means to secure the re-nomination of Mr. Lincoln for the presidency; a determination was expressed to prosecute the war until the cause of the Union triumphed; slavery was charged as the cause of the rebellion; they breathed the sentiments of a genuine patriotism and noble sympathy for the soldiers; extended thanks to the governor and all the State officials; indorsed the 13th amend ment abolishing slavery; and asserted the Monroe doctrine-that it was the duty of the U. S. to reinstate republican institutions on the continent of America, which looked to the French operations in Mexico.

The Democratic State Convention of 1864 also met at Springfield, but not till September 6th. The Hon. S. S. Hayes, of Cook, presided. The Chicago national democratic platform was adopted. James C. Robinson, of Clark, was nominated for Governor; S. Corning Judd, of Fulton, for Lieutenant Governor; John Hise, of LaSalle, for Auditor; Alexander Starne, of Pike, for Treasurer; William A. Turney, of Morgan, for Secretary of State; John P. Brooks, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and James C. Allen, of Crawford, for Congressman for the State-at-large.

The election in November, 1864, resulted in favor of the repub licans on the State ticket by an average majority exceeding 31,000 votes. The estimated gain of the republican vote on 1862 was over 69,000. The Legislature was republican, as follows: Senate 14 republicans to 11 democrats; House 51 republicans to 34 democrats; Union majority on joint ballot 20. Eleven out of the 14 congressmen elected were also republicans.

Richard J. Oglesby was born July 25th, 1824, in Oldham county, Kentucky. Bereft of parents at the tender age of eight, his early education was neglected. When 12 years old he removed with an uncle to Decatur. He was subsequently apprenticed to the carpenter's trade, worked occasionally at farming, studied law, essayed to practice it at Sullivan, this State, returned to Decatur, volunteered in the Mexican war, was elected 1st Lieut. Co. “C,” 4th Illinois regiment, and participated in the battle of Cerro Gordo. On his return he sought to perfect his law studies by attending the lectures at Louisville, took the gold fever then raging and crossed the plains to California, returned, and, in 1852, first appeared in politics as a Scott elector. Later he visited Europe and the Holy Land, returned, and, in 1858, offered for congress, but was beaten by the same competitor he had for governor in 1864. In 1860 he was elected a State Senator, but the following spring when the rebellion broke out, his ardent nature quickly responded to the demands of patriotism, and, as colonel of the Sth regiment, he tendered it as the second raised by the State for that conflict. He was shortly entrusted with important commands, and for a time stationed at Bird's Point and Cairo. At Fort Donelson his brigade was in the van, and, on the morning of the last day, the first to be attacked by the enemy, resulting in the loss of 500 men before reinforcements came to his support. At Corinth his and Hackleman's brigades held the rebels at bay during a large part of the afternoon; but in a daring charge the latter was killed, and Oglesby dangerously wounded in the left lung was borne from the field in expectation of immediate dissolution. On his recovery he was promoted for gallantry to a major generalship,

and in the spring of 1863 assigned to the command of the 16th army corps, but owing to the trouble of his wound, (he carried the rebel lead in his person) he relinquished active service within three months after.

Governor Oglesby is a fine appearing affable man, with regu lar, well defined features and rotund face. In stature he is a little above medium height, large frame and somewhat fleshy. His physical appearance is striking and prepossessing, while his straight-out, not to say bluff, manner and speech are well calculated to favorably impress the average masses. Ardent in feeling and strong in party bias, he inspires deep partisan prejudices in others. He is quite an effective stump orator. With a vehement, passionate and scornful tone and gestures, tremendous physical power, which, in speaking, he exercises to the utmost; with frequent descents to the grotesque, and with abundant homely comparisons or frontier figures, expressed in the broadest vernacular and enforced with stertorian emphasis, he delights a promiscuous audience beyond measure; while his bitter invective, bestowed without stint upon the opposition must gratify the extremest feeling of partisan hatred and animosity.

Lieut. Gov. Bross was born in Sussex county, New Jersey. His youth was mostly spent in the wilds of Pennsylvania, aiding his father in the hard toil of a lumberman and rafting on the Deleware. He acquired, however, a classical education, and afterwards, for many years, taught school. In 1848 he removed to Chicago and became a partner in the publishing house of Griggs, Bross & Co. But in Illinois he is chiefly known by his career as an editor. In 1852 he united with John L. Scripps and started the Democratic Press, a political and commercial newspaper. He was originally a democrat, but with the repeal of the Missouri compromise this paper forsook the democracy and aided in forming the republican party. In 1858 it was "consolidated" with the Tribune, and in 1860 the name of "Press" was dropped. No paper has perhaps exercised a larger influence upon the politics of Illinois, while at an early day it was the leading commercial medium of the northwest. Mr. Bross is a man of sound prac tical sense, varied and extensive information, exact, thorough, and untiring in effort. He had shown himself an able statistical, commercial and political writer. Energy and resoluteness are of the essence of his nature, and with wonderful rapidity of utterance, as presiding officer of the senate, he was capable of dispatching a large amount of business in those days of omnibus legislation. He is of medium height and robust frame, with angular features, high forehead, and ruddy complexion. Honest himself, he despises the tricks and arts of the politician; and his own achievements being the result of industry, he entertains little reverance for genius.*

