Canadian citizens is taken into consideration it will be noted that the exchange of people intending to take up their residence in the other country is virtually equal. With respect to Mexico, it is admitted that the United States official statistics of Mexicans leaving the United States are not complete. It is also admitted that no one who is acquainted with the Mexican border situation will contend that no Mexicans entered the United States illegally or that all that left this country were recorded. I do not think there is any doubt about that. The entry of nonquota immigrants born in Mexico from July 1, 1924, to June 30, 1927, amounted to 186,179, while the immigration from all countries to the United States amounted to almost 1,250,000 during the same period. The ambassador to Mexico reports that, according to official figures of the Mexican migration service published in July, 1927, Mexicans returned to Mexico from the United States in the following numbers during the years indicated. The Department of Labor's statistics covering natives of Mexico admitted to the United States during the fiscal years beginning July 1, - 1924, 1925, and 1926 are also given to facilitate comparison: I might add here that of course neither the Labor Department nor the State Department guarantees these figures. My sole information as to the number returning are from the labor statistics and from those of the migration department of Mexico, and I give it to you for what it is worth. I would like to have the committee, if possible, get all the information it can substantiating those figures. The Department of Labor figures as to immigrants coming into this country are in 1924, 50,601; in 1925, 58,423; in 1926, 77,155. While the Mexican department of migration states that the number of Mexicans in the United States returning to Mexico in those years was a good deal more than that. There is no way of explaining it unless the Mexican figures are wrong-I do not vouch for themor that a good many went back during those years who had come here during previous years. Senator REED. That were bootlegged across the border to avoid head tax? Secretary KELLOGG. Yes, and then went back. The Department of Labor in the report of Mr. Husband says comparatively few aliens returned to Mexico by sea, so that the records from 1908 to and including 1927 are of little or no value. Moreover, it is obviously difficult to make a record of all aliens leaving the United States over the land borders, and field officers of the Immigration Service tell me that the figures reported for the Mexican border are not complete. * * * The figures in this regard from 1918 to 1927 are given below. I will insert that table in my statement. But in 1924 the Department of Labor's figures are 1,878; in 1925, 2,875; in 1926, 3,158. Manifestly, "of course," the Department of Labor says, "no one who is acquainted with the Mexican border situation will contend that no Mexicans entered illegally or that all who left the country were recorded." However, they are required by Mexican law to present themselves to the Mexican immigration authorities; and, as I say, I telegraphed to Mr. Morrow to see the number according to their statistics who went back. (The table last above referred to is as follows:) It is perfectly evident throughout all the Southwest that many of them do come here for seasonal labor and go back, and that they do not come here to remain permanently as immigrants. Senator REED. Mr. Secretary, if I may suggest at that point, we get some light from the census figures? Secretary KELLOGG. Undoubtedly. Senator REED. And they show that in 1900, 1910, and 1920 the number of Mexican-born inhabitants of the United States has grown double in each decade. Secretary KELLOGG. Yes; that is probably true. I have not looked up those statistics, but you will find the greater number of them live in California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. They do not penetrate to any great extent to the industrial centers in the North. Senator WILLIS. Are they confined to any considerable extent in the iron and steel business of your State? Senator REED. Yes. Senator WILLIS. Quite a good many are in the Mahoning Valley in Ohio. Secretary KELLOGG. I do not know where they come from. The census of 1920 shows Mexican-born white aliens residing in the United States by States, and shows Pennsylvania having only 1,648. Senator REED. There has been a very considerable migration since that time. Secretary KELLOGG. And the number that came in during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1927, the destination as given was Pennsylvania, 275. It is difficult to get it except from the statistics, but this table which I will give you further on-I shall not read it all-shows the location of the Mexicans in this country in 1920 and their location by States. Senator WILLIS. Would you mind just citing what it is for Ohio? I am greatly interested in that, of course. Secretary KELLOGG. In Ohio there were 915 given as Mexicans citizens under the census of 1920, and in 1927 only 200 gave their destination as Ohio. Of course, there may be others that have gone there, but that is the destination given in 1927. Senator WILLIS. I understand. Secretary KELLOGG. So I think you will find that when it is said there are 15,000 of them working in the Gary mills it is exaggerated many, many times. The fact that the number of Mexicans who returned from the United States to Mexico exceeded the number of aliens admitted from the latter country during approximately the same period can probably be attributed, if the statistics are accurate, to the inclusion in the first total either of Mexicans who had entered the United States prior to the period in question or of those who entered the United States without inspection, or both. In discussing the serious disadvantages foreseen in the event legislation is enacted applying quota restrictions to the countries above mentioned, the situation with regard to those countries presenting no immigration problem themselves as far as the United States is concerned will be dealt with separately. These include the independent republics of Central and South America, Cuba, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Newfoundland, and Canada. Of course, Haiti and the Dominican Republic are nominal; only a few come here. In July of last year the diplomatic missions of the United States in Central and South America were asked to submit reports based on their knowledge of official and public opinion in the countries to which they were accredited as to the probable offect upon relations of such countries with the United States of the enactment of legislation applying quota restrictions to immigrants from Latin America. The replies justify the statement that the imposition of numerical limitations on the Central and South American countries would be deeply resented by them. The reports indicate that these countries feel that there should be the greatest freedom of travel and communication between the countries of this hemisphere, and that they are cognizant and appreciative of the privileged status they now enjoy under the immigration act of 1924. They are disposed to consider it in fact a manifestation of that high regard which this Government has for them, and a tangible evidence of the close association of the American countries. Under existing law in these countries, American citizens are now permitted to travel and settle in their territory quite freely. Moreover there is now a certain community of interest among the American countries having similar immigration problems and some indication