money" policy was a spectacular failure. In the first place, it was not new at all— being a hangover from the last centuryand in the second place, it did not work except to hurt the little people. I think it should be clear that, in order to prove that the present administration is wonderful, it is not imperative to do every thing differently than it was done by the Democrats.

The Democrats made a pass at hard money in 1937. Government economy experts began worrying about inflation just as the country was pulling out of the depression. The price of cotton and grain was rising fast, so it was decided to apply the money brakes. The Federal Reserve Board tightened credit by raising reserve requirements of banks. The President made a speech about inflation. The boom vanished, the country started back into a depression. The policy had to be reversed. The administration learned a lesson. One that the hard-money men could well profit from.

But no, the Federal Housing Administration has upped its loan interest rate from 4 to 42 percent. The Agriculture Department has boosted its charge on crop loans from 32 to 4 percent. The Treasury Department changed its longterm interest rate from 22 to 34 percent. Bank interest rates had to follow. This means higher interest costs for everybody. The credit tightening policies are unnecessary. Inflation has already run its course; shortages have disappeared, surpluses are appearing; the peak of the homebuilding has passed. Agricultural income has already fallen; farm loans are being squeezed in a manner similar to 1920 when an increase in the Federal Reserve rate started the farmer on the road to ruin. This increase of 2 percent in interest paid on the present private debt of this Nation will cost those who borrow money who borrow money $1,500,000,000 a year. The administraThe administration has said there will, of course, be readjustments sometimes to the advantage or detriment of one group or another. This statement, when taken with the higher interest policy, makes it pretty obvious who will get the advantage.

The high tide of the new hard money policy was reached in April when the Treasury put out $1,500,000,000 in 30year bonds at an interest rate of 34 percent, 34 percent higher than before. It was a great day for hard money, but then a strange thing happened. The issue sold under par when it was put on the market. Long-term investors shunned it. The people rejected it. The price of other bonds, both Government and private, skidded fast, so that it is estimated that in a single day the holders of Government bonds lost over $1 billion. Seeing the disaster coming, the Treasury pretended to reverse this trend.

The Federal Reserve banks went back to the open market for the purchase of Treasury bills and certificates which mature in the short term of 90 days to 1 year. Then the Reserve Board ordered the lowering of the percentage of deposits which the commercial banks must keep in reserve before they can legally make loans. It was hoped that these would create over $8 billion worth of new money which the administration had

been trying to keep out of circulation with its hard money policy. But then they turned right around and issued new securities with which to borrow that new money back from the banks, so a good part of the new money will not help small borrowers at all. This money policy imposes terrible hardship on the small-business man who operates on small capital. Big business usually has the resources to ride out such a policy. A rise in interest rates preceded the recession of 1921 and the depression of the 1930's. Of course, the administration is not foolish enough to want a fullscale depression. All they want is a little less employment or a little more unemployment. It is almost like wanting to experiment with a small dose of polio paralysis or a little pregnancy.

He

With interest rates going higher and higher, it is harder and harder to borrow this hard money everybody is talking about. Reminds me of the Texas Reminds me of the Texas farmer who was in desperate need. Sand was piled high on his drought-thirsty farm, his shoes had holes in them and he was wearing tattered old overalls. thought that all he needed to get by was about $500 and that if he could borrow that, it might tide him over until it rained again. Well, he read in the newspaper an ad from a finance company which said "Come right in and we will give you a signature loan." So he went in, did the one thing he could do well-wrote out his signature. Then he handed it to the man and held out his hand expectantly for the $500. The man said, "No," it was not quite that simple and what did the farmer have simple and what did the farmer have for collateral. Well, this kind of confused the poor old farmer. He said, "After all, you advertised about the signature and I have given you my signature. What more could you want? I don't know what this collateral is." And the Lender said, "Sorry. You have to have collateral or we can't loan you the 500 bucks." Well, that still confused the farmer and they had quite a long discussion about it, as result of which the farmer didn't get the loan. He told me about it one day and it seems he finally found out what collateral meant. Collateral, it seems, means that in order to borrow money you have to prove that you do not need it.

