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IF the murderous crew, who call themselves socialists, had deliberately concocted a scheme to shut themselves out from all human sympathy in all lands, they could not have hit upon a happier device than the wanton butchery of the Chicago police, who seem to have done nothing but their duty.

Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (Rep.), May 6.

IF the red flag meant brotherhood, popular right, liberty and equality among men, there would be no harm in the display, but we have the bloody proof that it is the emblem of demoniac fools or infernal cowards. The first thing the workingmen of the United States have to do is to suppress it.

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THE torch and bomb are not the weapons of the patriotic, law-observing, Godfearing workingmen of America. They are the weapons of socialism and anarchy, of an idle, vicious horde that should be stamped ont as mercilessly as the iron hand of authority can do it. New York Evening Post (Dem.).

TALK like that of Spies in Chicago is no more protected by the sacred right "to know, to utter, and to argue freely," in defense of which so much noble blood has been shed, than the roaring of a Bengal tiger in a forest on a night when deer and buffalo are scarce.

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As old world violence is at the doors of American homes, the full power of outraged American liberty should crush it with a blow, compared to which the mightiest effort of old world military coercion shall seem as the stroke of an infant's hand.

Cincinnati Times-Star (Rep.).

THE American citizen of whatever nationality wants the "stars and stripes" at the head of his procession; the fellow who wants the red flag would better move on to some other country, this one is not large enough for his pretensions.

Wheeling Register (Dem.).

FROM the real workingmen of the country nothing but words of condemnation are neard about the disgraceful riots in Chicago and Milwaukee. They recognize, as they should, that the anarchists are their deadliest enemies.

Pittsburgh Commercial-Gazette (Rep.).

IT behooves the police authorities, to recognize the fact that the revolutionary anarchists belong to the criminal classes and are subjected to surveillance and espionage, like burglars, pickpockets, footpads and garroters.

Toledo Blade (Rep.)

WITH regard to the men engaged in throwing dynamite bombs and rioting in Chicago last night, they are not honest workingmen, and but few of them are Americans. They should be hunted down without mercy.

Hartford Times (Dem.).

THIS free country tolerates a free press and free speech, but not license, not appeals to the basest passions, nor urgent requests for desperate men to arm and kill officers of the law and peaceable citizens.

Terre Haute Express (Rep.).

BETWEEN the Irons, damphools and the Chicago socialists, the honest and intelligent workingmen are compelled to carry a much heavier burden than imposed by exacting employers.

Boston Traveller (Rep.).

THERE is a danger from these professional agitators who preach the gospel of anarchy which must not be overlooked, and the bloodshed and murder in Chicago only emphasizes it.

Newark Evening News (Ind.).

SOCIALISM, known by whatever name, means destruction and disorder; the attainment of ends by the overthrow of established conditions. In its code, violence supersedes reason.

Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.).

No punishment can be too severe for those who attempt to introduce riot, arson

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and bloodshed into the current wages disputes. They are enemies of labor and law alike.

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From a Berlin Cablegram.

THE émeutes of Chicago have reverberated loudly in Germany, and, in general, they are wisely commented on by the leading journals. The Kölnishe Zeitung says: The real American workingmen who desire to achieve their ends pacifically ought not to be confounded with the anarchists." The Tageblatt, of Berlin, says: The Americ should have recognized sooner the necessity of acting energetically against Most ad dynamite heroes. It is not long since it was the fashion to laugh at the soc disorders of the old world." The Zeitung, of Frankfort, thus concludes a le: "Evidently the anarchists by profession care very little for the efforts of the workingmen to ameliorate their condition. These scoundrels have nothing in common with the great mass of the men actually on strike."

Minneapolis Evening Journal (Ind.).

THE Socialistic outbreaks in Chicago and Milwaukee deserve mention as startling revelations of the danger of neglecting thoughtful consideration of the questions which the prevailing labor movement has thrust to the front. They emphasize the fact that if teachers of truth do not sow in the minds of the people teachers of error will not be slow to plant in the unoccupied soil.

San Francisco Chronicle (Rep.).

