Page images
PDF
EPUB

Douglas, which the latter proceeded to answer immediately, making them the subject of his speech. While this proved his ready and wonderful powers of debate, it would have perhaps been well to have deliberated some time as Mr. Lincoln had done. The 2d interrogatory was: "Can the people of a United States territory, in any lawful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution?"

The Dred Scott decision was, that congress had no right to prohibit a citizen of the United States from taking any property which he lawfully held into a territory of the United States; and that if congress could not do this, it could not authorize a territorial government, in the absence of any distinction in property, to exclude slaves, which were property under the constitution. In his Chicago speech, Douglas had said that to this decision of the august tribunal of the supreme court he bowed with deference. Now he said: "I answer emphatically that in my opinion the people of a territory can by lawful means exclude slavery before it comes in as a State. Mr. Lincoln knew that I had given that answer over and over again." But in the very next breath he intimated that this could only be done by the adoption of unfriendly police regulations, by the territorial legislature withholding the needed local or municipal laws, without which slavery could not exist a day anywhere.

The Freeport speech caused Douglas to be severely denounced, not oulyat home but abroad, by republicans, for his gross inconsistency and change of front, and throughout the south as having at last shown his cloven foot; they could have no further confidence in a northern man who unnecessarily espoused their interests against his own section.

After this the general scope of their discussions was not materially enlarged. It was slavery in the territories and the rights of the people in relation thereto, Mr. Lincoln insisting that congress, notwithstanding the obiter dictum of the supreme court in the Dred Scott decision, had the right, the same as when the ordinance of 1787 was adopted, to exclude slavery, and ought to exercise it; and Mr. Douglas holding that the vexed question ought to be referred to the people of the territory immediately concerned, to settle as their other domestic institutions in their own Sovereign way, subject only to the constitution of the United States. Mr. Lincoln did not assume an attitude of hostility to slavery in the States, other than that he desired it "to be put in course of ultimate extinction," the language of his first convention speech. He did not repeat or enlarge upon the extreme ground of this speech, but constantly guarded against it, though Douglas throughout the debates essayed to push him on to it.

Whilst there were but 7 joint discussions, the two champions had their separate programmes for speaking so arranged for them that they addressed very nearly the same crowds in many counties of the State, some times on the same day, but oftener with only a very short time intervening. In Sullivan, Moultrie county, where they spoke on the same day, a serious collision between their respective crowds was imminent for a time. Mr. Lincoln had pur posed deferring his speech to the last, but as a separate stand had been erected by the republicans in the north part of the town,

they formed a procession of their forces, and in marching thither attempted to go right through the other crowd in the street where Douglas was speaking, and out of their way. This was not to be brooked; a parley ensued, during which the band wagon was attempted to be driven through the crowd and a conflict was the immedate result. But through the commanding voice of Douglas, beyond a few blows, a general melee was averted.

At Winchester, his first home, Douglas' enthusiastic greeting was deeply touching. The old county of Scott was never so aroused before. His arrival was announced by the roar of cannon and the glad shouts of a large assemblage. Here among these people the now great senator had first cast his lot a penniless stranger. Here he had taught school, and among his auditory were grayhaired sires and fond old matrons who had entrusted to him the education of their children, and pupils whom he had taught. All the old settlers well remembered him in his poverty and obscurity, and doubtless the entire community were now animated by that pleasant pride and affection which said "we are the makers of this great man"-glorying in his fame and prosperity-and with that feeling welcomed the whilom schoolmaster in his present character of the great American statesman. Let the reader trust both the heart and mind of Douglas to suitably deal with the occasion of such a kindly re-union, and display to the utmost those wonderful powers of eloquence which were placed under additional tribute by the time, circumstance and place. He alluded, in the most touching manner, to his advent and residence at Winchester, his early struggles and honest efforts for a beginning in a strange land; the ready imagination of his hearers readily suggesting the rest, while many a tear of joy crept down furrowed cheeks as the spontaneous outburst of cheers from friend and political foe rent the air, and attested the opinion of all in entire approbation of his subsequent career, more exalted, but among true Americans, not more honorable. The audience and occasion were suggestive of a rich vein of sentimental topics to the orator, and none escaped him or were omitted. It is a source of regret that this speech, so well calculated to give us a fuller insight into the depth of Douglas' better nature, was not recorded.

The result of the election returned to the legislature, in the house, 40 democrats and 35 republicans; the senate stood 14 democrats and 11 republicans, giving the former 8 majority on joint ballot. The republicans carried the State by a plurality, the vote standing republicans, 124,698; democrats, 121,190; Buchanan democrats, and scattering, 4,863.