Most folks who have applied for loans on businesses or to buy a new home or car recently have felt the effect of this drive for the sound dollar. They have They have experienced it in the form of higher interest rates.

Why does the small bank now have trouble making loans? Because he too has been hurt by the hard money policy. Often their investments are in longterm bonds. With the bond market as much as 10 points below par, they cannot sell the old bonds to meet loan demands without taking a substantial loss.

The veteran's-loan program under the hard money policy has become a tragic joke. No one wants to buy a veteran's mortgage paper yielding 42 percent when other rates are higher. The rewhen other rates are higher. The results are fewer homes being built for GI's.

If this drive for the hard dollar goes through there will be a slow down of business activity. New plant additions

will be postponed, the school board will not build a new school next year because their bond issue will not sell except at prohibitive interest rates and, as the administration spokesman frankly admitted, there will be some business failures as the marginal producers unable to secure easy credit will be strangled out of the economy. They feel it will be healthy to diminish job opportunities, so that competition will be restored to the labor market. Pay is supposed to level off, maybe drop a little bit. There will be more unemployment. There are now only about 1.5 million unemployed, just about the all-time low, and, as the administration feels, a little more unemployment will bring flexibility, competition and health to the labor market.

I would like to ask one question. How much unemployment is good? Do you want 1 million or 2 million or 5 million unemployed? Where do you draw the line? I say that if one American family's children go hungry because the father cannot find a job, if one American farmer loses his crop because he cannot borrow money-the new hard money-that one is too much.

If you say that a little unemployment is a good thing, tell us how much or how little. Where will you draw the linewith John Jones or with Bill Smith?

How many broken homes, how many lost automobiles, how many exhausted savings, how many hungry mouths, are a good thing?

Just tell us so that then we can go to the country and tell the people that you think two million or three or four million is the proper number of them to be unemployed, to be hungry, to be living back in the days of the thirties.

If you do not think that this is a good thing then perhaps it is time to change the policy. The American people are not mere statistics to be talked about as if they are cattle, as in the old days when we used to say that it would be a good thing if we killed off about 100,000 hogs so that they would not glut the market.

No, we are not statistics-we are people. And if you treat us as statistics you will not escape the wrath of free

men.

To those who might have the Midas touch and who hope that times will get bad so they can buy up our national wealth cheap, I would remind them of the old story that if you wish to increase your wealth at the expense of the Nation's welfare, the Nation will collapse and your wealth will go with it. Everything you touch may turn to gold but you cannot eat gold, you cannot defend this Nation with it, and you will curse the day you ever attempted to. I would remind you of the old adage not to ask for whom the bell tolls. When a small business collapses or a farmer loses his farm, when a mortgage is foreclosed on a working man, do not ask for whom it tolls for it tolls for you; because sooner or later you too will be engulfed in disaster.

We have heard a lot of talk about our huge national debt and the interest upon it. I would remind you that that debt was largely incurred on a 52-cent dollar. Those who advocate the hardmoney policy would in effect double our

national debt because by making money hard, they would pay off the 52-cent dollar debt with dollars worth 100 cents. We have all heard of the danger which exists in the chain reaction of atomic energy, but it is no more dangerous than the chain reaction of economic catastrophe. When Farmer Jones, droughtstricken and on the cliff of despair cannot borrow money to tide him over until better weather and better times, it means that he cannot buy food or that new refrigerator, that new car, that new suit of clothes, pay his doctor or lawyer. That means that the local merchants are caught with inventories on their hands and cannot order from the wholesalers or jobbers who, in turn, do not order from the factories, who, in turn, have to produce less and have to lay off workers since there is less to sell and less people to buy all along the line. More and more people are laid off and less and less people are able to buy so that when you push the first domino in the line over you do not just push one domino, you push them all. They all topple one by one.

