Hitherto he had maintained a quiet reserve respecting the momentous crisis in national affairs, but now as he journeyed toward the capital of the republic he found it impossible to longer remain silent. In all the principal cities through which he passed vast crowds assembled to greet him and listen to the brief speeches made in connection with the interchange of civilities. In these guarded utterances he did not commit himself to any definite line of policy save to express his intention to leave unmolested the institutions of the disaffected states, his devotion to the Union and his desire to maintain it without a resort to arms. The vast extent of the conspiracy was not yet fully understood, and he in common with a great many others still hoped for a peaceful solution of the difficulties. At Cincinnati he said

Mr. Mayor and Fellow-citizens: I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year previous to the late presidential election. On that occasion, in a playful manner but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we as republicans would ultimately beat them as democrats, but that they could postpone the result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the presidency than in any other way. They did not in any true sense nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I expected. I told them how I expeeted they would be treated after they should be beaten, and I now wish to call their attention to what I then said. When beaten you perhaps will want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition. We mean to treat you as near as we possibly can as Washington, Jefferson and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone and in no way interfere with your institutions. We mean to recognize and bear in mind that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. Fellow-citizens of Kentucky, brethren may I call you, in my new position I see no occasion and feel no inclination to retract a word from this. If it shall not be made good be assured the fault shall not be mine."

Arriving in New York he said:

"In my devotion to the Union I am behind no man in the nation, but I fear too great confidence may have been placed in my wisdom to preserve it. I am sure I bring a heart devoted to the work, and there is nothing that could ever induce me to consent willingly to the destruction of this Union, in which not only the great city of New York, but the whole country has acquired its greatness, unless it should be the object for which the Union itself was made. I understand that the ship was made for the carrying and preservation of the cargo, and so long as the ship is safe with the cargo it shall not be abandoned.”

While thus speaking to large assemblies in different cities, rumors reached him that an attempt would be made to assassinate him on the way to the capital, or if he reached it an armed mob would assemble and prevent his inauguration. These reports were at first regarded with incredulity but when he reached Philadelphia he was warned by Gen. Scott that if he attempted to pass through Baltimore in the day time his life would be exposed to imminent danger. Acting on the advice of those who knew the extent of the danger and the vast importance of his reaching the seat of government in safety, he left his family at Harrisburg and proceeded in disguise on the nighttrain to Washington. Had it been known that such malignity existed that such a crime was meditated against the life of him whose only cause of offense consisted in assuming the important responsibilities to which he had been constitutionally called by a majority of his countrymen,

a half a million of men would have volunteered to escort him through the rebellious city. Unexpected by the conspirators who had marked him for their prey, and his friends who were making preparations for his reception, he arrived in Washington on the morning of the 23d of February. On the 4th of March he was inaugurated president of the United States in the presence of a vast multitude who had assembled to witness the imposing spectacle. His inaugural address is a state paper of more than ordinary ability, and whatever may have been the suspcions previously entertained in the South in regard to his policy after this expression of his views, the rebellion was wholly without a justifi. able pretext. While the most ample assurances are given of protection in the Union, he also refers to his obligations to maintain it, and his determination to do it. Its great length renders it impracticable to repeat it in full, but the following passages are characteristic of its spirit:

"Apprehensions seem to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a republican administration that their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while ex-. isted and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the public speeches of him who now addresses you. I consider that in view of the constitution and laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I will take care as the constitution expressly enjoins upon me that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem it only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or shall in some other authoritative manner direct the contrary. Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot move the respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse either amicable or hostile must contiue between them. Is it possible then to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treatise more easily than friends can make laws among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always, and when after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting the identical old questions are upon you. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no solemn oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. I am loth to close. We are not enemies. but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory stretching from every battle field and patriot's grave to every living heart and hearth-stone all over this broad land will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."

At the time of Mr. Lincoln's accession to power several members of the Union claimed that they had withdrawn from it, and styling themselves the "Confederate States of America," had organized a separate government. The remaining slave States were convulsed with excitement, and traitors taking advantage of the magnanimity which the new administration would fain have exercised, with fiendish eagerness were endeavoring to precipitate them also into revolution. The confederate authorities,

emboldened by this forbearance, and acting on the assumption of their independence, sent commissioners to Washington to amicably arrange all differences growing out of their separation from the United States. They, however, failed to receive any recognition, ant were informed by Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, that the action of their States was an unjustifiable and unconstitutional aggression upon the authority of the federal government. The convention of Virginia being in session at the time, also sent commissioners to ascertain from Mr. Lincoln the policy he intended to pursue in regard to the Confederate States. In reply, the pres ident reaffirmed the opinion previously expressed in his inaugu ral that he would repossess the property and places belonging to the United States, and collect the duties on imports. He likewise informed them that he would not needlessly invade any State, yet when such conduct as the firing upon Fort Sumter rendered it necessary he would repel force by force.

This celebrated fortress was situated in Charleston harbor, and just prior to the assault had been occupied by Major Anderson as a place of greater strength and security than Fort Moultrie, from which he removed. Notwithstanding the fact that South Carolina was in open revolt, Mr. Buchanan had allowed the most formidable works to be erected around the fort. Had permission been granted to Major Anderson with his heavy artillery he could have swept the adjacent shores and thus have prevented the preparations which he daily witnessed for his overthrow. As the batteries commanded the entrance to the harbor cut off supplies from the sea, and the hostile shore refused to furnish provisions, an attack for the reduction of the fort was wholly unnecessary. When, however, the preparations were completed, Beauregard, who had deserted the flag of his country, hurriedly opened fire upon it, as if fearful that starvation might, by giving him peaceable possession, frustrate his desire for an opportunity to inaugurate civil war by a bloody assault. After a furious cannonade of 34 hours the fort was wrapped in flames, and Major Anderson and his small band of heroes were forced to capitulate.