IT is aside from the question to say that the leaders of riots and turbulence in this country are foreigners, and that Americans would not behave so. The "foreigners," so called, are, we presume, American citizens, and we must deal with them as such-just as if they had been born on the soil,

Savannah News (Dem.).

LIBERTY of speech does not mean that men shall be free to preach against the laws which are necessary for the safety of society, any more than liberty of action means that a man may steal and kill.

Warren, Ohio, Tribune (Rep.).

THE anarchist bears just the same relation to honest labor and its organization that swindling contractors, and murderous, thieving camp-followers did to the Union

armies.

Detroit Tribune (Rep.).

Baltimore News (Ind.).

THE authorities must make this country too hot for the rascals who have been driven out of their own.

ANARCHISM will be short lived in this country. The people will insist, as against such an enemy, upon both promptness and severity in the application of

law.

Nebraska State Journal (Rep.).

Springfield Republican (Ind.).

SPIES, the orator, should be made an example of, and without delay. It is no
time for half measures.
Hartford Courant (Rep.).

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THE free American Republic will never be free enough to tolerate such fiends or
such methods.
Rochester Herald (Rep.).

THE red flag must go, and so must the fellows who champion it-fellows, by the way, who have never done a square stroke of honorable labor in their lives.

New York Journal of Commerce. .

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FOREIGN OPINIONS.

Paris Telegram to New York Herald, May 9.

THE outburst of transatlantic anarchy and dynamite has taken France completely by surprise. The sober-minded Journal des Débats and Temps make a fine display of "anarchy despatches," and express a firm conviction that American common sense will crush in the bud anything really approaching to a socialistic revolution. The reactionary Figaro and Gaulois point to the significant fact that the whole trouble originated, not from native born Americans, but from the emigrants of Germany, and declare that even the American republic is not free from the contamination of these Teutonic outcasts and reptiles. The Univers, a sort of Angel Gabriel of French Catholicism, says: "Transatlantic anarchy is a danger that all American statesmen must now carefully study. Dynamite outbreaks prove that even in the grand republic the doctrine of laisser faire will not do for everything." The radical social papers gloat over the apparition in the "far West" of red-handed anarchy. The Cri du Peuple comes out with a flaming leader headed "The American Revolution," embellished with grotesque wood-cuts of shooting stars, thunderbolts, and bursting bombs. Jules Guesde, the apostle of universal destruction and chaos, who signs the article, says: "The North American proletariat is now on the warpath, organized and posing by monster strikes the same social question and in the very same terms as in France, Germany, Belgium, and England. The North American proletariat, to precipitate the solution of the question, rightly makes use of all the weapons it can lay its hands upon-the ballot-box, rifles, revolvers, bombs, and dynamite. The people in America are now fighting for the same vital reforms that figure on the programme of our own workingmen, or are killing and being killed for the same eight hour system tha our own Baslys, Camelinats, and Joffrins demand at the Hotel de Ville and the Chamber of Deputies." Under the heading of "Solidarité Internationale"" the Cri du Peuple also publishes a letter from Progressive Cigarmakers Union No. I, of New York, subscribing $200 in aid of the Decazeville strikes. M. Rochefort's

THE violence and bloodshed at Chicago and Milwaukee reveal the true spirit of Intransigeant says editorially: "The Yankees refused to listen when De Laveleye the trades-union against which we have so often and so earnestly protested.

Oshkosh, Wis., Times, (Dem.).

THE best thing in the line of protection for American labor would be the stopping of the importation of paupers, cranks socialists and anarchists.

The Milwaukee Wisconsin (Rep.).

THE rioters in Milwaukee, as is the almost uniform case elsewhere, are the scum of the city's population, and should be treated accordingly.

New York Sun (Dem.).

THE real workingmen-the real Americans of Chicago-will see to it that the American flag does not give place to the red flag there.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.).

It takes the rain of lead to upset the reign of anarchy. As long as there are lots of bullets the bullies will behave themselves.

Baltimore Herald (Ind.).

AMERICAN hospitality has warmed into active existence a brood of vipers, and the fangs of these vipers must be drawn at once.