Governor Oglesby was duly inaugurated January the 17th, 1865, but before proceeding with his administration it is proper that we take a short retrospect at our material prosperity during the rebellion.

*See Ward's speech in senate Jan. 11, '69, and Western Monthly, June, '69.

The day before the time first set for Gov. Oglesby to assume the duties of his office, death visited his home at Decatur, and took therefrom his only son, an intelligent and sprightly lad of 6 years, a great favorite with the bereaved parents. This caused the inauguration to be postponed for one week.

Notwithstanding the demands of the war had drawn upon Illinois to the extent of near 200,000 men-hale, vigorous and with out physical blemish, taken from the most active producing classes the great industries of the State had not only speedily recovered from this enormous draft, but her material prosperity, retarded the first one or two years, was unparalleled by any other State. The census of 1865 revealed a population of 2,141,510, being an increase of 429,559, or near 25 per cent. since 1860; and nearly every department of production and industry exhibited a like ratio in advancement, as evidenced by the area of land under cultivation, and its yield of agricultural wealth, the triumph of invention and substitution of machinery for manual labor, the ang. mentation of skilled laborers and mechanical production, the rapid growth of our cities, villages and increase of fixed capital, the excellent remuneration for all employment, the high prices for all products, and above all the abundance of money which stimulated all manner of business to unusual activity.

While this material prosperity prevailed with the close of the war, and for some time before, the times were hard with us during the first two years of the civil conflict. The writer saw corn, our great staple, sell in 1862, in Central Illinois, as low as 9 cents a bushel. The failure of our local banks, which in a manner left us without a currency, contributed not a little to the condition of the times. Prosperity during the war was first experienced in the Eastern States, where the lavish expenditures of the government for clothing and munitions of war caused money to be profusely scattered from the outset. With us, beef and pork, and the products of the soil, were the first to experience an advance in prices.

Corn, our most unfailing crop, made its first great bound upward immediately after the severe frost of August 29th, 1863. Lands remained for a long time a drug. This class of property the experience of centuries has shown to ever be the last to rise in price, but once starting it excels all other, as it affords the safest and surest investment, and not nnfrequently the largest speculative return. Finally the tide of abundant money set into Illinois and began to influence realty. Now, to many of our people, was heard abroad in the land the pleasant voice of the stranger inquiring the price of lands, and seeking to invest his abundant and daily cheapening money in lots, lands and farms. Popu lation, with a renewed current, was pouring over our borders; houses in cities and towns became scarce; rents rose beyond precedent, and the prices of lands passed the most sanguine expeetation. An enhancement of 100 per cent was not unusual; many of our people never dreamed of such prices, and that all in cash too. Many transfers were made, the proceeds re-invested to better advantage, and comparative independence acquired by owners. The abundance and cheapness of money, and high prices of property enabled others of our people to extinguish mortgages, which had hung like a pall over their homes; and thus thousands of families were placed in comfortable circumstances and rendered happy. While an intestine war piled a debt on the nation by the billion, upon the individual were conferred benefits and unexpected independence. But, while some, for years dissatisfied, now that they could get perhaps double their prices, were content to hold their property and neither loose nor profit by the times, others,

it is sad to relate, who had never hoped to realize old values, eagerly sold with the first advance of prices, failed or neglected to reinvest, easily spent or squandered the proceeds, and are to-day renters. It was generally better to buy than sell-to be in debt for lands purchased than hold credits for property sold. Debts did not increase except by accruing interest, while the money wherewith to pay them, cheapened sometimes in a few days 25 to 50 per cent, taking gold for a standard.

The permanent debt of the State, funded and unfunded in 1865, was $11,178,564, being an increase since 1860 of only about $1,000,000, notwithstanding our heavy war appropriations and expenditures. But the general governm, it may be remarked parenthetically, largely refunded to the States their advances on account of the war. From December, 1864, to December, 1868, our bonded debt was reduced $7,651,796, leaving a balance of $5,989,158. The total taxable property of the State in 1864 was $356,878,837; in 1868, $475,379,194. The total number of acres in cultivation for 1868, was 8,603,599, of which 5,193,747 were in corn.