Yes, big business and big lenders are in favor of hard money but these interests who reside in our great cities should remember that those cities and those interests have as their foundation our little farmers, our small businesses, our workers.

Wien in law or in morals can justification be found for deliberately moving to encourage "healthy unemployment"? While I can look only with misapprehension at the present situation, it should, I think, be clear that no person however powerful, however popular, however sincere, can be protected from the avenging wrath of indignant people who have found that the Government has deliberately planned to make money hard to get.

For many years the party now in power has beaten on the table and shouted the dome off the Capitol in attacks upon Government interference, but here is Government interference at its worst. A plan to raise interest to make money hard to get hurts the little man and in the long run benefits none.

Why no howls of anguish about this sort of Government control? If you say that hard money is a good thing, tell us what is good about ruined farmers, more unemployment, and business failures. If you say that the people want hard money, I would ask that you point out a single instance where ordinary people anywhere have ever declared themselves to be in favor of money that is hard to get. You can find where the lenders have asked for hard money, but not where the people have.

My sympathies lie with the farmer, the workingman, the small-business man.

Bryan expressed the idea of government. One is that Congress should legislate in order to make the wealthy people richer hoping that by doing so the prosperity of the rich would dribble down to those below.

The democratic idea is that if you make the ordinary people prosperous, their prosperity will find its way up through every group which rests above them.

We have all heard the remark along the lines that what is good for Chase National Bank is good for the country. This is just another way of phrasing the This is just another way of phrasing the old refrain of special privilege for a few means prosperity for all. I subscribe to the philosophy which says that what is

The report reads.

The repressive measures affect not only actual opponents, but also persons who are suspected of professing religious or political opinions running counter to the official ideology. * * *Most of the persons held in Soviet slave-labor camps are political offenders. *** It appeared that, if the Soviet

for Chase National Bank, and I think history will bear me out.

The great impersonal, cold onslaught of a deflationary economic avalanche grinding ruthlessly on unchecked can only lead to panic and depression. To stop it is like trying to corral a maverick brahma bull into a cattle chute.

Of all the other dangers which our Nation might face in these trying times, the danger of depression is the greatest, for that danger opens the floodgates of communism more surely than any other thing and could let that bloody tide sweep this country.

We should realize that at this time in our history, high interest means selfinterest for a few rather than the selfinterest of the Nation.

it condemned them to forced labor until such time as they renounced those opinions or died in a camp. That was persecution raised to the dignity of a system.

At another point, the report sayspage 428:

Forced labor in the Soviet Union was the central core of both the political and econew in the world. It differed in many imnomic systems, and represented something portant respects from chattel slavery and from the penal systems of other countries. The Communist legal encyclopedia made it absolutely clear that the primary aim of the forced-labor system was to crush those who disagreed with the Communist Party and its

leaders.

SLAVE LABOR IN THE WORKERS

PARADISE

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under previous order of the House, the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. SMITH] is recognized for 15 minutes.

Mr. SMITH of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, the dark blight of slavery has settled permanently upon more than 20 million human beings behind the Iron Curtain of barbaric communism. This is the conclusion reported by the United Nations' committee on slave-labor camps, after a 2-year investigation under the auspices of the International Labor Organization. The committee's report, published in Geneva on May 27, 1953, comprises 618 printed pages of authoritative documentation depicting Communist slavery in every facet of brutality, inhumanity—even stark savagery in the deliberate extermination of peoples by slow starvation.

All this is accomplished with the sanc-. tion of the Soviet criminal code, under the legal euphemism of "corrective labor." The story told in the Geneva report stands as a warning to free men everywhere to guard jealously the precious heritage of constitutional protections and rights.

The American Federation of Labor, which inspired and demanded the Geneva investigation, has performed a distinguished service for freedom. The part played by the A. F. of L. in this historic exposé of Communist slave-labor camps is appreciated best by those who know the true story of modern slavery, as now reestablished in the whole broad domain of Godless communism.

page 430. The code also admits the general application of ex-post facto law. Under this principle, the victim may be convicted in 1950, under a law promulgated in 1949, for an act committed in 1930.