Atlanta Constitution (Dem.).

THESE anarchists deserve no mercy, and their skulls should be cracked like eggshells whenever they begin their devilish work.

Boston Post (Dem.).

CAN no [laws] be framed that shall keep out these incendiary vermin; or, if found here, that shall drive them away?

Cincinnati Sun (Dem.).

WORKINGMEN are not anarchists, and the carriers of red flags are not the people to speak for the honest toilers.

The Boycotter.

THE red flag and the ideas it symbolizes can have no place on this continent in the ranks of organized labor.

warned them ten years ago that unless they set aside a part of the land for com-
mon property, the people would be devoured by the large capitalists and monopo
lists. They have given full rein to individual rapacity, and Laveleye's warning
seems to be about realized. The transatlantic republic is already undergoing a
murderous crisis of gigantic strikes, owing to monstrous and tyrannical monopolies.
What
The population of the United States doubles itself every twenty-five years.
will happen then? An eminent American publicist told me: I now fly from
America, as I wish to escape the social war to the knife now imminent.'"

H. M. Hyndman, London Cable to N. Y. Tribune.
HOWEVER rapidly the change may come it would be discreditable to humanity
if in the United States, with universal suffrage, a Republican form of government,
and freedom of speech, a means cannot be found of giving to an organized and
educated democracy that control over the industrial resources of the country tot
which all admit, in theory, that it is entitled. The danger of armed conflict and
civil war lies in the pusillanimity of the Executive, where capital is concerned, and
in the ignorance of scientific political economy of the well-to-do classes.

London Standard, May 6.

THE rioters belong to the motley crowd that have fled from prisons in their own country to find in America, pending the construction of an Irish Parliament, a secure resting place.

The Daily News, London, Eng.

THE territorial democracy of America will make short work of anarchist plots it
once it has been aroused, as it is now likely to be, to action against it.
London Telegraph.

THE Chicago riot has shown us anew what manner of men the supporters of these Irish bills beyond the Atlantic are.

AMERICAN COMMENTS ON ENGLISH PRESS OPINIONS.
N. Y. Times (Ind.), May 7.

IN endeavoring to extract from the Chicago riot morals unfavorable to Mr. Gladstone's home rule bill, the London newspapers opposed to that measure have fallen

into strange and fantastical blunders. The Standard explains that Bohemians and Poles do not take much interest in home rule for Ireland. The supporters of these Irish bills are either Irishmen or Americans. Irish names appear frequently in the reports of the riots, but without exception they are the names of men who, as policemen, have rendered heroic services, and some of whom have died valiant deaths in defense of public order. The only ex-subject of her majesty who has been found among the anarchists is one Sam Fielden, who is no more an Irish home ruler than he is a conservative peer. He is a true-born Englishman, and, without doubt, he shares the belief of the Standard and the Telegraph that an Irishman is an inferior creature, being, in fact, little better than a savage and entirely unfit to govern himself.

Troy Times (Rep.), May 7.

THE comments upon the Chicago and Milwaukee riots by the English newspapers are amusing, notwithstanding the gravity of the matter to which they refer. Both the London Standard and Telegraph assume that the bomb-throwing in Chicago was the work of Irish dynamiters. Considering the fact that one of the leaders of the Chicago mob, now under arrest and held for murder, was an Englishman, and that the only Irishmen killed or hurt were members of the police who met their fate in bravely doing their duty, these papers are about the worst illustrations of Irishphobia recently witnessed. The London News shows some sense of the true situation when it says "the territorial Democracy of America will make very short work of anarchist plots," though Chicago will probably object to being considered a territory.

New Orleans Times-Democrat (Dem.).

THE suggestion that the men who were engaged in the Chicago riot and that the leaders and advisers of the anarchists were Irishmen is absurdly false. There was not, so far as the Chicago papers can learn, a single Irishman or Irish-American with the rioters, and those of that nationality killed or wounded in the Haymarket were wholly on the side of law and order. A good proportion of the law officers were Irish; none of the law-breakers. It can be said to the credit of the Irish that of all the foreign races immigrating to this country they have been the least affected by socialism or communism, and have given the fewest converts to the doctrine of anarchy.

