Absentees, recall of, resolution to direct the Speaker to re-
quest their attendance, 533.

ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY, resigns seat in Senate, 8. See In-
dex, vols. 2, 8.

Allegiance, Foreign, petition of inhabitants of Kentucky,
stating that the King of Great Britain, by proclamation,
claims the allegiance of all persons born in his domin-
lons, 46; had authorized their impressment, &c., &c.,-
petition prays for resistance of this assumption, 46. See
Index, vol. 1.

ALEXANDER, EVAN, Representative from North Carolina, 36;
moves a committee of inquiry relative to proving the
acts and proceedings of States, 87. See Index, vol. 8.
Algerine War.-See Index, vol. 1.

ALSTON, LEMUEL J., Representative from South Carolina,
86, 125, 187, 815. See Index, vol. 3.

ALSTON WILLIS, jr., Representative from North Carolina,
86, 125, 187, 815, 425, 577; on the value of blank ballots,
125; on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Ex-
ecutive, 129; opposes the postponement of the resolu-
tion relative to the apportionment of representation,
224; on the ratio of representation, 319; on laying ad-
ditional duties, 431; on establishing a quartermaster's
department, 477. See Index, vols. 2, 3.

AMY DARDIN, report on petition of, 216; bill read, &c., 218;
report for relief of, agreed to, 538. See Index, vols. 1,
2, 8.

Amendments to the Constitution.-See Index, vols. 1, 2, 8.
ANDERSON, JOSEPH, Senator from Tennessee, 5, 28, 116, 176,

252, 420, presents memorial of Legislative Council of
Mississippi Territory, 265; on the incorporation of a
Bank of the United States, 266; on a recess of Congress,
412. See Index, vols. 2, 3.
ANDERSON, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania,
124, 187, 815, 424, 577.

ARCHER, STEVENSON, Representative from Maryland, 424,
577; on foreign relations, 466; on the policy of the war,
638; on war taxes, 715.

Armed Vessels, public and private, encouragement of, reso
lution relative to, 711. See Privateers.
ARMSTRONG Gen., his letter to Mr. Pinkney, 361; letter of,
on additional general officers, 713.
Army, pay of the.-In the House, bill concerning the pay
of the army considered, 581; the present pay of the ar-
my much below the average price of labor, 581; where-
foro should the soldier receive less than any other man,
581; the compensation should be proportioned to the
risk, 581; to second section of the bill little objection
apprehended, 581; third section founded on the princi-

ple that every man owes to the country which protects
him, military service, 581; second section involves an
infraction of the constitution, 582; any man who had
contracted a debt had certainly given a pledge not only
of his property but of his body to his creditor, 582; this
right of the creditor to take the body is completely
taken out of his hands in regard to those who enlist,
582; has an ex post facto operation, 582; this provision
necessary to guard against fraud, 582; persons enlisted
procure themselves to be arrested under fictitious debts,
582; when let out on bail and the commander attempts
to take him he is rescued on a habeas corpus, and
courts decide the man to be the property of his bail,
582; motion to strike out lost, 582; third section en-
courages the uneasy boy to throw off parental authori-
ty or to defraud a master, its tendency is to violate pub-
lic morals and the spirit of the constitution, and to in-
terfere with public economy, 582; it is unknown as well
as immoral, 582; other objections, 583; minors above
eighteen allowed to enlist, 583; you go into the work-
shop and the parent's dwelling and entice away the ap-
prentice and the child, 583; this very population con-
stitutes the strength and vigor of war, 588; what was
the fact in France, 583; her army is made
up of
young
men, 588; the case of husbands deserting wives and
children aged parents, is as much entitled to sympathy,
583; better resort to liberal bounties and wages than
violate important principles, 584; the extensiveness of
the relation of master and apprentice, 584; can these
relations dissolve under the charm of this bill, 584; ne-
cessity is alleged, 584; beware how you yield to this
fancied necessity, 584; this section will be productive
of much evil and perhaps little good, 584; reason to
doubt its constitutionality, 584; amendments negatived
and bill ordered to third reading, 584; the atrocity of
the principle and the magnitude of the evil contained
in this bill, 535; third section is calculated to seduce
minors from their masters, guardians, and parents, 585,
the absurdity of this provision-its inequality-its im-
morality considered, 585, 586; sixteen was the age called
upon in the revolution, 587; which excites the most re-
gret, a child leaving his parents to defend his country,
or a parent torn from his family to defend a foreign
power, 588; the charges against this bill are a libel on
the House, 588; atrocious principle! let gentlemen
damn the memory of the patriots of the revolution who
originated this principle, 588; if there is an increase of
population, there appears to be a deterioration of pa-
triotism since the revolution, 588; what was the law in
1798, 588; the power to enlist minors is a new principle,
588; third section examined, 589; reason for the prefer-
ence of young men, 589; House now prepared to take

