not do one day's honest work amongst them in a twelve-month. They adopt the eight-hour cry as their own simply to win the support of the more gullible of the laboringmen to the furtherance of their own horrid and chaotic doctrines. The way of the socialist and the workingman lie far apart. The former would destroy those very conditions of a society perfectly organized, well knit, and harmonious in all its degrees, under which alone is the perfect success of the laborer possible. S. B. McCracken, in Detroit Tribune, May I.

I SHOULD regard with the greatest apprehension any step on the part of labor to force the eight-hour rule at the present time. It is an innovation too far-reaching to be accomplished at once. The effort to bring it about at once would, I fear, react upon labor itself. Enterprises are put on foot at this season looking to the active work of summer. Any active disturbance at this time would defer if not defeat many of them, wholly leaving a large contingent unemployed and dependent. I do not believe that the experiment ought to be tried now further than can be done by amicable agreement. By this method the eight-hour plan will prove its claim to adoption, and the change will come gradually as a needed reform.

Chicago Times (Ind.), May 1.

IT does not need superior wisdom to foresee that the chief sufferers from the movement which has already produced such serious results will be the workingmen themselves. Even in the not improbable event of its speedy collapse, a complete restoration of confidence will necessarily require considerable time, and in the interim the demand for labor will be materially abridged. The workingmen will discover in due time, that they are striking themselves a good deal severer blow than they are inflicting upon capital. The hardships resulting from their own folly will be found even more intolerable than those they are wont to attribute to the arch fiends ("employers") against whom they have declared war.

Washington Star (Ind.).

IN VIEW of the absolute and irreparable injury to both contestants, why can not a compromise be effected? It would cost each something to make concessions now, but the sacrifice at the beginning would be trifling as compared with the expensiveness of a long-continued period of idleness, which must be brought to a close eventually by the backdown of one party or the other. If the employer demands ten hours and the employé is willing to give only eight why can not they split the difference and call nine hours a day's work? Or why can not they leave it to a board of arbitration to hear the arguments on both sides and decide what the terms of compromise shall be?

Indianapolis Journal (Rep.), May 3.

THE eight-hour demonstrations continue. Street parades, red flags, fiery harangues by scoundrels and demagogues, who are living off the savings of honest but deluded men, strikes and threatened violence mark the inauguration of the movement. From out of the chaos we think it fair to predict that the movement as a whole will fail. In individual cases the demand will be granted, but it is folly to presume that the whole labor situation of the country can be suddenly and arbitrarily arrested and adjusted to a new basis. That is the work of time and patience, and of honest and intelligent men, not of an hour or day, or of idlers, brawlers and hot-heads.

Taggert's Sunday Times (Rep.), Philadelphia.

HERE is a mem. for the striking Knights of Labor and the strikers for ten hours' pay for eight hours' work: There arrived at Castle Garden last month 22,919 immigrants, and that is but one of the places of entry for foreigners. Of course the March arrivals were much like those of other months, nineteen in twenty being working people flying from starvation wages at home to the generous wages of this favored country. So great is the difference between the wages paid abroad and here that for a year or two, at least, these twenty thousand foreign competitors will be quite willing to work for very much less than those who are here are willing to do.

Brooklyn Union (Ind.).

THERE is likelihood that both the successful and the unsuccessful efforts to shorten the hours of labor will make plainer than hitherto to a great many minds the fact that wages are not fixed arbitrarily. In certain industries there is a more or less arbitrary scale of wages, but a vague general notion exists that eight hours could be made a day's work simply by an agreement of employers and employed to make it so a fallacy akin to the fiat money idea and apparently as ineradicable. Yet, wherever and whenever men can lessen the number of hours' toil required to sustain life, they make a gain of human opportunity.

Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.), May 2.

Utica Press (Ind.).

St. Louis Republican (Dem.).

Boston Journal (Rep.), May 1.

Washington Critic (Ind.), May 3.

Chicago Herald (Ind.), April 29.

