schools; and I know that, in the compilation of all the books, it has been their conscientious aim to employ only well-tested school-room methods. The general plan of criticism and revision has been to distribute proof pamphlets of each work, not only to the members of the board, but also to a number of the enterprising and intelligent teachers of the State, and to take their suggestions into consideration.

The method of distributing the books to pupils has not been fully or satisfactorily settled. That is one of the most perplexing problems in. volved in the whole scheme of State publication. The provision for this in the original act of the Legislature was not well considered.

A bill to amend that act in this particular, which is before the Legislature, now in session, provides as follows:

SEC. 6. All orders for text-books shall be made on the superintendent of public instruction, and shall be accompanied by cash, in payment for the same, at the price fixed by the State board of education as the cost price at Sacramento: Provided, That if the books are to be shipped by mail, the cost of postage shall also accompany the order. The following persons shall be entitled to order books:

(1) County superintendents of schools, for the use of teachers and pupils in their counties.

(2) Principals of State normal schools, for use in their respective schools only. (3) The secretary or clerk of any school district in the State, whether incorporated or operating under the general law of the State, for the use of the pupils in said district only, but no books ordered by county superintendents, prin cipals of normal schools, or clerks of school districts, shall be sold at a price exceeding the cost price at Sacramento, with the actual cost for freight added.

(4) Any dealer who shall first transmit to the State superintendent of public instruction an obligation, signed by him, not to sell to be sold again, or to any one beyond the limits of the State, or at a price exceeding the mailing price of the books.

These provisions will probably become law, and in this way it is hoped that all classes of citizens will be conveniently and cheaply served.

Four candidates for the authorship of the United States history submitted specimen chapters. Superintendent Hoitt has control of that subject, and has directed that the engraving shall go forward of such matter as can be determined upon in advance of the complete writing of the work.

Nothing definite has been done about a geography, further than to get from the State printer an estimate of the cost of plates.

Of the $150,000 appropriated for plant, labor, and material, $120,000 has been expended.

Of the $20,000 for compiling, $9,000 has been expended.

One hundred and eighty-thousand dollars is asked from the present Legislature for compilation and manufacture. By the bill making this appropriation it is to be expended in making, say, 50,000 books of each kind, after which the further editions shall be made from money drawn from the fund accruing from the sales. The cost of plates, plant, compilation, and illustration has been distributed by the board over an estimated supply for twelve years. There are in stock (in round numbers) 3536-No. 3——12

$40,000 worth of finished books at the cost valua tion. This, of course, comes back when they are sold. The gentleman, Mr. Kinne, who contributed the selections, used as the basis for making the readers, did so without asking or receiving pay. Mr. Willis, who made the speller, received $1,000.

All the work of every kind in the readers and speller has been done in California. The designs, costing about $900, were made by artists of California. They were Thomas Hill, Miss A. Randall, and Carl Dahlgreen, of San Francisco, and Mrs. Miriam Weeks, of Sonoma County, whose previous work had been done for London publications, she having been in California but three years. The engraving was done in the capitol building by engravers employed by the week. The amount paid for this work was about $2,300.

The committee on resolutions made the following report; which was adopted:

Resolved (1), That our thanks are due to Professor Baird for the use of this commodious room for holding our meetings; and also the local committee for their efficient preparation for the same.

Resolved (2), That our thanks are due to the railroad corporations that have favored us with a reduction of rates of transportation.

Resolved (3), That our thanks are due the press of this city for the interest taken in our proceedings and the courtesy shown in the publication of the same.

Resolved (4), That we tender our thanks to the hotel proprietors who have kindly reduced their rates for the benefit of those attending this session.

Resolved (5), That our thanks are hereby tendered to the president and executive committee of this Department for the efficient and acceptable manner in which they have performed their duties.

Resolved (6), That the National Department of Superintendents looks with favor upon the disposition of some of the colleges and universities to recognize public school work as a profession, and that we appreciate what has been done towards establishing chairs of pedagogy in a few of them.

Resolved (7), That it is the sense of this Department of Superintendence that if satisfactory railroad and hotel rates be guara n teed, it would be in the interest of the National Educational Association that its session for 1883 be held in San Francisco. Resolved (8), That the secretary of this Department be instructed to forward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to the secretary of the National Education Association.

NINTH SESSION.

The convention re-assembled at 7.30 p. m., Thursday, March 17, 1887. The PRESIDENT: The first thing on the programme is a privileged statement by Major Bingham, of North Carolina.

Maj. ROBERT BINGHAM: I find myself reported this morning as having said last night that there were no free manual training schools in the South. Several gentlemen, besides the reporter, so understood me, and I rise to correct the misstatement, if I made it. We have in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Arka nsas manual schools, mechanical and agricultural, sustained by the proceeds of the land scrip given by the Government, but they are called colleges for higher in

struction. There is the Miller School in Virginia, doing a most excel lent work, and there are several excellent schools supported by Northern charity for colored people, so that we are doing this work. Even in North Carolina, my own State, we have an orphan asylum, for which the State has made an appropriation for the agricultural and mechanical training of two hundred orphans. This has been in operation for a year. The statement I wished to make was that we have no manual training connected with the public schools, distinctly supported by school taxes. That kind of manual training we have not been able to have. It seems to me doubtful if it can be had in the North even. That was the statement I wished to make, that so far as public school work was concerned, sustained by school-tax money, we have not as yet been able to reach it. Otherwise we are doing as much as can be expected under the circumstances.

The PRESIDENT: The subject for discussion is "The Relation of our Public Schools to the General Government."