of a tendency to follow similar policies. The reports from American diplomatic representatives in these countries are practically unanimous in their statement that the application of quota restrictions to the countries of Central and South America could not fail to be interpreted by them as a radical departure from the traditional policy of this country toward Latin America and as evidence of unwillingness to continue to regard them as equals and neighbors having common problems, interests, and aims. They have given and are giving their fair share toward the development of the Western Hemisphere in cooperation with the United States. They have a sense of real pride in their achievements and in the qualities of their people. They are well aware of the fact that there is no danger of considerable immigration to the United States from anyone of them except Mexico and the increase of immigration from that country is problematical. The enactment of such legislation would be seized upon by certain elements within those countries and abroad which are unfriendly to the United States in general and to its policies on immigration in particular as an excuse to stir up feeling against this country, its citizens, and its interests. It is certain that the Latin-American press would indulge in considerable hostile comment and thus materially assist those who wish to impair the good relations which now exist between the United States and Latin Amreica. Action of the kind contemplated at this time could easily result in a campaign of anti-Americanism which would go far toward undoing all that has been accomplished toward effecting closer relations with other American countries during the past quarter of a century and make difficult further efforts in that direction. Not only would this be very regrettable from a point of view of international policy but it would be apt to have an adverse effect upon the prosperity of American business interests in those countries. It is believed worth while to include excerpts from certain communications from American organizations having business relations with the countries under discussion in which they express the opinion that American business would be adversely affected through the placing of quotas on South and Central American countries. The vice president of a mining company writes under date of February 15, 1928, saying: We understand that there is proposed legislation before Congress that has for its purpose the restriction of immigration from the Latin American countries. If such restriction is to apply to Chile its effect on our operations would be indeed serious. The temperament of the Chilean combined with the present demand in Chile for nationalization of industries make reprisals a certainty. We have developed and placed in operation in Chile at a heavy capital expenditure a property capable of producing 200,000,000 pounds of copper per year. To operate this property successfully demands an operating staff of special training that can not be obtained in Chile. Managers, engineers, especially trained operators, and accountants are the only type of men sent to Chile by American corporations. A reprisal reacting on this class of men would undoubtedly seriously jeopardize our operations. The attitude of the Chilean toward the United States has ranged from animosity to friendship. The American business interests in Chile have used every endeavor to establish friendly relations between the two nations and with some success. The national feeling that would result from the restriction of immigration from Latin American countries would be a serious handicap to the continuance of such relations and make more difficult the negotiation of business problems that are continually arising between American business interests and the Chilean Government. We therefore respectfully but earnestly protest against any legislation designed to restrict immigration from Central and South American countries and trust that the administration will use every endeavor to defeat such legislation. Mr. Charles M. Pepper, who has lived in Chile for years off and on, that is, he is there ever year and represents the Chile-American Society, writes even a stronger letter. I am not going to take the time to read it, but shall insert it in the record. The Chile-American Association, whose members have large interests not only in Chile but in other Latin-American countries, is deeply concerned over the unfavorable effect of the proposed ban on Latin-American immigration as embodied in the bills recently introduced in the House of Representatives and the Senate. The mere introduction of these measures already has caused unfavorable comment. Our information is that should they be enacted into laws a serious situation will arise which will affect not only business intercourse but political relations with the United States. In all Latin-American countries public sentiment is very sensitive to anything which seems to reflect on their civilization. Whatever may be the economic reasons alleged for the proposed legislation it will be interpreted as an affront. National pride will be wounded and resentment engendered. This unquestionably will react on the business and political relations with the United States. This would be particularly unfortunate at the present time, when so much is being done at the Pan American Conference in Habana to promote a better understanding of the purposes and aims of the United States in its intercourse with the Latin-American Republics. General business would be affected unfavorably, and there is the further possibility of hostile legislation toward the industrial companies with a view to hampering their employment of North Americans in their enterprises. The policy of the North American companies engaged in development enterprises in South America, and also of the commercial firms, is to employ natives wherever possible. It is, however, necessary to have a certain proportion of citizens of the United States in all these enterprises. Measures which might be adopted by the various Republics with the purpose of supplanting these citizens in retaliation for the immigration laws of the United States would interfere seriously with the efficient operation of the industrial plants and business concerns and would cause other embarrassments. This is an incident to the general situation. The immigration from the Latin-American countries into the United States, except in the case of Mexico, is very small nor is it likely to increase. It can have no economic effect nor does it in any way interfere with the principles on which the general immigration law is founded. This is a further reason for avoiding an issue which raises a question of sentiment among peoples with whom sentiment enters so largely into their national policies. The Chile-American Association is made up of the following: American Smelting & Refining Co. Anaconda Copper Mining Co. Bethlehem Chile Iron Mines Co. E. I. Du Pont de Nemours & Co. (Du Pont Nitrate Co.) W. R. Grace & Co. Guggenheim Bros. (Braden Copper Co.) (Anglo-Chilean Consolidated Nitrate Corporation.) International General Electric Co. Ingersoll-Rand Co. National City Bank. United States Steel Products Co. Westinghouse Electric International Co. West India Oil Co. The president of another company states with regard to the passage of legislation such as that now contemplated: It will arouse bitter feeling throughout Central and South America and undo a large part of the good the administration has already accomplished in establishing friendly relations and a better feeling throughout Latin American countries. |