ap a small subject and make a great thing of it, 589; a man ought not to be called on to defend his country until he has acquired political rights, 589; moved to recommit the bill, 590; it is of the nature of an ex post facto law, and tends to exalt the military over the civil authority, 591; the third section freighted with most fatal consequences, 591; cases supposed, 591; re-commitment lost, 592; bill passed, 598.

Military Force additional.-In the Senate, a bill to authorize the President to accept and organize certain military corps, &c., considered, 405; be productive of no efficacy, 405; be inoperative, 405; system of volunteers the favorite one of the Government, 405; the number should be reduced, 405; only a formidable display of armies on paper, 405.

In the House, bill taken up, 547; is it such as to require secrecy? 548; voted affirmatively, 548; bill ordered to be engrossed and passed, 548.

In the House, bills for the more perfect organization of the army, and to raise an additional military force considered in committee, 611; moved to fill the blanks relative to bounty, 611; the military committee present a system on which to rest the future operation of the war, 611; explanation of its merits, 611; object with all to terminate the war successfully, 611; no other mode than to call into the field a force adequate to command every honorable object, 611; the good the war has accomplished relative to our character abroad, 611; the honor of the nation requires that British power on our borders should be demolished in the next campaign, 611; after seeing the necessity of augmenting the regular forces, it was equally material to provide for filling the ranks, and keeping them at their full complement, 612; it is proposed to appoint recruiting officers for each regiment, 612; it may be said the results of the last campaign are so unfavorable that there is no object to vote further sums, 612; all our disasters sprang from a cause no man in the nation could anticipate, 612; treachery or cowardice caused the surrender at Detroit, 612; question on filling the blanks carried, 613; moved to repeal the offer of bounty land to the recruits, 613; this is a waste of the nation's capital without a single provident result, 618; it is proposed to increase the bounty in money, 618; motion agreed to, 613; blanks in the other bill authorizing an additional military force severally filled, 613; reason for giving the appointment of officers below the rank of colonel to the President alone, 613; bills reported to the House, 613; first bill ordered to be engrossed, 613; question on the engrossment of the bill to raise an additional military force, 614; great anticipations from the action of twenty thousand men in a single year, 614; when war was declared it was said Canada would be conquered in a single year, 614; experience has proved the fallacy of these predictions, 615; no pleasure to dwell upon the disasters and disgrace that have attended our military operations, 615; the annals of the last six months are most deplorable, 615; the tone and heart of the country broken, universal disgust at the past, anxiety and concern for the future, 615; what is now proposed for the future, 615; an army of twelve months' men-a broken reed, 615; an army and term of service which well nigh lost the country in the revolutionary war, 615; wherefore change the term of enlistment from five years or during the war to one year, 615; feelings of the Canadians, 616; let us see things as they are, and look danger in the face, 616; points in our relative conduct towards France and Great Britain which will not bear examination, 616; moved to strike out one and insert five years as the term of enlistment, 616; we must rise

after reverses, 616; if we were to unite the question would soon be settled, 617; cause of the war concisely stated by Capt. Porter, "Free trade and sailor's rights," 617; is there a man doubts the war was justly undertaken? 617; what injury have we not suffered, 617; you have been told the Prince Regent and his ministers are firm, let us follow their example, 617; an army should be seasoned before it is taken into the field, 617; it will take a year to prepare them for the field; without discipline they are useless, 617; let us raise an army for the war, 617; we must take the continent from Britain, 617; the question is what is the kind of force, and for what length of time can you raise an army to take the field at the earliest period? 618; under this measure a force may be drawn into the field ready to act efficiently in the next campaign, 618; we have never engaged in any war in which we have come out better in the first campaign, 618; if this country will go into the war heart and hand, we shall shortly demonstrate to the enemy that it is her interest to be at peace with us, 618; amendment lost, 618; question on the passage of the bill, 618.