Major McKinley, who was expected to be present, is called away and has sent his regrets. Senator Blair, who some months ago was asked to participate in the discussion, at that time thought he could not accept. Since that time, however, he has kindly accepted the invitation, and I am glad to say he is with us to-night and will talk upon this subject. I have the honor to introduce Senator Blair.

Senator H. W. BLAIR: I am sorry, my friends, that your greeting cannot be extended to the gentleman who was to be present and to address you upon this subject. It was the day before yesterday, I think, that I understood he was to be absent, and your president called upon me and requested that I would say a few words, which I am here to do. As suggested by the chairman, this is one of the most important subects that engages our attention. Being an important subject, it could hardly be more appropriately considered than by the educators of the country, because really in the hands of the educators of the country lies its fate; and this question, the relation of the schools of the country to the nation, and the nation to the schools, which can only be a practical question as you consider it and as you may discourse upon it-this question I say, thus important, thus engaging your attention, may, I think, very properly be taken up on this last meeting of your associa tion, because I think just now in the existing relations between the nation and the schools of the country, in the existing condition of the public mind, that there are influences now in operation which must be led to work out fairly and fully their ultimate fruition, or by the consideration of the present or the immediate future be destroyed, so that their influence for good in the whole future of our country will as an element disappear. If the members of this convention were to take home to the several States which they represent any one thought for the immediate present and future, I think it may well be the relation between the nation and the public schools, There is a vast body of the people of

the country with whom by reason of the practice of the past and the fact that in those portions of the country where the system is well founded no other idea seems to prevail save that of local support and responsibility for the education of that community, and so of the country. That is the general sentiment, and the thought is an aggressive one which breaks up the existing order of things, which requires interference by the nation in the management of the schools, or in their support. The affirmative seems to be upon those who take the ground that now and in the future, or at least temporarily, until existing conditions are removed, the nation should become a factor in the education of the children.

I recognize that fact, that it is the right and duty of the nation to participate in the education of the children; I realize that it is upon me, as one individual, to maintain affirmatively, that right. The public mind must be first convinced. When I say that the public school is practically the government of the country, I do not mean to say that for the legislation of to-day and for the administration of the laws of to-day the public schools of to-day are responsible, but I do mean to say that the influence of the public schools in the past, the development of intelligence among our people by educative influences and institutions, is responsible for the conditions that exist to-day, for the character and capacity, for the nature of the nation, as it now is; and just so with reference to the future educational influences that are at work to-day; just so, I say, the future is to be founded upon these influences. I say that I consider the public school the Government. The forms of our Government, both national and State, are republican; they are based, of course, upon the intelligence of the people. From the beginning of the Government, and long years before, during the colonial period, when the idea of self-government was germinating and strengthening and expanding, enlarging and growing more and more vigorous, until it culminated in the Revolution and freedom, the public school, the idea of intelligence in the individual, was the formative principle which led to the republican form of government. Certainly, before a body of this kind, it is unnecessary to argue that without intelligence self-government is impossible. If it be so, it follows that self-government, once existing, can be prolonged by the continuation of moral intelligence in the children and those who are to co me afterwards. If the principle of intelligence be once demanded as indispensable to the exercise of sovereignty, and if the establishment of a republican form of government gives sovereignty to each individual, it follows that this individual must be intelligent if it be necessary that intelligence exist in the Government. We would hardly expect the king or the emperor or the czar to undertake the functions of his form of government without intelligence, but is it less difficult for the American people to rule themselves as a nation. Is it not, on the contrary, more difficult because of the universal subdivision of power? If intelligence be necessary to the government of the czar,

whose will is law, in order that he may carry out the functions of his form of government, is not intelligence equally necessary to every individual who is a sovereign in the republican form of government? Knowledge is power; government is power. The functions of government are precisely the same in a republic that they are in a despotism. There is the legislative power, which makes the law; the judicial power, which construes it; and the executive power, which executes it. The only difference is that with us these powers are universally diffused, the sovereignty is everywhere, in the whole people; while in the other case it is an unlimited, absolute monarchy or one man's power. If this be so, if knowledge is indispensable to the existence and to the preservation and perpetuity of the republican form of government, then the right to make the people intelligent is simply the right of self-defence, and the duty of self-defence. If we are to-day sufficiently intelligent to govern ourselves, the children who are born without education will grow up as ignorant as those in Africa. They must be educated; and the duty of the preservation of our institution is simply the duty of educating the children of the country, educating them religiously, morally, intellectually, and physically; and this is the great work that devolves upon the educators of the country, The National Government is republican in form, as much as are the governments of the States; and if intelligence be indispensable to the one it is also to the other; and if the right of defence belongs to the government of the State and can only be exercised by educating its people, equally so must that right of self-defence belong to the National Government, for it is equally republican in form; it is founded originally upon the people themselves; it is not an outgrowth of the State governments; it is independent of them; it is sovereign in its great and universal sphere. The nation is charged with the duty of guaranteeing to the States a republican form of gov ernment. If that republican form is intelligence among the masses of the people, and it be the duty, as it is made by the express terms of the Constitution the duty, of the nation to preserve perpetually to the States a republican form of government, how can that guarantee be fulfilled save by guaranteeing the intelligence of the people in the States ? That will give them a republican form of government in the States, and nothing else can. In order that we may fulfil this guarantee of free government, of a republican form of government in the States, must it not be able to preserve a republican form of government in itself? That is to say, must it not have the power, and exercise it, of making the universal citizenship of the whole country, the national citizenship, intelligent, in order that it may preserve and defend the government republican in form to the nation itself? Thus I think to educate the people within the jurisdiction of any government republican in form is simply the right of self-defence, the right to live.

I have sketched in this brief way what is to my mind the fundamental