swim, to shoot, and to race. There is happily no danger of her recommendations of such a Spartan course being adopted; and I think that from a consideration of these and similar cases, America may rest perfectly satisfied with the reflection that though she cannot boast of her Hy. patias, she can refer with satisfaction to her thousands of Cornelias. CHAPTER XXVI. THE GOVERNMENT. AMERICA, which at the period of the Independ ence consisted of only thirteen States, has now twenty-four, besides East and West Florida, the Territories of Arkansaw and Michigan, and the District of Columbia. Each of the States has its own government in what relates to its internal regulations, the federal government being limited to foreign affairs, and to a few special ones of domestic policy. The plan of confederation is admirable. It tends to unite in brotherly love, States which would otherwise often be at variance, and peace is so invaluable a blessing, that whatever is calculated to preserve it, must promote the happiness and welfare of the people. If the Amphictyonic Council of Greece, had been established on as broad a basis as the Ame. rican Congress, the evils of the Peloponnesian war might have been prevented, and perhaps the liberties of the country secured against Roman and Turkish usurpation. Before however, offering any remarks on the excellence or defects of the federal government, it may be as well to ad. vert to the State governments. The Constitutions of these governments are all republican, though no two are exactly correspondent. The electoral qualifications vary considerably, in some, the suffrage being nearly universal, in others, limited by property. From the best accounts I could obtain, those States are the best regulated where the qualifications are the highest. In Maryland and New York, where persons with little or no property vote, I heard much dissatisfaction expressed. In Virginia, where the suffrage is limited to the owners of fifty acres of freehold land, or a freehold house of equivalent value, I found a general approval of the conduct of the government. I of course speak of the better informed classes, for those who have no property at stake, are always contenders for the superior excellence of universal suffrage: yet even amongst the latter, I found the ground of complaint to be, not that any evil resulted from the limitation, but that they had by nature a right to vote. In most of the States, the magistracy are elected by the people for a limited period. In Pennsylvania, they are appointed by the Governor for life, or at least, during good behaviour. From this circumstance, I was led to enquire, whether the Pennsylvanians are worse off than their neigh bours. After due enquiry, I judged not. I learnt that unfit persons are sometimes placed into office, from political or selfish causes; but I could learn no reasonable objection to the system of appointment, which would not apply with increased weight to popular election. Hence I am led to believe, that the advocates for universal suffrage have fallen into a great error, in supposing that natural justice demands it. All that is wanted in society, is the promotion of the general good; and if this can be better secured, as it assuredly can be, by a limited than by an unlimited right of suffrage, natural justice requires, that some should yield what otherwise they would be entitled to. In New Jersey, voting at one time was exercised by women as well as men. Indeed, there seems to be about as much reason for every woman having a right to vote, as every man. Where suffrage is universal, it follows that power is taken from the most intelligent, and given to the least, as will be evident by considering that the uneducated and ignorant abound most amongst the poor, who are necessarily the most numerous class in society. At the same time, I think that it is both unjust and impolitic, to exclude from the exercise of suffrage, a whole class like the blacks, merely because of the colour of their skin. A poor man by industry and frugality may become rich; but it is physically impossible for a black to become white. There therefore the hardship lies. He feels himself an outlaw without just cause, and irremediably so. 1 It is sometimes said, that universal suffrage is the best security against the use of bribery, from the impossibility of bribing a large multitude. But a member of Congress told me, that he could bribe half his constituents with whiskey; and I was assured, that the election for Baltimore, had been secured by one of the candidates solely by bribery, though not by the direct use of money. Human nature is substantially the same every where: hence arises the propriety of limiting the suffrage to those who are least likely to be corrupted. Many persons in America, warm friends to their country and its institutions, told me that great evils would be prevented in several of the States, if the suffrage were more limited than it is. One gentleman who formerly advocated general, if not universal suffrage, assured me that the late extension of it in New York, had not produced the good which he and others had anticipated. As however, the mass of the people have a strong liking for general suffrage, demagogues avail themselves of the feeling, to ingratiate themselves into public es |