All desire peace, but what is the best course to obtain it, 618; will the passage of this bill, and the actual enlistment of the proposed force secure peace? 618; this war can be terminated with honor and advantage without further effusion of human blood, 619; this does not mean that the honor of the nation is identical with the honor of those who declared the war, 619; the question of contest is reduced to a single point, 619; the British Orders in Council have been repealed, the practice of impressment alone remains, 619; this has been subject. ed to much exaggeration, 619; it is not certain England has been unwilling to enter into such an arrangement as would place this question on a fair and honorable basis, 619; see the correspondence of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, 619; at one period she was willing to advance considerable lengths towards an adjustment, 619; our duty to make an effort for the sanction of our just rights and the restoration of peace without further appeal to force, 619; facts tending to confirm this belief, 620; the late communications from the Executive to the British Government present a novelty in the history of war and diplomacy, 620; this bill is a kind of second declaration of war, 621; the war is both politically and morally wrong, 621; it is of an offensive character, 621; something unaccountable that the disposition to prosecute this war should increase, 621; it rests now solely on the subject of impressment, 621; this must be settled by treaty, 621; we shall create an annual expense of forty millions, 621; if Canada could be taken it would be a great public misfortune, 621; this war cannot be prosecuted without violating the laws of humanity and justice, of religion and morality, 621; it is becoming more unpopular in the Eastern States, 622; the force contemplated to be raised is unnecessary, 622; the present military establishment is certainly sufficient for all purposes of defence, 622; neither Canada nor any other British province will be worth the blood and treasure they will cost us, 622; the militia of Canada estimated too low, 622; of what value would these prov inces be to us, 623; duty to inquire into the policy and necessity of this measure, as well as the present state of our relations with Great Britain, 623; would the principle, if yielded to us to-morrow, benefit our native seamen, or promote the real interests of the country? 624; is there probability of obtaining a recognition of this principle by a continuance of the war? 624; the traffic in American protections, 625; the bill is altogether inadequate to the purpose intended to be accom

plished, 626; it cannot be admitted that because the
war is declared, we are bound to lend aid to promote
every plan for prosecuting it which may be proposed,
627; the bill is unnecessary for the attainment of the
original object of the war, 627; some of the pretended
causes of the war have never been seriously relied on
by our Government, 627; what was the avowed object
of this war? 628; the pretence was to take or rather to
receive Canada, 628; the effect of this bill is to place at
the disposal of the Executive an army of fifty-five
thousand men, 628; the purpose for which these men are
demanded is the invasion of Canada, 628; is the conquest
of Canada an object desirable in itself, or advantageous
by its effect in promoting an early and honorable peace?
628; note, 628; the intention of the American Cabinet
thus unequivocally avowed, 628; anxious that no doubt
should exist on this subject, 628; no scheme ever was
or ever will be rejected by the men now in power mere-
ly on account of its running counter to the ordinary
dictates of common sense and common prudence, 629;
Illustration, 629; the great mistake of all those who
reasoned concerning the war and the invasion of Cana-
da, that it was impossible, was that they never took
into consideration the connection of these events with
the then pending election of Chief Magistrate, 629; the
invasion of Canada considered as a means of carrying on
the subsisting war, a means of obtaining an early and
honorable peace, and a means of advancing the personal
and local projects of ambition of the members of the
American Cabinet, 630; never was there an invasion in
any country worse than this in point of moral princi-
ple, since the invasion of the Buccaneers, or of Capt.
Kidd, 632; they had the hope of plunder, here there
is not even the poor refuge of cupidity, 682; the dis-
grace of our arms on the frontier is terrestrial glory
compared with the disgrace of the attempt, 632; this
nation is the last which ought to admit the design of
foreign conquest, 632; multitudes who approve of the
war detest the invasion, 633; look at the elections, what
do they speak? 633; the people of New England have
no desire for Canada, 633; the surest way to defeat any
hope from negotiation is this threat of invasion, 634; the
American Cabinet understood this, 634; the project of
this bill is to put further off the chance of amicable ar-
rangement, 634; the present men were raised to power
by elements constituted of British prejudices and Brit-
ish antipathies, 634; such men will never permit a state
of things to pass away so essential to their influence,
635; the Cabinet has been careful to precede negotia-
tion with some circumstance sure to make it fail, ever
since the refusal to renew the Treaty of 1794, 635; the
Executive power passed into new hands, under the old
influences and principles of the former Administration,
635; the whole stage of the relations induced between
this country and Great Britain was a standing appeal to
the fears of Great Britain, 635; what is the truth in re-
lation to the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees?
636; were ever a body of men so abandoned in the hour
of need as the American Cabinet by Bonaparte? 636;
reasons for referring to this subject, 636; illustrations
of what is doing and intended at present, 637; the invi-
tations to union which have been so obtrusively urged,
638; the liberty of debate prostituted in disseminating
the most unfounded charges, 639; it has been charged
that war had been declared prematurely and without
due preparation, 639; it has been said that the nature
of the war is changed, 640; what the Legislature con-
sidered as the cause of war, 641; the manner in which
the points of difference between the two nations ought