Guilt by association often is sufficient to send a person to a slave camp. In the language of the Geneva report, "persons whose sole responsibility for a crime lay in their being related to the persons accused, were punished for the

crime."

Although so-called trials are held in many cases, anyone may be shipped off to a slave camp without trial.

Under article 22 of the Basic Criminal Code of the U. S. S. R., exile could be decreed by the State prosecutor against persons recognized as being socially dangerous without any criminal proceedings being taken against those persons, and even in cases where they had been acquitted by a court of the charge of committing a specific crime.

One of the witnesses before the United Nations Commission was a man who had

served time in a Communist slave camp. He testified:

Men are not only arrested for what they did many years before, but for what their relatives did in the pre-Communist days.

Most arrests are made by the Ministry of State Security-MGB, formerly the MVD and earlier the NKVD.

the Code of Criminal Procedure, stop the The court may, according to article 394 of questioning of witnesses at any moment. It may refuse to permit pleading by the parties, and it may base its verdict on documents and testimony which were not presented at the trial (p. 433).

One of the organizations which presented testimony at Geneva was the Association of Former Political Prisoners of Soviet Labor Camps.

One of the main aims of the forced-labor system in the Soviet Union is to crush all opposition.

No one man of our association was ever witnesses, or hire counsel to defend himself.

Anyone who opposes the Soviet Government, on whatever policy, is classi

There is no difference as between the judicial procedure and the administrative procedure in respect of such crimes and, more important, there is no power of defense of the interested party.

In describing the Russian absorption of Latvia, the Geneva report gives this account.

One night alone in June 1941, 3,322 children under the age of 16, 5,302 women, and 6,447 men were torn away from their homes and families without trial-by a single administrative order-were sent to slavery thousands of miles away from their native country, to work in most severe climatic conditions, with little food and under the constant supervision of their armed guards (p. 436).

The petition filed at Geneva by the A. F. of L. emphasized that the Soviet secret police were charged directly with responsibility for 14 percent of all the heavy construction work programed in the 5-year plan for 1941. The A. F. of L. document continued:

The MVD (now changed to MGB) was also in charge of building and maintenance of all national roads, as well as the construction of railroads in isolated regions. Since the end of the war the MVD has also been given additional responsibilities-the construction and operation of all atomic development, the extraction of timber, gold, coal, chrome, oil, and the production of consumer goods.

This makes the complete police state. In some segments of the economy slave-labor production accounts for as much as one-half of the total production in a given industry.

Since 1938 approximately 75 percent of the gold production has been the result of forced labor. The Komi Republic was almost entirely in the hands of the MVD. Collective farms in that region were worked largely by families from the south who had been exiled to the Komi Republic for resisting the policy of collectivization (p. 439). In the testimony of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions we read that

The network of Soviet concentration camps is steadily spreading into the heart of the Soviet Union. *** Slave labor was first used in the lumber and mining industries. The secret Gosplan of 1941 extended the use of slave labor to some branches of manufacturing. This process has continued after the

war.

The canal recently completed to connect the River Volga with the White Sea was constructed entirely by slave labor. Nobody knows how many men were assigned to the job, but the number must have been enormous; for when the project was completed an official announcement in Moscow extended amnesty to 127,000 canal diggers. Says the Geneva report:

That number was nearly the same as the total prison population in the Russian Empire in 1914. The figure was staggering when it was considered that it represented amnesties of persons connected with only two projects out of hundreds of enterprises undertaken by the MVD.

The report estimates that there are more than 200 slave labor camps in the U. S. S. R., 66 of which are in Siberia.

camps, with a population of approximately 30,000, or about 12.5 percent of the entire labor force of that captive republic.

Living conditions in the slave camps are extremely rigorous.

Common criminals are placed in charge of the political offenders.

The MDV camp managers are given a production bonus.