And now the administration clique, defeated in their efforts to beat Douglas, fell out among themselves, and blamed each other for the result. It seems that some of the Buchanan office-holders, like Ike Cook and others, favored the direct support of the republicans at the polls, while others, like R. B. Carpenter, etc., made the fight against Douglas and the republicans, both, on principle. Many charges of subserviency, gross deception of the president as to their strength, blunders, follies and villainies, were bandied back and forth. Col. John Dougherty, the administration candi

*See 111. State Register, Sept. 25, 1858

+See his letter to Chicago Democrat, Nov., 1858.

date for treasurer, who had received less than 5,000 votes out of the one-fourth of a million cast, issued a manifesto to the people of Illinois, through the Cairo Gazett, "reading the entire democratic party out of the party, and insisting that their delegates should not be admitted to the Charleston convention [in 1860]."* The Buchanan party now affected to believe that Douglas would be defeated before the legislature; but when the time came there were no opponents to him before the democratic caucus,† though he was absent, and he was re-elected by 54 votes to Mr. Lincoln 46. He telegraphed back from Baltimore-"Let the voice of the people rule."

Thus terminated this unprecedented senatorial contest, which was waged throughout with a vigor and spirit which had no parallel in the history of parties in this or any other State. Both the great political organizations fought with a fierceness which never lagged for a moment, but increased with every coming day. With Douglas, apparently, his political fortune was at stake. The republicans, after the election, complimented Mr. Lincoln for the strong and noble fight he had made, what no other man in the State could have done for the cause; and they consoled him in the language of Pope:

"More true joy Marcellus exiled feels

Than Cæsar with a senate at his heels."

Mr. Lincoln was thus brought conspicuouly before the nation as one of the ablest leaders of the opposition; and, in the humble opinion of the writer, this great contest, which primarily resulted simply in the making of a U. S. senator of one of the contestants, directed the public eye to the merits of the other, and caused him to become the standard bearer, two years later, of that party whose cardinal principle demanded freedom for the public domain, and which, aided by the divisions in the ranks of the democracy, carried him by their voices triumphantly into the presidential chair; which the south deemed a sufficient affront for disunion. Having consumed so much space to complete the sketch of our senators in congress, we can only say that to the seat of Douglas, after his death in 1861, succeeded, 1st, the Hon. O. H. Browning by appointment from Gov. Yates; 2d, the legislature in 1863, being democratic, and fierce in partisan spirit, Browning failed of confirmation, and the Hon. W. A. Richardson was elected for the remainder of Douglas' unexpired term. In the three executive appointments to senatorial vacancies in the history of the StateBaker in 1830, Semple in 1843, and Browning in 1861-only one, that of Semple, has been confirmed by the legislature. In 1865 Richard Yates was elected to the same seat for a full term, and he in 1871 was succeeded by Gen. John A. Logan, who is the second native Illinoisan that has ever filled that exalted office for this State.

"Not having the fear of numbers before his eyes, he boldly ruled the 121,000 democrats who voted for Douglas, out, to graze upon the common, as unworthy to associate with him, and sat the autocrat of the party in Illinois"-said the St. Louis Republican at the time.

Though in September Judge Breese in a letter to Mr. Boyakin, of the Belleville Democrat, wrote: "I demand as a right to know who requested you to say as you have said in an editorial in your paper of the 4th, that "Judge Breese is not, nor will he be, a candidate for the U. S. senate in opposition to Mr. Douglas."

CHAPTER LIII.

1861-1865-ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR YATES.

Party Conventions of 1860-The two Great Labor Systems of the Country in Direct Antagonism-Life and Character of Gover nor Yates-Lieutenant Governor Hoffman-Condition of the State and Comparative Growth since 1850.

