institutions for higher education. Existing facilities are inadequate, while the principle of higher education for women is no longer "on trial."

These important intimations of policy have aroused much discussion. Some prominent men, like Dr. Washington Gladden and Mayor Tom L. Johnson, have raised the. question of "freedom of teaching" and of possible efforts of the multi-millionaires to control the politico-social utterances of the "endowed" faculties. The pending suits and charges against the Standard Oil interests under the anti-trust and commerce acts have also been pointed to as rendering the endowment doubtful in a moral sense. But the general opinion is favorable to acceptance of such gifts and the application of them to social and cultural purposes. Free opinion and free discussion in the colleges are thought to be in no danger whatever by reason of such endowments.

Socialism and Liberalism in Germany

The elections in Germany are claimed by the organs of the government and of the conservative parties to have resulted in a "splendid victory" over the Social Democracy. That party in truth lost an extraordinary number of seats in the Reichstag, to its own surprise and that of its opponents. It increased its popular vote, however, by about ten per cent, and under a fair system of representation and distribution of seats it would control today one-fourth of the membership of the Reichstag. Its heavy losses are due to the success of the government in inducing voters who had failed to register and exercise their privileges in the past, to go to the polls this year.

In the new Reichstag the parties and groups will have respectively the following strength:

Radicals
Poles

Independents, etc..

46

20

19

This composition of the elective chamber doubtless insures the adoption of the naval and colonial appropriation estimates which the emperor has at heart. It is over these estimates that the collision occurred between the government and the last Reichstag; hence, as regards the "world-politics" program of the emperor, the government's victory is real. No combinations between the Center party and the Social Democrats in opposition to its policies can prove effectual.

Yet, seeing that the government hoped to weaken the Center as well as the Socialists at the elections, the fact that the former party increased its vote and captured a few additional seats militates against the large claims that the Kaiser and his chancellor have advanced. Moreover, the government will have to reckon with the liberal and radical groups whose support it openly invited during the campaign. These groups will have demands of their own and will expect concessions in the direction of home politics, especially in the matter of the franchise. The "revived liberalism" to which Von Buelow made his appeal may develop opposition tendencies in the new Reichstag, and it will not be altogether easy for the government to form a stable conservative-liberal majority. The liberals represent the commercial and industrial classes, and these are wholly out of sympathy with the agrarian or land-holding interest.

The Program of the British Liberals

Great questions are to be considered at this year's sessions of the British Parliament, and a memorable, farreaching struggle between the Commons and the Lords is foreshadowed. The speech from the throne at the opening of the session referred in the familiar, vague style to the differences between the two Houses and promised a legislative effort to solve the difficulty. The cabinet was more

WILL THEY BELL THE CAT?

"The mice resolved, in solemn conclave, to hang a bell about the neck of the cat, as it had become a matter of 'grave importance' to set a limit to her persecutions. But

definite. In the debate on the royal speech Premier Campbell-Bannerman described the existing situation as intolerable and dangerous, and announced certain measures designed to limit the power of the Lords. The nature and scope of these proposals no Liberal leader has so much as hinted at; all that the public is told is that there is ample warrant in the constitution and the historical precedents for the steps under consideration by the government.

The Tory opposition denies that there is any "difficulty" or crisis needing heroic measures. The Lords "killed" two of the government's bills of last year-the education bill and that abolishing plural voting. They had the right to use their veto power, it is contended, and furthermore, these bills were partisan proposals which the electorate had not authorized and to which it was either hostile or indifferent. Did not the Lords pass the three "reform" bills which the Labor party and the "democracy" undoubtedly favored? What ground was there, then, for accusing them of resisting the popular will, and for attempting to limit their power?

The Liberal-Radical reply is that it is for the Commons, elected by and fresh from the people, to decide what the people demand, and that well-considered, important legislation acceptable to the majority of the popular house should never be rejected by the non-representative upper chamber.

Eventually this issue will be submitted to the people, for, of course, the Lords will throw out any bill directed at their authority and prestige. There is some sentiment in the Lords in favor of mild reform, but it is not expected to lead to any practical result.

The other great question that will give this year's session exceptional interest is that of Irish home rule. The government is about to introduce a "devolution" bill; that is, a bill increasing the autonomy of the Irish and giving them greater control over their own affairs. An Irish national council (not a Parliament) may be created, partly elective and partly nominative, and this council may be given large financial and administrative powers, though no legislative