It is consequently to the advantage of the officials to obtain a maximum output by setting very high-production norms, to keep down expenditure on upkeep and food, to use hunger as a means of exploitation, and even to eliminate the less productive elements altogether. The prisoners are kept on a starvation diet. They are forced to work beyond their physical capacities, and their living conditions are extremely primitive. They are poorly clothed and are exposed to all the rigors of the climate. Medical care is either entirely lacking or totally inadequate.

The sickness and death rates caused by such a life are very high, and the convicts have but slender chances of survival. In this respect, the regulations of the Ukhta-Pechora Camp are particularly revealing as to the inhuman fate reserved for prisoners and their children.

Since most of the prisoners in the camps are regarded as being opposed to the regime, the government has adopted a systematic policy of extermination. In the Vorkuta Camp in 1938, for instance, 1,300 prisoners were shot on the orders of a troika which had come from Moscow (p. 445).

Such is the picture today in the workers' fatherland. There freedom is dead, framed in the agonizing mirages of everand liberty is but a gnawing aspiration, lasting starvation.

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

By unanimous consent, permission to extend remarks in the Appendix of the RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks, was granted to:

Mr. TALLE and to include pertinent material relating to rehabilitation.

Mr. ANGELL in two instances and to include extraneous matter.

Mr. CLARDY and to include an article. Mr. BAKER and to include an editorial. Mr. JONAS of North Carolina and to include an article.

Mr. FARRINGTON in two instances and to include extraneous matter.

Mr. SIKES and to include a very able statement from the pen of Stewart Alsop which appeared on July 19.

Mr. PRICE in five instances and to include extraneous matter.

Mr. PERKINS and to include extraneous matter.

Mr. BYRD and to include extraneous matter.

Mr. WIER and to include an article from the Minneapolis Tribune.

Mr. HALEY and to include an editorial. Mr. HARVEY and to include an article. Mr. SIMPSON of Illinois and to include an editorial from the Quincy (Ill.) Herald Whig.

Mr. MCCORMACK and to include two editorials.

Mr. EDMONDSON and to include an editorial.

Mr. CARNAHAN and to include extraneous matter.

Mr. BOYKIN.

Mr. GATHINGS and to include a speech delivered by Hon. JAMES C. DAVIS, of Georgia, before the South Carolina Press Association at Blowing Rock, N. C., on Saturday, July 18, 1953.

LEAVE OF ABSENCE

By unanimous consent, leave of absence was granted to:

Mr. WIGGLESWORTH (at the request of Mr. HESELTON) for the week of July 20, on account of illness.

Mr. SCHENCK (at the request of Mr. MCGREGOR) for an indefinite period, on account of illness.

Mr. HOWELL (at the request of Mr. DURHAM) for July 20, 1953, on account of death in family.

SENATE BILLS REFERRED

Bills and a concurrent resolution of the Senate of the following titles were taken from the Speaker's table and, under the rule, referred as follows:

S. 61. An act for the relief of Hedwig Marek and Emma Elizabeth Marek; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

S. 144. An act for the relief of the Cavalier County Fair Association; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

S. 205. An act for the relief of Evdoxia J. Kitsos; to the Committee on the Judiciary. S. 323. An act for the relief of Rose Cohen; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

S. 541. An act to extend detention benefits under the War Claims Act of 1948 to emcontractors with the United ployees of States; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.

S. 550. An act for the relief of Thomas O. Robitscher; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

S. 563. An act for the relief of Ronald Lee Shields; to the Committee on the Judiciary. S. 569. An act for the relief of Lina Anna Adelheid (Adam) Hoyer; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

S. 596. An act for the relief of Alfonso Albano; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

S. 672. An act for the relief of Agostino Giusto; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

S. 727. An act to provide that certain costs and expenses incurred in connection with certain repayment contracts with irrigation districts approved by the acts of Congress of May 6, 1949 (63 Stat. 62), October 27, 1949 (63 Stat. 941), and June 23, 1952 (66 Stat. 151, 153) shall be nonreimbursable; to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs.

