The Real Lincoln: From the Testimony of His ContemporariesE. Waddey Company, 1904 - 230 pages |
Other editions - View all
Common terms and phrases
abolition Abolitionists Abraham Lincoln ardent arms arrest attitude B. F. Butler Baltimore bitter Butler's Book Cabinet called CHAPTER Charles Francis Adams Chase Civil coercion coln concedes Confederacy Confederate Armies Congress Constitution Davis Democratic describes despotic draft editor election Emancipation Proclamation follows Fort Sumter Fowlke friends Fugitive-Slave Law gives Government Governor Greeley Hamlin Horace Greeley Ida Tarbell Illinois Indiana James Russell Lowell John Kentucky leaders Legislature letter Lowell loyal Maryland McClellan ment military Missouri Morse Morton negroes Nicolay and Hay North and West Northern Official Records Ohio Pennsylvania Piatt political President Lincoln Rebellion regiments Reminiscences of Lincoln resistance Rhodes quotes Rhodes says History Russell says Abraham says Lincoln Schouler seceded secession Secretary Stanton Senator sentiment Serial Seward shows slavery slaves soldiers South Southern Sumter sympathy tells testimony tion troops Union and Confederate Union army United Vallandigham Virginia volunteers vote Washington Wendell Phillips wrote York
Popular passages
Page 61 - ... ../Any people anywhere being inclined and having the power have the right to rise up and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits them better.
Page 8 - Come wealth or want, come good or ill, Let young and old accept their part, And bow before the Awful Will, And bear it with an honest heart, Who misses or who wins the prize. — Go, lose or conquer as you can ; But if you fail, or if you rise, Be each, pray God, a gentleman.
Page 99 - And, whenever a considerable section of our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall resist all coercive measures designed to keep it in. We hope never to live in a republic whereof one section is pinned to the residue by bayonets.
Page 52 - If it did now exist among us, we should not instantly give it up. This I believe of the masses North and South. Doubtless there are individuals on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew, if it were out of existence. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North, and become tip-top Abolitionists; while some Northern ones go South, and become most cruel slavemasters.
Page 196 - Now you are about to have a convention, which, among other things, will probably define the elective franchise. I barely suggest for your private consideration, whether some of the colored people may not be let in — as, for instance, the very intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks. They would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of liberty within the family of freedom. But this is only a suggestion, not to the public, but to you alone.
Page 53 - Free them, and make them politically and socially, our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of white people will not.
Page 53 - When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin of slavery than we, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it, in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the saying. I surely will not blame them for not doing what I should not know how to do myself.
Page 99 - Government that have become oppressive or injurious ; and, if the Cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace.
Page 53 - ... will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment is not the sole question, if indeed it is any part of it. A universal feeling, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safely disregarded. We cannot make them equals.
Page 144 - I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and the job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to separation at once, including the surrender of this capital.