to be considered, 641; negotiation has been tried in
the matter of impressment for twenty years, 641; it is
pretended that this Government is not desirous of
peace, and that this is a war of conquest and ambition,
642; if we now recede, are not points conceded to the
enemy which the opposition never would concede if in
power, 642; how much more powerful is the objection to
the right of search now than when first made, 643; ex-
emption from impressment is no new claim set up, 644;
the evils we have complained of were of a nature not
to be remedied by war, 644; what has been the state of
the country since the declaration of war, 645; our rela-
tions with the belligerents have essentially changed
since war was declared, 645; Napoleon has inveigled us
into a war, 645: why was the evidence of a repeal of the
decrees withheld, 646; believing the French decrees re-
pealed, we departed from our neutral stand, by enfor-
cing the non-intercourse law against Great Britain, 647;
the prominent causes of the war examined, 648; whether
this bill is right or wrong depends upon circumstances,
652; it is said to be the constitutional duty of the oppo-
nents of the war to afford every aid and encouragement,
653; not the most suitable measure to be selected by
the opposition, upon which to show their resistance,
653; a view of the past, of different parties which have
at various times appeared, and the manner by which we
have been driven from a peaceful posture, 654; the
course of the opposition in impeding the Government
for the last twelve years has been unexampled in histo-
ry, 654; gentlemen seem to forget that they stand on
American soil, 655; a plot for the dismemberment of the
Union, 656; cause of the declaration of war, 656; it is
said France inveigled us into the war, 656; the war
might have been declared even if the Orders in Council
had been repealed earlier, 657; it is said Great Britain
has always been willing to make a satisfactory arrange-
ment on the subject of impressment, 658; what cause
which existed for declaring the war has been removed;
659.

What is the object of this vast military force? 660:
retrospect of the last eight years, to show how much
gentlemen have been mistaken and disappointed in their
views of foreign policy, 661; the picture of impress-
ments has been too highly colored, 663; in that section
of the Union where two-thirds of the seamen come
from, there is an overwhelming opinion against the war,
663; the controversy seems brought to a single point,
663; it is supposed this is the auspicious moment to as-
sert our rights, 664; the opinions of the majority have
undergone a strange revolution, 664; the conquest of
the British provinces doubtful, 665; physical and moral
evils resulting from your measures, 666; some observa-
tions on the bill itself, 666; none can deny the propriety
of defending the country, 666; objections to the further
prosecution of the war examined, 667; contrariety of
opinions respecting Canada, 668; none but cowards cal-
culate on the cowardice of their foe, 668; the war was
improperly commenced and is unnecessarily continued,
669; examination of the causes as they existed at the
commencement and exist now, 669; the claim on the
part of Britain relative to seamen, 670; this claim ex-
amined, 670, 671, 672, 678; the points made in debate,
impressment, the right to expatriate, the right to nat-
uralize, and French influence, 675; a distinction been
drawn throughout this debate between the rights of a
man who cultivates the soil, and one who follows the
seas, 675; every attempt to settle the question of im-
pressment for twenty years has failed, 676; it is said
that it is the abuse of impressment of which we com-