Legislative. After 1864 our field is barren of interesting or important political or party events. Peace came to the Union in the following spring; and the results of elections in the State have since been uniformly the same, and generally so overwhelmingly republican as to not only afford little show for equal party contests over any question, but to well nigh crush all hope in the democratic bosom. That party has made in consequence several ineffectual flank movements and taken new departures, until, in a mauner, its time-honored tenets are abandoned, and it seems to be in the throes of dissolution. Gov. Oglesby, in his inaugural message, commenting upon the majority of the preceding election, said: "So marked, indeed, has been the expression of the popular vill, I do not fail to recognize in it the absence of mere party triump``" The political events of the legislative session of 1865 were the election of Ex-Gov. Yates to the U. S. Senate, and the ratification of the 13th amendment to the constitution of the United States abolishing slavery. Early in the session a joint resolution was passed, instructing our delegation in congress to vote for this amendment. On the 1st of February, a telegram was received by the legislature from Senator Trumbull, announcing its passage in congress. The utmost precipitation now obtained in both houses to ratify the measure so immediately as to place Illinois in the van of prompt loyal States, and it was passed the same day.

This legislature also signalized itself by repealing the notorious "black laws," part of which, although a dead letter, had held their place upon the statute books since 1819, to the disgrace of this free State, in the opinion of many of our citizens. In opposition it was earnestly argued by the democrats that these laws were a positive requirement under the amendment to the State constitution adopted by an overwhelming majority of the people in 1862. The governor had urged the repeal in his message, petitions numerously signed by colored men of the State and sent in, prayed for the same. Another partisan measure was the cutting down of the 4th judicial circuit, Judge Constable's, from 6 to 2 counties, to punish that functionary for his decision in the Clark county deserter-kidnapping case, some 2 years previously. This was done in the face of the remonstrance of the people of the

circuit. And in the very opening the house, it seems, passed a resolution, inviting only "the loyal clergy of Springfield to open each day's session with prayer." The law requiring the regis tration of electors was also enacted at this session. The imposition of this restriction upon the elective franchise has ever been most distasteful to democrats; and they opposed its passage by all the arts known to parliamentary rules. By recent modifi cation it now applies only to cities of 5,000 inhabitants and over. But it was this legislature which, owing to the increasing demands of activity throughout the State, first gave itself up almost wholly to the enactment of special, local and private laws. The pressure of an insatiate lobby was extraordinary all winter long. Now was entered upon in full plenitude, that pernicious legislation, continued afterwards with a most prodigal hand, of granting special privileges and protection, by charter, for every conceivable object of association or business, without reserving a check or right of subsequent control in case of oppression.. And to-day, in answer to the loud demands of the people to curb and repress one class of these corporations in their exorbitant and ruinous charges for freight and passage, they defiantly set up their vested rights and chartered franchises, and it is the great question whether or not the legislature is powerless in the premises.

Among the measures of general interest, not political or partisan, were the increased fees allowed to county officers. To com pass this, a systematic pressure was brought to bear upon the legislature. Conventions of sheriffs, circuit clerks, county clerks, and prosecuting attorneys were held at the capital. These respectfully deliberated upon their schedules of fees and prepared their bills to be enacted into laws, and as to the demands of these county officials, who are a power in elections, what could the august legislature of the State of Illinois do but to yield to them. The raising of the fees, which were already ample, has cost the people many millions. To wind up for instance a small estate by passing through all the various stages of the courts and the hands of these officers, it would be found at the end to be wound up indeed! And the most difficult feat of legislation is the reduction of fees or the abolishment of an office, however oppressive the one or useless the other.

Gov. Oglesby interposed his veto to but one bill during the ses sion, which was an amendment to a charter for a Chicago horse railway, granted in 1859 for 25 years and now sought to be extended 99 years. This long period of time was an insuperable objection with his excellency, which he elaborated at length, but as the measure was promptly passed over his veto by both houses, he doubtless deemed it useless to further attempt to check their headlong career.

The various appropriations made at this session amounted to $1,120,000. The constitution limited the expenditures of the legis lature to 1 mills on the dollar of assessed value of the real and personal property of the State, then aggregating about $333,000,000 and yielding, at this rate, $759,000, which made an excess in the appropriations of $361,000, and which was regarded as invalid and denounced by the Democrats as prodigal.

The members, finding there was gold in the State treasury, that commodity being then at a high premium in market, coveted it in payment of their mileage and per diem. But in this enterprise