Indianapolis Journal (Rep.), May 7.

THE Irish have had very little to do with it, and the Gladstone business nothing at all. Give the Irish anything like a fair chance and they are not turbulent. They have never been conspirators against the land of their adoption. They like to fight as well as anybody, but in America they have never been base enough to resort to the methods of the anarchist. There are some mighty faithful Irishmen on the Chicago police force, and braver men cannot be found.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.), May 9.

THE London Telegraph, in charging the responsibility for the Chicago riots upon the Irish, comes about as near the facts as the average English journal does in dealing with American affairs. Fielden and Parsons, two of the leaders of the mob, are English; Spies and Schwab, two others, are German, and a majority of the gallant policemen, who died or were wounded in resisting their murderous advance, were Irishmen.

National Republican (Rep.), May 8.

The

THE English tory papers blunder with even more than their accustomed blindness and folly when they refer to the Chicago dynamiters as Irish malcontents. Irish-Americans are on the side of law and order. They are real, not pretended, workers. When they fight they are supporting the authorities, not breaking down social restraints. They are invisible in the haunts of anarchists, and equally so among the polygamous "saints."

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.), May 7.

It is much to the credit of the Irish people in this country that they are never found among the nihilistic and anarchical societies which other naturalized citizens join so readily. It is true that the British empire is annually overthrown by the Knights of St. Patrick in this city, but the work of destruction is done decently, and with champagne, and with no more serious results than headaches for the Knights.

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slight or no provocation at all on whatever has the semblance of authority. If those responsible for the outrages at Chicago are a sample of the classes that have to be kept in check by the governments of Europe it can be easily understood how necessary are the harsh laws that people in freer countries are accustomed to condemn. To guard the peace of a city infested with such criminally disposed crowds would require laws the most severe in their nature, administered without mercy, and were there danger that the wild theories entertained by these people, and which they are so ready to put into practice when the opportunity affords, would find genial soil and spread in this country, the situation would indeed be most critical. But, despite the talk that is indulged in by agitators, there is little fear of this. There is but small reason to think that the labor agitation is mainly responsible for the present outbreak, except in a local sense. The excitement growing out of the great strikes in Chicago doubtless aggravated the incendiary force and brought matters to a crisis, and the anarchist proclivities that have been shown to exist may have had influence in bringing about the state of feeling that led to the strike; but there is no reason to think that what is called the labor movement in the country is other than in this way connected with the murder and rioting of Tuesday. The feeling that leads one set of men to form associations intended to legitimately assist in their advancement, in other men, less imbued with the spirit and responsibility of free institutions, has led them to senseless resistance of the law. If those responsible for the present outrages are rigorously dealt with, therefore, there is no reason to fear a renewal of these untoward occurrences. A strong hand will keep the existing dangerous element in order, and with the enforced education of events those composing it may be taught to see that their ways are not suited to their new surroundings, while the operation of the schools will free the younger generation from the peculiar circumstances that make the older one so easy a prey to these evil passions. There will be a certain curiosity, however, to see how the United States, among whose people the self-proclaimed murderer and dynamiter when his energies were turned against England found so extensive a support, will bear themselves when the fiendishness they half nourished, half condemned, turns for victims to one of their own cities.

Toronto Globe, May 6.

THE riots in Chicago are in every way most deplorable. They can do no possible good. Society has been injured and outraged. Law has been dishonored. Human life has been sacrificed. Liberty has been wounded in the house of its professed friends, and the cause of enlightened progress and of popular rights has been grievously retarded. That all such exhibitions of lawlessness must be put down, and if necessary with a high hand and at whatever cost, is beyond all question. Human progress and social amelioration have never been promoted by such means, and workingmen have no worse enemies than those who preach such violence and seek to push matters to such extremities. Indeed, the extremists who appeal from reason to physical force are usually conscious traitors and spies in the garb of friends. The real honest workingmen of Chicago did not, we are certain, take part in the late riot. They know too well their own interests to adopt such a policy or follow any such leaders. These are the days when the appeal has to be made to reason for the redress of grievances, not to the revolver or the loaded shell, for when such things take place as those recent occurrences in the West, only too many are ready to cry out that in them is to be seen the genuine outcome of all demands for popular rights or for a general enfranchisement. For the workingmen of America then to strike hands with the imported anarchists from the old world would be as suicidal as anything well could be. It would discourage their friends. It would embolden their enemies. It would awaken suspicion even of what was perfectly reasonable and fair. It would put back the clock of human progress more than many would suspect, more than almost any of the friends of freedom would be willing to allow. Within these last past years the cause of labor was made great and gratifying progress, and every true friend of his race must rejoice that such is the fact. If that cause is not to be discredited and shipwrecked, all violence and rioting must be unhesitatingly repudiated and strongly condemned.