Thus had been struck the first blow of the conflict which summoned vast armies into the field, brought State into collision with State, and drenched the land in fraternal blood. When the news of the bombardment and surrender reached the North, the whole country rocked with excitement. Longer forbearance was now impossible, and President Lincoln immediately issued a procla mation calling for 75,000 volunteers. The proclamation stated that combinations existed in several of the States too powerful to be suppressed by ordinary judicial proceedings, and that the force to be raised would be employed to repossess the property of the United States in the hands of the insurgents and enforce the observance of law. It also summoned congress to meet on the 4th of July to institute in view of the extraordinary condition of public affairs such measures as the safety of the nation might demand.

The details connected with raising the troops having been arranged by the war department, Gov. Yates was informed that the quota of Illinois was six regiments. On the 15th of April, the day on which the intelligence was communicated by Mr. Cameron,

the secretary of war, the governor issued the following proclama

tion:

"I, Richard Yates, governor of the State of Illinois, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the constitution, hereby convene the legislature of the State, and the members of the 22d general assembly are hereby required to be and appear in their respective places in the capital on Tuesday, the 23d day of April A. D. 1861, for the purpose of enacting such laws and adopting such measures as may be deemed necessary upon the following subjects: The more perfect organization and equipment of the militia of the State and placing the same on the best footing to render assistance to the general government in preserving the Union, enforcing the laws, and protecting the property and rights of the people; also, the raising of such money and other means as may be required to carry out the foregoing object, and also to provide for the expense of such session."

General orders one and two were issued from headquarters at Springfield, the first commanded divisions, brigades and regiments to hold themselves in readiness for actual service, and the second providing for the immediate organization of six regiments.

The president's proclamation at the South was regarded as a declaration of war, and Davis issued a similar one calling for volunteers and granting letters of marque for privateers to prey on northern commerce. The 'shouts of approval with which it was received every where in the north showed the people were greatly in advance of the government as to the propriety of using military force. They had long writhed under the murderous stabs thrust by traitors at the vitals of the nation, and now when this restraint was removed, and the time had come for action, the rebound of popular feeling and indignation was overwhelming. The prairies, hamlets and cities of Illinois became ablaze with excitement. Pulpits thundered with anathemas against the crime of treason, secular orators spoke eloquently of the flag which, as the symbol of the nation's majesty, had been so ruthlessly insulted, and newspapers teemed with proclamations and preparations for war. All ages, sexes and conditions as if moved by a common impulse partook of the enthusiasm. The aged and feeble again assumed the burdens of civil life that the young and vigorous might grap ple with the sterner duties of war; the wealthy provided for the families of the indigent whose natural protectors were guarding the life of the nation. Fair woman laid the incense of her sympathy and devotion on the altar of her country; and even children, imbibing the inspiration, converted their play grounds into camp and parade grounds, and miniature drums and cannon became the common toys of their nursery.

A similar uprising occurred in all the loyal States of the Union, and men and money, the sinews of war, were furnished with lavish profusion. Within two weeks after the president issued his proclamation, beside a large surplus of rejected applicants, there were a hundred thousand men preparing for active operations, while more than thirty millions of dollars had been offered by private individuals, corporations, and legislatures to procure arms and munitions.

CHAPTER LV.

1861-1864-ILLINOIS IN THE REBELLION.

Unprecedented Success in Furnishing Men-Patriotic Efforts of Women-Military Operations Within the State.

Enlistments.-Almost simultaneously with the call for troops enlistments commenced, and within ten days 10,000 volunteers offered service, and the sum of near $1,000,000 was tendered by patriotic citizens to procure supplies, for which the State, in the sudden emergency, had made no provision. At the time the requisition was made the military law of the State was imperfect, and in many respects in conflict with the regulations of the war department, while perhaps not more than 30 military companies were to be found in the entire State. In some of the larger towns and cities, however, there were a number of well-drilled companies which volunteered, and proved a valuable acquisition in the organization of the immense forces subsequently sent to the field. It was early thought that Cairo was in danger of seizure by the rebels, and these companies formed the nucleus of the force hurriedly gathered and sent thither for its defense. On the 19th of April, 1861, Simon Cameron, secretary of war, telegraphed Gov. Yates to take possession of this important strategic point as soon as a force could be raised for that purpose. The governor forthwith sent a dispatch to Gen. Swift, of Chicago, to raise and equip as large a body of men as possible for immediate service, and sent a messenger by rail with full instructions for the occupation of Cairo. With commendable promptness this officer, on the 21st of the month, got on board the southern bound train of the Central railroad with four pieces of cannon and the following companies: Company A, Chicago Zouaves, Captain Hayden, 89 men; Company B, Chicago Zouaves, Captain Clybourne, 83 men; Chicago Light Artillery, Captain Smith, 150 men; Captain Harding's company, 80 men; Turner's Union Cadets, 97 men; and Lincoln Rifles, Captain Mihalotzy, 66 men. These were followed, on the 22d, by Captain Houghtelling's Light Artillery, of Ottawa, 86 men; Captain Hawling's Light Artillery, of Lockport, and Captoin McAlister's Light Artillery, of Plainfield.

Of the volunteers who offered their services under the call of the governor only 6 regiments could be accepted under the.quota of the State. These, in accordance with an act of the legislature, which met on the 23d, were designated by the numbers commencing with 7 and ending with 12, as a mark of respect for the 6 regiments which had served in the Mexican war. The entire force