however, exercise personal command in the field, and it was during his time that Major General Meade, in command of the army of the Potomac, fought and won the great battle of Gettysburg, which was the Waterloo of the confederate cause. Grant followed Halleck in command of the army. There had been so much interference by non-military men with important military affairs that President Lincoln very wisely determined to give General Grant proper control of the military operations, and leave him unembarrassed in the discharge of those duties with the grave responsibilities involved. Grant's tireless energy and relentless tenacity, rather than any special tactical or strategic ability, gave full effect to the power of the mighty veteran armies of the republic at that time. General Grant was succeeded in command of the United States armies by that brilliant leader, peerless strategist and versatile writer and genius, William Tecumseh Sherman. Sherman had distinguished himself at Shiloh, Vicksburg and Chattanooga, besides performing innumerable services of less note. Grant had selected him for the most important command outside of his own in the final year of the war, and in due time Sherman electrified the nation with the message: "Atlanta is ours, and fairly won.' He then divided his forces, giving to the "Rock of Chickamauga," George H. Thomas, the most difficult task of outmaneuvering his enterprising enemy, Lieutenant General Hood. Thomas gathered the detached forces of the army, and by skillful maneuvers and superb, grand tactics, utterly destroyed and routed Hood's army. Sherman then speedily swept forward to the sea with his victorious hosts, again dismembering the body of the confederacy. Pushing north towards Richmond, he insured the success of the combinations planned by the commander in chief for the final decisive blow, crushing the confederacy's last armed support. General P. H. Sheridan succeeded Sherman in command of the army, followed by General John M. Schofield. The history of these officers is familiar to all modern readers. On the 2nd of October, 1895, by direction of the president, the undersigned was assigned to the command of the army. The army of the United States was reorganized in 1866 with an aggregate force of 3,036 officers and 51,605 soldiers-total, 54,641. In 1874 it was reduced to 25,000 soldiers. Although small in numbers, it was, in point of physical excellence, intelligence, efficiency and patriotic, martial spirit, the equal of any body of men of its number in any part of the world. It was in the spring of 1898 an army of athletes, and made a good nucleus for the great volunteer force called into service. The war with Spain brought into service 278,000 men. To promote, as far as practicable, the principles of good administration, thorough instruction and devotion to duty, the following order was issued: HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, General Orders, No. 57. After a prolonged period of peace our army is once more called upon to engage in war in the cause of justice and humanity. To bring the military forces to the highest state of efficiency and most speedily accomplish what is expected, should be the earnest effort, and call forth the best energies of all its members of whatsoever station. The laws and regulations which govern military bodies in civilized countries have been developed to their present perfection through the experience of hundreds of years, and the faithful observance of those laws and regulations is essential to the honor and efficiency of the army. All authority should be exercised with firmness, equity and decorum on the part of superiors, and should be respected by implicit obedience and loyal support from subordinates. Every officer of whatever grade will, so far as may be in his power, guard and preserve the health and welfare of those under his charge. He must labor diligently and zealously to perfect himself and his subordinates in military drill, instruction and discipline, and above all, he must constantly endeavor, by precept and example, to maintain the highest character, to foster and stimulate that true soldierly spirit and patriotic devotion to duty which must characterize an effective army. The major general commanding confidently trusts that every officer and soldier in the service of the republic, each in his proper sphere, will contribute his most zealous efforts to the end that the honor and character of the army may be preserved untarnished, and its best efforts crowned with success. This order is given upon a day sacred to the memory of the heroic dead, whose services and sacrifices afford us example and inspiration, and it is expected that all will be fully impressed with the sacred duty imposed upon the army by the government of our beloved country BY COMMAND OF MAJOR GENERAL MILES; H. C. CORBIN, Adjutant General. Within a short time it was the good fortune of the army, acting in concert with the gallant navy and native patriots, to release from Spanish rule twelve millions of people in Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands. I believe the army will in the future, as it has in the past, ever be the exponent of the best thought, inspiration and expression of the people who are now and will be henceforth enjoying the freedom of American institutions. THE ARMY IN THE REVOLUTION. BY J. V. S. PADDOCK. [James V. Seaman Paddock, military expert, born in Illinois, and appointed from that state Sept. 1, 1873 to the United States military academy; upon graduation June 1877, was appointed second lieutenant in the fifth cavalry and promoted to first lieutenant June 11, 1886; served in the Indian campaigns and mentioned for meritorious service; retired, because of wounds, April 1, 1891; since his retirement he has devoted himself to literary writing, chiefly on military topics.] In order to estimate justly the deeds of the army of the American Revolution and understand the reasons for the tremendous and far reaching results of these deeds, it is necessary to view the causes of the war and investigate the origin and traits of those peoples who made up the population at the time of the struggle. The American continent had by the fall of Quebec in 1759 become British from Florida north. The thirteen colonies which rebelled were all under practically the same form of government, with much local control. The colonists by a century of severe warfare had acquired an amount of home pride and transatlantic patriotism that made the British parliament and king more of a weakened tradition than a fact. The British flag had too often been either the token of inefficient patronage or oppressive laws and taxes. Moreover, the large number of colonials who were of nonBritish origin must not be forgotten, nor the large number, particularly in New England, who had been to a great extent weaned from British local patriotism by the sojourn of their immediate ancestors in free Holland, where these progenitors not only loosed their English ties but absorbed the principles of a political system much nearer democratic than any other then extant. The influence of the Dutch upon our domestic polity, which was much greater than is appreciated by most, came not through the easy going Dutchman of New Amster dam, but through the pushing, fanatical and turbulent Yankee of Round Head traditions. Every American colonial who was not directly and recently from England was at least willing to listen to the revolu tionist's contention, unhampered by any sentiment. The Dutch in New York, the Swede in New Jersey and Delaware, the Huguenot and the Highland Scotch in the south, all these, fine people all, were quick to take arms, for to them the war was a fight against a foreign foe from the very inception of the struggle. However, the preponderance of blood was British, the existing rule was British, the English language was practically the only tongue; customs and local laws had become quite generally uniform, and the colonies were by the middle of the eighteenth century a group of strong Anglo-Saxon commonwealths whose citizens were individually of a much higher grade of intelligence, enterprise and courage than were those of Great Britain proper or of any European country. Only the brave explore; only the strong and daring emigrate. The house of Hanover gave to the British throne a ruler who could not grasp the idea of a free people at home, much less across the Atlantic. Tradition, caste and sentiment were still all powerful in Britian; but these had little weight with a free people who had never seen anything but the seamy side of monarchy. Communities, like men, when arrived at a certain stage of growth, demand a share in the ruling of life. America (the word had long been familiar to the colonial) was no longer a child. The time had come when the colonies realized this and the demand for representation in the parliament was so strong that to ignore it was to bring on a struggle. The contest was not at first for independence but for rights within the empire; but it was soon evident that no halfway measures would cure the ills which America was suffering, and separation came as the only logical result of a successful war. The military events of the 18th century had prepared the Americans for a fight, and had moreover engendered a feeling of confidence which added to the resentment and impatience under misgovernment. The three principal campaigns of this century culminated in the capture of Louisburg, the conquest of Canada and the defeat of Braddock. The taking of Louisburg was the most clean cut victory, although not the most important event in its |