Illinois, who were appointed by Governor Yates, were John Wood, Stephen T. Logan, John M. Palmer, Burton C. Cook and Thos. J. Turner.

After Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Washington, he expected nothing from the proceedings of the convention, and advised us to deal as liberally as possible with the subject of slavery. He pointed out to us the impossibility of restoring the Union without a struggle, in which we concurred. He said, "whatever I may think of the merit of the various propositions suggested, I should regard any concession in the face of a menace, as the destruction of the government itself, and a consent on all hands that our system should be brought down to a level with the disorganized state of affairs in Mexico. But this thing will hereafter be, as it is now, in the hands of the people, and if they desire to call a convention to remove any grievances complained of, or to give new guarantees for the pnrpose of vested rights, it is not mine to oppose."

The convention consisted of some of the most distinguished citizens of the several states. It contained William P. Fessenden and Lot M. Morrill, of Maine; Amos Tuck, from New Hampshire; L. E. Chittenden, who reported the proceedings of the convention, from

Vermont; Geo. S. Boutwell, afterwards secretary of the treasury in Grant's cabinet, from Massachusetts; David Dudley Field, Wm. Curtis Noyes, a distinguished lawyer, James S. Wadsworth, who was killed during the civil war as a volunteer in the United States army, Erastus Corning, Green C. Bronson and General John E. Wool, from New York; John Tyler, Wm. C. Rives, the distinguished senator, and James A. Seddon, afterwards Confederate secretary of war, from Virginia; among others were George Davis, attorney-general under the Confederate government; Daniel M. Ballinger, minister to Spain during Buchanan's term; Thomas Martin, whom I afterwards met at Pulaski, Tennessee, under different circumstances; William Hickerson, of Manchester, Tennessee, and General F. K. Zollicoffer, who was killed at the battle of Mill Springs; from Kentucky there was William O. Butler, candidate for vice-president on the ticket of Cass and Butler; James B. Clay (son of Henry Clay), Joshua F. Bell, Charles S. Morehead, who had been governor of Kentucky; James Guthrie, who had been secretary of the treasury, and Charles A. Wickliffe, afterwards governor of Kentucky; Salmon P. Chase, afterwards chief-justice; Thomas Ewing, the great senator from Ohio; and others equally worthy of mention, from the various states.

The convention recommended that the following be proposed to the several states as amendments to the constitution of the United States:

"ART. 13, SEC. 1. In all the present territory of the United States north of the parallel of 36° 30" north latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line the status of persons held to involuntary service or labor as it now exists shall not be changed; nor shall any law be passed by congress, or the territorial legislature to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the states of this Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said rela

lation, but the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the federal courts according to the course of the common law. When any territory north or south of said line within such boundary as congress may prescribe shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union, on equal footing with the original states, with or without involuntary servitude, as the constitution of said state may provide.

"SEC. 2. No territory shall be acquired by the United States except by discovery, and for naval and commercial stations, depots and transit routes, without the concurrence of a majority of all the senators from states which allow involuntary servitude, and the majority of all the senators from states which prohibit that relation. Nor shall territory be acquired by treaty unless the votes of a majority of the senators from each class of states hereinbefore mentioned be cast as a part of the two-thirds majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty.

"SEC. 3. Neither the constitution nor any amendment thereof shall be construed to give congress power to regulate, abolish or control, within any state, the relation established or recognized by the laws thereof, touching any person held to labor or involuntary service therein, nor to interfere with or abolish involuntary service in the District of Columbia without the consent of Maryland and without the consent of the owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation; nor the power to interfere with or prohibit representatives and others from bringing with them to the District of Columbia, retaining and taking away persons so held to labor or service; nor the power to interfere with or abolish involuntary service in places under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States within those states and territories where the same is established or recognized; nor the power to prohibit the removal or