Quebec Chronicle, May 6.

THE result of the riot will accomplish one thing, and this in the end will do good. It will put the American people on their guard and teach them a lesson, which, if dearly bought, will prove the future safety of the nation. America has been too free to the worst pests of old Europe. In gangs the refugees and outlaws of Germany, Italy, Russia, and Poland have sought homes in the United States. But, unlike other immigrants, they have sought only to breed dissension in their new environment, and to sow the seeds of anarchy and misrule among a contented and happy people. Nihilism, socialism, and communism-the basest isms which this century has developed-have found a resting place in America, and the most evil passions of men have been stimulated by the ringleaders of outrage and outlawry. Months ago the authorities were warned against this growing evil, but a deaf ear was turned to these warnings. The Herr Mosts and men of his stripe were allowed every latitude. The law permitted these things to go on unchecked, but the Chicago outbreak will arouse public sentiment in the country, and the socialism of Europe will be hounded out of existence on the free soil of the new world. The severest measures will have to be taken, and all lawless public meetings in future must be stopped, and the ringleaders punished with a rigor which may not be soon forgotten. The riot and bloodshed of Tuesday may yet prove a blessing in disguise. America has a strong enemy to fight, but an awakened public conscience is with the law, and the strength of the nation will lay the viper at its feet.

The Manitoban, May 6.

THIS is no fight between capital and labor, for, bitter as those fights have been, there has always been a measure of manliness about them. It has simply been the very worst element in society arraying itself in a hostile manner against the workers and producers. The wildest excesses were committed, and while the loss of life on both sides is large, people may be pardoned for regretting that it was not larger among the anarchists than it was.

POLITICAL.

VETOING PRIVATE PENSION BILLS..

THE Comments presented below were elicited by a Presidential message vetoing two private pension bills:

New York Times (Ind.), May 9.

with much justice, that Congress ought either to rely far more than it does upon
the examinations of the Pensions Bureau, or, if the bureau is not faithful or actu-
ated by a right spirit, it ought to be reorganized. A short way to reorganize it is
within the power of the President rather than of Congress. He can at once turn
out that notoriously unworthy "physical wreck," Commissioner Black, who is him-
self taking money from the Government to which he is not justly entitled, and with
him the whole crew of political strikers and unrepentant rebels who have been in-
sultingly placed in that bureau. If the President will not perform a duty so ob-
vious, because of reasons personal to himself or to the "physical wreck," he cannot
be surprised to find that representatives of his own party in like manner disregard
public interest in trying to please any constituents who are supposed to have votes
behind them. The President fails to "see himself as others see him." But his
censure of Congress is perfectly deserved, and there is a possibility that it may do
some good. If members have only contempt for the President's recommendations,
they will at least be compelled to remember that he has a veto and a fondness for
using it. Indeed, the marvellous thing about the whole matter is that he did not
veto the whole batch of 240 bills, concerning which he states that the balance of
evidence was unfavorable to the claimants. Just how he will justify his neglect to
veto these bills under the circumstances, and his determination to permit them to
become operative, does not quite appear. If there was any occasion for his mes-
sage, there was certainly occasion to require Congress to examine the cases with