S. 825. An act for the relief of Karin Rita Grubb; to the Committee on the Judiciary. S. 887. An act to permit the exchange and amendment of farm units on Federal irrigation projects, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs.

noon.

EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS, ETC.

Under clause 2 of rule XXIV, executive communications were taken from

the Speaker's table and referred as fol

lows:

860. A letter from the Acting General Counsel, Office of the Secretary of Defense, transmitting a draft of legislation entitled "A bill to authorize the transfer to the Government of Japan of certain military equipment, and for other purposes"; to the Committee on Armed Services.

861. A letter from the Director, Legislation and Liaison, Department of the Air Force, transmitting a quarterly report relative to the number of officers assigned or detailed to permanent duty in the executive element of the Air Force at the seat of government, for the fourth quarter ending June 30, 1953, pursuant to section 201 (c) of the Air Force Organization Act of 1951, Public Law 150, 82d Congress; to the Committee on Armed Services.

862. A letter from the Comptroller General of the United States, transmitting a report on the audit of the Southwestern Power Administration, an agency in the Department of the Interior, covering the fiscal year 1952, pursuant to the provisions of the Budget and Accounting Act, 1921 (31 U. S. C. 53), and the Accounting and Auditing Act of 1950 (31 U. S. C. 67); to the Committee on Government Operations.

863. A letter from the Acting Commissioner, Immigration and Naturalization Service, Department of Justice, transmitting copies of orders granting the applications for permanent residence filed by the subjects, pursuant to section 4 of the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

864. A letter from the Secretary of Commerce, transmitting the annual report of the Foreign-Trade Zones Board for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1952, pursuant to section 16 of the Foreign-Trade Zones Act of June 18, 1934, as amended by Public Law 566, 81st Congress; to the Committee on Ways and Means.

Mr. TABER: Committee on Appropriations. H. R. 6391. A bill making appropriations for Mutual Security for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1954, and for other purposes; without amendment (Rept. No. 880). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union.

Under clause 2 of rule XIII, pursuant to the order of the House of July 17, 1953, the following conference reports were filed July 18, 1953:

Mr. PHILLIPS: Committee of conference. H. R. 4663. A bill making appropriations for the Executive Office and sundry independent executive bureaus, boards, commissions, corporations, agencies, and offices, for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1954, and for other purposes (Rept. No. 881). Ordered to be printed.

Mr. PHILLIPS: Committee of conference. H. R. 5690. A bill making appropriations for additional independent executive bureaus, boards, commissions, corporations, agencies,

1954, and for other purposes (Rept. No. 882). Ordered to be printed.

[Submitted July 20, 1953]

Under clause 2 of rule XIII, reports of committees were delivered to the Clerk

for printing and reference to the proper calendar, as follows:

Mr. ALLEN of Illinois: Committee on Rules. House Resolution 296. Resolution authorizing the Committee on the Judiciary to make an investigation of all claims arising out of the explosions at Texas City, Tex., on April 16 and 17, 1947; without amendment (Rept. No. 883). Referred to the House Calendar.

Mr. REES of Kansas: Committee on Post Office and Civil Service. H. R. 5959. A bill to exempt certain commissioned officers retired for disabilities caused by instrumentalities of war from the limitation prescribed by law with respect to the combined rate of retired pay and of compensation as civilian employees of the Government which retired officers may receive; without amendment (Rept. No. 884). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union.

Mr. ALLEN of Illinois: Committee on Rules. House Resolution 344. Resolution for consideration of H. R. 6342, a bill to amend the Public Buildings Act of 1949 to authorize the Administrator of General Services to acquire title to real property and to provide for the construction of certain public buildings thereon by executing purchase contracts; to extend the authority of the Postmaster General to lease quarters for post-office purposes; and for other purposes; without amendment (Rept. No. 885). Referred to the House Calendar.