plain, 676; Porcupine paper, 676; all agree that we ought to fight for the rights of our seamen, why not all join heart and hand to do so, 678; this has been a most unfortunate Government as ever existed; every thing has gone wrong, 678; bill ordered to be engrossed, 679. Question on the passage of the bill, 679; the army has been represented as dangerous to the liberties of the country, 679; what have been the propositions heretofore made by our Government to Great Britain? 679; equitable as they were all were rejected, 680; for every British seaman obtained by impressment a number of Americans have been made victims, 680; the change of Administration in former years, 681; characters of the two contending parties, 681; course of the successful party, 682; proceedings of our Government, 688, 684; the Orders in Council constituted no insurmountable obstacle to negotiation between this country and Great Britain, 685; if the President had made that repeal a basis of negotiation, every man in the country would have hailed him as the restorer of peace, 686; the ruler of France has turned with contempt from your reclamations, 686; what atonement has been made for these insults and injuries, 686; the Indian wars on the frontier, 686; has this subject been inquired into, 687; a word on the subject of impressments, 687; Great Britain rather than surrender the right of impressing her own seamen, will nail her colors to the mast and go down with them, 688; this lies in a small compass, 688; what was the offer made to our Government by the British Ministry? 688; the right of search does exist, and has been acknowledged by all nations, 689; the French doctrine in relation to impressment, 689; author of the Newberg letters to command your army, 690; can the force contemplated be obtained; will it accomplish the end proposed, and will it be an economical force? 690; the grounds taken by the opponents of this bill examined, 691, 692; what is the object of this debate, 694; to thwart the final success of the war, 694; all the arguments of the opposition have been directed to destroy the union and zeal of the people, 694; but say our opponents, as they were opposed to the war, so they are not bound to support it, 694; but we are told that peace is in our power without a further prosecution of the war, 694; it is said we ought to offer England suitable regulations on this subject to secure to her the use of her seamen, 695; will the intended effect of the opposition be produced? 695; gentlemen are conjured to bring this debate to a close, 696; the success against the Canadas doubtful, 696; mortifying to see the conduct of the enemy vindicated and palliated, 696; the several heads of discussion introduced in this debate considered, 697; what is a just and necessary war? 699; what did an elevated fitness of character and conduct require of this nation when war was declared? 699; popular opinion was not against this war, 700; impressment alone would have ultimately produced war, 700; all public law, it is said, has denied the right of expatriation, 701; bill passed, 702. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3. AVERY, DANIEL, Representative from New York, 424, 577.

B

BACON, EZEKIEL, Representative from Massachusetts, 86, 124, 187, 815, 424, 578; supports the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, 95; offers a resolution relative to petitions respecting the Presidential election in Massachusetts, 105; on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Ex

ecutive, 127; on Miranda's expedition, 144; reports rela tive to challenges and duels, 191; against the petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215; on reduction of the navy, 244; against the admission of Mississippi, 352; on pay of the army, 582; against encouragement to privateer captures, 704. See Index, vol. 3.

BAGLY, MOUNTJOY, Sergeant-at-Arms to the Senate, 408. BAINBRIDGE, WILLIAM, letter relative to the capture of the frigate Java, 717.

BAKER, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 425, 577; on the location of a military academy, 531. Bank of the United States, dividends on stock of, 188; capital of branches, 188; exper.ses and losses, 188; report on, 216,

Bank of the United States. In the House, report on the memorial of the stockholders of the United States' Bank, 215.

In Senate.-Petition of the President and Directors for a renewal of their charter, 252; bill to incorporate the subscribers considered, 266; moved to strike out the first section, in order to try the principle, 266; reasons of the committee for reporting the bill, 266; Congress has power to pass such a bill, 266; powers granted by the eighth section of the first article, 266; the enumeration of certain powers excludes all other powers not cnumerated, this point examined, 267; not true when applied to express grants of power, strictly incidental to some original substantive power, 267; subject examined, 267; it is said Congress can exercise no power by impli cation, yet can pass all laws necessary to carry the constitution into effect, 267; the power to create the Supreme Court must be derived by implication, 263; explained by an example, 268; according to the construetion given to other parts of the constitution, Congress has the right to incorporate a bank to enable it to manage the fiscal concerns of the nation, 268; the law to erect light-houses is not a law to regulate commerce, 269; it is said the advocates of a bank differ among themselves in fixing upon the general power to which the right to create a bank is incidental, 269; no man ventures to declare that a bank is not necessary, 270; this is an apparent objection to the constitutional argument, 270: the medium of State banks, 270; the means by which the constitutional powers may be carried into effect, may vary if the powers do not, 270; the motion to strike out goes to the entire destruction of the bill, 271; the usefulness of the present bank admitted, 271; what is the state of the bank in this city, 271; the conduct of the bank has been honorable, liberal, and impar. tial, 271; in every instance where it possessed the ability, it has met the wishes of the government, 271; it is said these stockholders have enjoyed a boon for twenty years from which all others have been excluded, 272; it is impossible to devise any written system of Government which after a lapse of time, extension of empire, &c. shall be able to carry its own provisions into operation, hence the necessity of implied or resulting powers, 272; whence do you get the right to erect custom-houses, but as an implied power, 272; want of power to grant an act of incorporation has ever appeared the most unsound and untenable objection, 272; the situation of this bank on the expiration of its charter, and the effects on the community consequent upon it, 273; the amount of specie in the United States, 278; effects which the dissolution of the bank will have on the revenue and fiscal concerns of the country, 274; will your money when collected be safe in the State banks? 274; irksome to oppose a law which has been in existence twenty years,