A Digest of the International Law of the United States: Taken from Documents Issued by Presidents and Secretaries of State, and from Decisions of Federal Courts and Opinions of Attorneys-general, Volume 1Francis Wharton U.S. Government Printing Office, 1887 - International law |
Contents
260 | |
264 | |
265 | |
268 | |
269 | |
272 | |
274 | |
280 | |
64 | |
68 | |
70 | |
74 | |
77 | |
81 | |
99 | |
100 | |
108 | |
109 | |
110 | |
113 | |
114 | |
115 | |
116 | |
117 | |
118 | |
119 | |
120 | |
121 | |
122 | |
123 | |
124 | |
125 | |
127 | |
128 | |
130 | |
131 | |
132 | |
133 | |
134 | |
135 | |
136 | |
137 | |
138 | |
139 | |
140 | |
167 | |
169 | |
171 | |
179 | |
187 | |
198 | |
207 | |
211 | |
212 | |
215 | |
220 | |
221 | |
222 | |
227 | |
229 | |
230 | |
234 | |
236 | |
237 | |
240 | |
242 | |
244 | |
249 | |
300 | |
301 | |
310 | |
318 | |
325 | |
331 | |
338 | |
340 | |
350 | |
359 | |
362 | |
365 | |
386 | |
395 | |
401 | |
413 | |
416 | |
417 | |
436 | |
443 | |
445 | |
447 | |
469 | |
492 | |
501 | |
511 | |
523 | |
551 | |
553 | |
581 | |
582 | |
601 | |
603 | |
612 | |
616 | |
618 | |
621 | |
628 | |
631 | |
632 | |
633 | |
635 | |
638 | |
644 | |
646 | |
648 | |
649 | |
651 | |
654 | |
667 | |
669 | |
670 | |
671 | |
672 | |
673 | |
675 | |
696 | |
755 | |
775 | |
Other editions - View all
Common terms and phrases
1st sess affairs Amelia Island American citizens Annual Message authority Beaver Island belligerent Bolivia Britain British Chili China Chinese Christiancy civil claim coast colonies commerce Cong Congress congress of Panama constitutional consul consular continent courts Cuba declaration Department diplomatic dispatch duty ernment established Europe European power Evarts existing favor force France Frelinghuysen French friendly high seas hostile House Ex Hülsemann Hungary independence infra Inst instructions intercourse interests interference international law island June jurisdiction law of nations Majesty's Government ment Mexican Mexico minister Monroe Monroe doctrine Morteritos navigation neutral offense officers opinion parties peace Peru political port possession present President principle protection purpose question recognition recognized reference regard relations Republic respect river Russia Senate session Seward ship shore sovereign sovereignty Spain Spanish supra territory Texas tion treaty treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo ukase United vessels Webster
Popular passages
Page 273 - In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense.
Page 269 - Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make our hemisphere that of freedom.
Page 172 - Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Page 274 - It is still the true policy of the "United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course.
Page 274 - Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries...
Page 269 - One nation, most of all, could disturb us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in it. By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the bands, bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government, and emancipate a continent at one stroke, which might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty.
Page 278 - In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.
Page 168 - ... to any other practicable communications, whether by canal or railway, across the isthmus which connects North and South America, and especially to the interoceanic communications, should the same prove to be practicable, whether by canal or railway, which are now proposed to be established by the way of Tehuantepec or Panama.
Page 178 - The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible.
Page 554 - The day that France takes possession of New Orleans, fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever within her low-water mark. It seals the union of two nations, who, in conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the ocean. From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation.