for such success, and, moreover, some people cannot help being pleasant, even to Judges on the Bench.

Sir Robert Gifford, now duly knighted, entered the House of Commons as member for Eye, in Suffolk. He does not appear to have been a prominent politician in the House at any time, but he was at once called upon professionally to assist in the State prosecutions of political agitators so prevalent under the "ex-officio informations" of AttorneyGenerals at that time. The government of the country was in the hands of Lord Liverpool's Tory administration formed in 1812, in which Lord Sidmouth held the particularly responsible post of Home Secretary, in the discharge of whose duty he had just thought fit to publish the celebrated "Sidmouth Circular "-to the Lord-Lieutenants, authorizing magistrates to apprehend persons accused or suspected of libellous and seditious publications, for which Gifford cannot be held in any way responsible as legal adviser, since his appointment to office is dated after that event. In June, 1817, he appeared on behalf of the Crown with the AttorneyGeneral, Sir Samuel Shepherd, in the somewhat unfortunate prosecution for treason of Dr. Watson, Thistlewood (subsequently so notorious), and two others for the part they played in promoting the Spa Fields Riot. Though some acts of violence had undoubtedly been committed by the mob, it was questionable whether any treasonable intent had been sufficiently demonstrated. At any rate such was the opinion of a jury of London citizens, who, after a five days' trial, and in spite of the efforts of Lord Ellenborough, acquitted Watson, whereupon the law officers offered no further evidence against the other prisoners, and Thistlewood was accordingly discharged. Gifford replied to the defence of Watson by Copley, whose speech Lord Campbell considered "one of the ablest and most effective ever delivered in a court of justice."

In the autumn of the same year occurred the more

important prosecution of Brandreth and several others for high treason in carrying out the project known as “the Derbyshire insurrection," in which five hundred men took part, assembling "with force and arms" in secret at Southwingfield in that county, and from thence raiding farms at night for the purpose of procuring further supplies of firearms. In the course of one of these raids Brandreth shot at and killed a farmer's son who had refused to meet their demands. The insurrectionists, armed with such guns and pikes as they could procure, eventually marched upon Nottingham, where, however, they were dispersed by the yeomanry, and forty of them were arrested and prosecuted at Derby before a Special Commission composed of the Chief Baron Richards, Mr. Justice Dallas, Mr. Justice Abbott, and Mr. Justice Holroyd. The array of counsel for the Crown comprised the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General, reinforced on this occasion by Copley in addition to Sergeant Vaughan and six other juniors. Only four of the accused, including Brandreth, were tried, the remaining prisoners pleading guilty. The proceedings lasted for nine days, Sir Robert Gifford alternating with the Attorney-General in opening or replying upon the four cases. Denman's defence of the prisoners added greatly to his rising reputation; his citation of Byron's description of the "Corsair" as applicable to Brandreth, evidently a man of commanding influence and considerable ability, becoming as famous as some of his later quotations not invariably so apt. Brandreth and two of his companions were executed at Derby, while the others all suffered transportation or imprisonment.

In 1819 Sir Robert Gifford was appointed AttorneyGeneral upon the retirement of Sir Samuel Shepherd, and was succeeded by Copley as Solicitor-General. His main political service consisted in assisting Lord Castlereagh to pass through the House of Commons the well-known "Six Acts" dealing with repressive measures. It was arranged

that Gifford should introduce the Seditious Meetings Prevention Bill; but he unfortunately appears to have been prevented from so doing by some sudden and temporary indisposition, and the task, a weighty one, owing to the heated political feeling in the House, devolved upon Copley at short notice. Upon these simple facts Lord Campbell endeavoured long afterwards, in his Lives of the Chancellors, to throw doubts on the alleged unpremeditated character of Copley's speech, at the expense, too, of Gifford. “Gifford,” airily writes Lord Campbell, "having in his youth professed Liberal (sic) principles, had not nerve for heading the encounter, and therefore the expedient was resorted to of the Solicitor-General apologizing for coming forward as leader to explain and support the Bill in a very elaborate speech, by pretending that the task had unexpectedly devolved upon him from the sudden indisposition of his colleague, of which he had only heard since he came into the House." The grounds of the suggestion as to Gifford's early political opinions (which could hardly have been dubbed "Liberal " at that date) are unknown to any biographer, but his sudden indisposition is stated as a fact by Copley, and was not subsequently controverted in debate, and the most probable conclusion, as adopted by Sir Theodore Martyn, in his Life of Lord Lyndhurst, is that "the attack upon Gifford (as well as the allegation about Copley) was wholly unwarranted. In the subsequent stages of the Bill he took the labouring oar, and showed no want of nerve in fighting its clauses point by point."

Gifford was presumably responsible for advising the prosecution of Hunt and others, arising out of the Peterloo riots, but Scarlett represented the Crown as leader at the trial at York. The following letter alludes to this event

"DEAR SCARLETT,

"I can hardly fancy to myself a situation more painful and anxious than that in which you have been placed during the tedious,

tho' most important trial which has just terminated, and particularly after the unwarrantable suggestion made during the defendant's evidence.* Grateful as I feel for your firmness in withstanding that suggestion, I am still more so for your splendid and spirited exertions in your reply, which, from all I hear and read (tho' it is at present imperfectly given), was complete. The result, after the impression which B—† appears to have received, and which he seems pretty broadly to have communicated to the jury, was indeed quite unexpected, and to yourself must have been gratifying indeed. Every one interested in this proceeding (which I consider to have been of the greatest moment to the tranquillity and good order of the country) feels, I am sure, with myself, how much we are indebted to you upon the occasion, and I trust you have known me sufficiently to be satisfied that mine are not the expressions of commonplace and usual compliments, but those of sincerity. I hope we may be as successful in the indictment against Wooler and others for the Birmingham meeting, where, however, we have the additional ingredient of an illegal act in electing a legislative attorney. I trust you will not suffer from your long and painful exertions at York, and believe me, dear Scarlett,

"L. Inn, March 29, 1820.”

"Yours most truly,

"B. GIFFORD.

The year 1820 was an eventful one for Sir Robert Gifford. In the month of February the Cato Street conspiracy was discovered and fortunately forestalled. Organized mainly by Arthur Thistlewood, a man of some education, the plot involved the assassination of the whole Ministry when they were assembled at an official dinner to be given by Lord Harrowby at his house in Grosvenor Square. Hand grenades were to be thrown in at the windows while the main body of conspirators forced their way in through the hall and overpowered the servants. The plot was disclosed by spies and frightened associates, who subsequently turned King's evidence, and the gang were captured in the act of assembling preparatory to their start at a stable-loft in Cato Street, off the Edgeware Road. Thistlewood shot dead the first

* Presumably Hunt's personal attack on Scarlett in opening his defence. † Mr. Justice Bailey.

All

constable who climbed up the steps to the loft, and himself escaped for the moment in the confusion and darkness, but he was caught the next evening in bed in a lodging-house. Five of the leading conspirators, including Thistlewood, were each tried separately for treason at the Old Bailey. The brunt of their prosecution fell upon Gifford as AttorneyGeneral, but Copley replied on the prosecution of Thistlewood, and opened or replied upon two of the other cases. five were convicted, and subsequently hanged. Six other prisoners pleaded guilty, and were transported for life. The trials lasted for ten days, and must have been a severe strain upon Gifford. Nevertheless, throughout these, as in his other recorded State prosecutions, no heat seems to have been engendered between him and rival counsel, such as one can surmise from interruptions and from other references to have occurred where a Copley, a Denman, or a Brougham were engaged. To those conversant with legal friction, it is palpable from the reports that Gifford's style and manner must have been courteous and good-tempered, while his constant readiness and accuracy are equally demonstrated. His addresses to the jury, again, are always restrained, and absolutely fair to the accused.

The strain of these prosecutions can only just have been passing off when the far more serious task of dealing with Queen Caroline devolved, so far as legal proceedings were concerned, upon the Law Officers of the King. The Ministry, against the advice of Canning, having introduced a Bill for Pains and Penalties to deprive this lady of her royal estate, the form of proceeding became in effect a trial before the House of Lords for her divorce and degradation. The Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General with Dr. Adams and Parke (afterwards Lord Wensleydale) appeared in support of the Bill at the Bar of the House of Lords, their duty involving further the examination of witnesses in support of various charges against the Queen amounting to adultery,