THE two veto messages sent to the House yesterday by the President throw some light upon a kind of legislation that consumes a great deal of time in Congress and has heretofore received very little attention at the White House. About 9,000 bills have been introduced in the House since the beginning of the current session. Probably one-third of these are bills granting pensions to applicants who have been unsuccessful at the Pension Bureau. For the consideration of these cases Congress becomes a pensions court and reverses hundreds of decisions made by the other pensions court, which has always interpreted the pension laws in a broad and liberal way. These appeals from the established court of pensions are heard and passed upon in a curious manner. Each case is examined by one member of the Pensions Committee. His report is accepted by the full committee, and is then adopted without debate by the Senate or the House. A Senator or Representative who is not a lawyer and is not familiar with the rules of evidence may overturn in this way the decisions made by the experts of the Pension Bureau. A few days ago a Senator whose life has been spent in business passed upon 59 of these cases, and his decisions were adopted without debate. More than 200 bills of this kind were passed not long ago in the early part of one day's session of the Senate. In one day 232 private pension bills were sent to the President, and in one of his veto messages he has classified them. In 81 cases the applicants had failed to produce evidence sufficient to prove the facts alleged. In 26 the Pension Bureau had refused to grant pensions because the evidence tended to show that the alleged disability had existed before the claimants' enlistment. In 21 the evidence indicated that disability had not been incurred in the line of duty. In 33 it appeared that disability had originated after the discharge of the claimants. There were 47 claim which could not be allowed under any provision of the pension laws, and there were 24 which had never been submitted to the Pension Bureau. About two-thirds of these acts the President has allowed to become operative without his approval. He believes that many of them should be vetoed, but has been unable for want of time to make a thorough examination of the facts. The President says that if the decisions of the bureau are overruled and discredited "there is danger that popular prejudice will be created against those who are worthy of and entitled to the bounty of the Government." He might have added that Congress, by reversing in hundreds of cases the decisions of the Pension Bureau, and by granting pensions upon evidence that is insufficient or that tends to show that the applicant's disability was not incurred in the service, is daily giving support to those who ask that the present pension laws shall be swept away and that pensions shall be granted for service alone. If hundreds of applicants who suffered no disability while in the service can procure pensions by special legislation, why should not thousands of veterans who do not apply to Congress receive similar benefits? great part of this special legislation is of the kind which is proposed in the Cullom bill, and it may be cited in support of that bill. There are applications that may properly be referred to Congress, but as a rule the Pension Bureau should be allowed to do the work for which it was created, and its decisions should not be upset upon the report of a single Senator or Representative.

N. Y. World (Dem.), May 10.

A

more care.

THE President is engaged in the examination of the several hundred private pension bills awaiting his signature or veto, the Senate is about to take up the Blair bill pensioning every veteran who served six months and is not in independent circumstances, and the House has before it measures involving nobody knows how many millions, and which it is difficult even to keep track of. Pension bills are as thickly strewn through the various branches of the Government at Washington as autumnal leaves in the brooks in Vallombrosa. The pension business has been carried to en extreme which renders it ridiculous. There are doubtless some deserving cases involved in the general bills pending and some petitioners in good faith supporting them, but the main impelling power behind them is not that of the veterans. This fact is too well established to require much comment. There is one thing about the situation which is perfectly clear. This is, that if all these bills were passed, the country would have to resort to increased taxation or increase the debt. There is no definiteness about them. They cannot be provided for in the appropriation estimates with any degree of accuracy. The whole situation is preposterous. The time has passed when the individual Congressman has anything to fear from voting against a pension bill. His danger lies in the other direction. The Nation has been just and generous in its care for its ex-soldiers, and will not fail to meet all reasonable demands upon it with respect to them in the future; but the pension advocates now are all at sea and reckless. Let us at least have a breathing spell and a chance to collect our wits before going further.

New York Tribune (Rep.), May 10.

New York Star (Dem.), May II.