Mr. ALLEN of Illinois: Committee on Rules. House Resolution 345. Resolution for consideration of H. R. 6287. A bill to extend and amend the Renegotiation Act of 1951; without amendment (Rept. No. 886). Referred to the House Calendar.

Mr. DAVIS of Wisconsin: Committee of conference. H. R. 5376. A bill making appropriations for civil functions administered by the Department of the Army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1954, and for other purposes (Rept. No. 889). Ordered to be printed.

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON PRI

VATE BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS Under clause 2 of rule XIII, reports of committees were delivered to the Clerk for printing and reference to the proper calendar, as follows:

Mr. JONAS of Illinois: Committee on the Judiciary. H. R. 2032. A bill for the relief of Clarence D. Newland; with amendment (Rept. No. 887). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House.

Mr. HOPE: Committee on Agriculture. H. R. 3107. A bill to provide for the conveyance of certain national forest land in Basalt, Colo.; with amendment (Rept. No. 888). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House.

PUBLIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS

Under clause 4 of rule XXII, pursuant to the order of the House of July 17, 1953, the following bill was introduced on July 18, 1953:

By Mr. TABER:

H. R. 6391. A bill making appropriations for mutual security for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1954, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Appropriations.

[Introduced and referred July 20, 1953] Under clause 4 of rule XXII, public bills and resolutions were introduced and severally referred as follows:

By Mr. BENTLEY:

H. R. 6392. A bill to amend the Immigra

tion and Nationality Act in order to allow credit for certain periods of civilian employment abroad by the Government of the United States in satisfying the requirement of 5 years' residence within the United States immediately preceding the date of filing petition for naturalization; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. COLMER:

H. R. 6393. A bill granting the consent and approval of Congress to an interstate forestfire-protection compact; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. CURTIS of Nebraska:

H. R. 6394. A bill to amend the Social Secu

rity Act to extend for 6 months the period for which wage credits are provided for military service; to the Committee on Ways and Means.

By Mr. DOLLIVER:

H. R. 6395. A bill to amend the Interstate Commerce Act, as amended, concerning requests of common carriers for increased transportation rates; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.

By Mr. FORD:

H. R. 6396. A bill to provide that the tax on admissions shall not apply in the case of plays presented by community theater groups exempt under section 101 (6) of the Internal Revenue Code, where no part of the net earnings inures to the benefit of any private stockholder or individual; to the Committee on Ways and Means.

By Mr. GRAHAM:

H. R. 6397. A bill to authorize the issuance of 247,000 special quota immigrant visas, and for other purposes; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. HAGEN of California:

H. R. 6398. A bill to authorize the granting of national service life insurance to veterans who were unable to produce evidence of good health on the date of enactment of the Servicemen's Indemnity Act of 1951 because a symptom-free waiting period had not expired on that date; to the Committee on Veterans' Affairs.

By Mr. HARRISON of Nebraska: H. R. 6399. A bill to authorize the Secretary of Agriculture to require reasonable bonds from packers; to the Committee on Agriculture.

By Mr. HOFFMAN of Michigan: H. R. 6400. A bill to amend the Legislative

Reorganization Act of 1946, and for other

purposes; to the Committee on Rules.

By Mr. JOHNSON:

H. R. 6401. A bill to authorize additional appropriations for the Lower San Joaquin River project; to the Committee on Public Works.

By Mr. KING of California:

H. R. 6402. A bill to provide for abatement of jeopardy assessments when jeopardy does not exist; to the Committee on Ways and Means.

By Mr. MACK of Illinois:

H. R. 6403. A bill to amend the Railroad Retirement Act of 1937 so as to permit individuals entitled to receive annuities or pensions under that act to waive payment thereof; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.

H. R. 6404. A bill to amend section 116 (a) (2) of the Internal Revenue Code to provide that the exclusion therein provided for the earned income of an individual who is present in a foreign country for 17 months shall apply only with respect to the first $5,000 of earned income in any one taxable year; to the Committee on Ways and Means.