The republican State convention of 1860 met at Decatur, May 9th. Every county except Pulaski was represented. The Hou. Joseph Gillespie, of Madison, was chosen to preside over its deliberations. For the candidacy of governor there were three aspirants: Norman B. Judd, of Cook, Leonard Swett, of McLean, and Richard Yates, of Morgan. On the first ballot Judd received 245 votes, Swett 191, Yates 183 and James Knox 12; on the third ballot Judd received his highest number, 263; on the fourth all the Swett men but 36 went to the support of Yates, giving him 363 votes, which nominated him. Judd had incurred the formidable opposition of the Chicago Democrat, then a power with the republican party of the State. Francis A. Hoffman, of DuPage, was next nominated as a candidate for lieutenant governor by acclamation. The remainder of the ticket was: For auditor, Jesse K. Dubois; for treasurer, William Butler; for secretary of State, O. M. Hatch, and for superintendent of public instruction, Newton Bateman-all incumbents. The Bloomington platform of 4 years before was re-adopted with a stronger plank regarding the right of foreigners, doubtless to sweeten the slightly remaining taint of know nothingism that democrats might scent about repub lican garments. They also declared for a homestead act by con gress, and the immediate admission of Kansas as a free State. A resolution was adopted that Abraham Lincoln was the choice of the republican party of Illinois for president, and the delegates from this State were instructed to use all honorable means to secure his nomination at the Chicago convention, and to vote for him as a unit. A motion to strike out the last clause was defeated.

Mr. Hoffman, candidate for lieutenant governor, it will be remembered by the reader, was nominated for the same place on the republican ticket in 1856, but shortly after was found not to be eligible to the office if elected, he being a German and not a citizen for 14 years as the constitution required. He now refused to run for the position, alleging ill health. The State central committee put the name of Hon. Vital Jarrot, of St. Clair, on the ticket in his stead. But the congressional convention of the 3d

district at Bloomington refused to ratify his nomination, whereupon he also declined to run. The objection was that it gave both gubernatorial candidates to the southern portion of the State. The State convention was thereupon recalled and met again, this time at Springfield, August Sth, on occasion of the great republican mass meeting at the home of Lincoln, one of the grandest outpourings of the people and largest civic demonstration with which any public man was ever honored. In convention, on motion of Mr. Jarrot, Mr. Hoffman had leave to withdraw his letter of declination, and his nomination was again unanimously confirmed. The State democratic convention of 1860 met at Springfield in the hall of the house of representatives, June 13th. Hon. Wm. McMurtry, of Knox, presided. On the first ballot to nominate a candidate for governor, J. C. Allen, of Crawford, received 157 votes ; S. A. Buckmaster, of Madison, 81; J. L. D. Morrison, of St. Clair, 88; Newton Cloud, of Morgan, 65; W. B. Scates, of Cook, 14; J. A. McClernand and B. S. Edwards, both of Sangamon, 2 each. On the second ballot it was soon disclosed that Allen was the favorite, and all the other competitors being withdrawn before the announcement of the vote, Allen's nomination was made unanimous. The balance of the ticket was: For lieutenant governor, L. W. Ross, of Fulton; secretary of State, G. H. Campbell, of Logan; auditor, Bernard Arntzen, of Adams; treasurer, Hugh Maher, of Cook; superintendent of public instruction, Dr. E. R. Roe, of McLean. Their resolutions reaffirmed the principles of the Cincinnati platform of 1856, approved the course of the delegates to the Charleston convention, and expressed their confidence in Stephen A. Douglas for president.

On July the 11th, the Buchanan or Breckinridge democracy met in convention also at Springfield, and put the following State ticket in the field: For governor, Dr. Thomas M. Hope, of Madison; lieutenant governor, Thomas Snell, of DeWitt; secretary of State, B. T. Burke, of Macoupin; auditor, Henry S. Smith, of Knox; treasurer, W. H. Cather, of Adams; superintendent of public instruction, J. H. Dennis, of St. Clair; the electors at large being John Dougherty and Thompson Campbell. Eleven counties out of 102 were represented by 53 delegates, 41 of whom were currently reported at the time as federal office-holders.

The Bell-Everett State convention met at Decatur, Aug. 16, 1860. Thirty counties were represented by an aggregate of 92 delegates. They nominated the following ticket: For governor, the Hon. John T. Stuart, of Sangamon; lieutenant governor, Henry S. Blackburn, of Rock Island; secretary of State, James Monroe, of Coles; auditor, James D. Smith, of Sangamon; treasurer, Jonathan Stamper, of Macon; superintendent of public instruction, D. J. Snow, of Sangamon; electors at large, M. Y. Johnson, of JoDaviess and D. M. Woodson, of Green.

Thus 4 tickets were in the field. The political contest of 1860 over the question of slavery was the most momentous in the history of this nation. The two great labor systems of the country, free and slave, representing their respective sections, were brought into direct antagonism for the first time in a presidential election. The southern wing of the democratic party, spurning Douglas and his theory of popular sovereignty at Charleston, split from its northern associate, and eagerly brought forward the labor

« PreviousContinue »