Two or three weeks ago the Star's Washington correspondence contained the announcement that the President had referred 285 private pension bills to Commissioner Black for examination and report. No little surprise was felt in political circles at the time touching the President's action. Both parties had gone mad with demagogy. Republicans and Democrats were straining every nerve to excel each other in fulsome adulation of the "old soldier" element, and in making capital with the soldier vote at the expense of the public treasury. The very wise and patriotic expedient of pensioning those who had suffered in the cause of the Union had passed beyond its original limitations and become inflated beyond recognition even by its projectors. Raid after raid upon the treasury was organized, each one hungrier and more savage than its predecessor. Members struggled for precedence in the number and liberality of the pensions proposed by them. Millions were piled on millions as the orgie deepened. It would have been a farce had it not already become a tragedy. About this time, when thoughtful men of both parties were beginning to be terrified at the prospect, when one of the leading Democrats in the House had drawn up a statement of the hundreds of millions, the gigantic expenditures, involved in the various pension schemes then before Congress, and when the fathers of the party were asking themselves whether the Democracy could afford to make itself responsible for such incredible wastefulness, the torrent of private awards was precipitated upon the President. The authors and contrivers of these special donations evidently had not considered the possibility of hesitation on Mr. Cleveland's part. Insane themselves, they were incapable of imagining reason and moderation in another. Hence their surprise at the President's delay. They had expected that he would be eager to preside over the saturnalia. He sobered them and reassured the rest of the country by showing that he was in full possession of his faculties. There are abundant indications, indeed, that Mr. Cleveland does not intend to permit the record of his administration to be overloaded with folly and wickedness. Against this epidemic of licentious prodigality it is evident he intends to bring to bear the salutary influences of his authority. Already there are rumors that not only the extravagant abuses of the pension policy but other malodorous and disreputable jobs are to be passed under the guillotine, and one can discern a reddening in the political East as though the sun of com. mon sense and patriotism were about to rise.

PRESIDENT CLEVELAND begins to show his temper. His party has been barking at him ever since he went into the White House. Now, he retorts by expos ing in a singular stinging message the amazing incompetence and recklessness of his party in the House. It appears from his message that the Democratic House passed 240 special bills, which were sent to the President the same day, appropriat ing money amounting to $35,000 yearly to pensioners, contrary to the decisions of the Pension Bureau in 216 cases, while 24 cases had never been presented to that bureau. The carelessness with which Congress performed this work is illustrated by the bill which the President veloes, in which a pension was granted to Andrew J. Hill, though the medical certificate accompanying the report and bill showed that the House meant to give some money to Alfred J. Hill. The President says,

Washington Evening Star (Ind.), May 8.

THE President was supposed to have work enough to do already without assuming any new burdens; but it seems that he feels the necessity of taking a hand himself in the retrenchment campaign which Mr. Hewitt and some other influential Democrats have begun in the House of Representatives. The flood of private pension bills which Congress is pouring upon the White House this session would frighten a President with ordinary nerves into submission of the promptest and meekest sort. Mr. Cleveland's predecessors have generally regarded life as too short to spend in examining this class of legislation with special care; they have contented themselves with the assurance that Congress had opportunities for investigating the claims in the most thorough manner, and that if the bills had got through both Houses there must have been some merit in them. It is said, however, that Mr. Cleveland will not do this. He believes that he cannot afford to allow himself as much comfort as the Senate did the other day, when it passed four hundred bills without a reading. He has accordingly been sending to the Pension Office for the records in order to satisfy his mind concerning each of the cases which thus far has come before him. It is, perhaps, no inore than the President's duty, but it is a duty which has rarely been performed; and, unless the twenty-four hours which make up a day can be lengthened into a hundred, it is hard to see where Mr. Cleveland is going to find the time for the pursuit of so excellent a policy.

N. Y. Star (Dem.), May 10.

It has come to this, that special interests are stronger than general interests, because all special interests, appealing as they do to the selfishness and ambitions of Congressmen, combine and prevent the consideration of general bills. Once a week, for a whole day, the House of Representatives turns itself into a petty court for the hearing of the grievances of individuals, and it is only then that business is attended to industriously and with some degree of enthusiasm, except, indeed, when a general public building bill is up. If President Cleveland can fix the attention of the country on this great evil by a series of vetoes as wholesome as the veto of this loose and careless pension bill, we may see the beginning of a cure. There can be but one remedy, and that as radical as the disease. Congress must

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