THE leaders of the eight-hour movement have repeatedly advised their followers not to insist too strenuously on the retention of wages at their old figure, but to make sure, first, of the reduction of the hours of work, leaving the adjustment of pay to another time. Conducted generally on such principles the agitation might be successful. Carried on unreasoningly and recklessly it must fail. The movement had an auspicious beginning and it would be a pity to see it wrecked now by the blindness of the men who have most to hope for in its advocacy. Syracuse Standard (Ind.).

Two hours off the working day where a thousand men are employed is 83 days, and in a week the subtraction equals 500 days, which makes an appreciable falling off from the productive force of a concern and from its earnings. Some employers, who are able readily to adapt their business to the eight hour plan, are doing so, generally stipulating, however, for reduced wages. By virtue of this reduction, they will be able to make good the immediate decrease in the productive capacity of their works by engaging a larger number of laborers.

Columbus, Ohio, Journal (Rep.), May 1.

THE theory of eight hours as a wage day is, and long has been, an attractive one; but when the time is at hand for it to be reduced to practice, wage-workers in many lines of industry begin to recoil. They see clearly that under the eighthour rule one of three things must happen. Weekly wages must be reduced 20 per cent. in order to employ an additional number of workmen, the products of manufacturing establishments must be reduced 20 per cent, or there must be a general advance in the prices of all the necessaries of life.

Galveston News (Ind).

THE aspiration for a working day of eight hours in any hard mechanical employment is one that appeals strongly to the sympathies of reasonable men, but if it has to be gained by a strike it is much the same difficulty for the worker, in the practical light of a contest, as a demand for higher wages, more especially when the demand is for the shortening of hours without reduction of pay. In fact, such employers as use much machinery would in good times far rather pay somewhat higher wages than shorten the working hours.

Chicago Journal (Rep.).

THE promoters of the eight-hour movement should proceed very slowly and carefully. In some trades its adoption might produce no serious disturbances. In other branches of industry and production it would prove absolutely fatal, and thousands of thousands of men who had refused to work ten hours in a day would find themselves entirely without work. Experiments might be made here and there, to see how it will work, but an attempt to regulate all employments according to its terms would create general disaster.

Lancaster, Pa., Examiner (Rep.), April 30.

"THE hours of labor must be reduced throughout the nation, so that the toilers may have more time in which to learn the science of self-government," so speaks Mr. Powderly. But he forgot to state what patent process he proposes adopting to get the workingmen to study self-government. If those who are well to do and supposed to be intelligent, yea even our legislators, do not think much, why does Mr. Powderly think the extra two hours the workman wants will be spent in study? It is but a dream.

Wisconsin State Journal (Rep.).

THE proposed change must be experimented with before generally adopted. That shorter hours will eventually prevail is to be sincerely hoped, but it can not be brought about as an industrial system by the resolutions of mass-meetings or the blustering threats of demagogues.

Toledo Bee (Dem.).

A NEWSPAPER man would be among the happiest of men if his labors could be confined to eight hours, or ten hours, or even twelve hours a day. His work always goes on-in fact, about all his waking hours are devoted to work.

Cincinnati Evening Post (Ind.).

THERE need be no fear, on the one hand, that the eight-hour movement will fail, nor, on the other, that it will disturb the framework of society. It will succeed, and it will peacefully and beneficently succeed.

The Craftsman, (Labor).

If we secure eight hours for a day's work we remove the greatest menace which now threatens the welfare of labor and the good order of society; we place the grand army of idlers in a position to be useful producers.

N. Y. World (Dem.).

THE movement in behalf of shortening the hours of labor is not attended with great successs, but everywhere the workingmen seem to be bearing themselves with discretion.

Buffalo Times (Ind.).

So far as Buffalo is concerned the eight-hour movement is a total failure. There will be no general attempt to enforce the eight-hour plan in this city.

FINANCE AND COMMERCE.

TAXING COMMERCIAL TRAVELERS.

Several of the States have quite recently passed special laws requiring commercial travelers to obtain license somewhat as the merchant obtains license from the county in which he does business, notwithstanding the commercial traveler's capital is confined to his business competency and the trunk of samples carried, and the local merchant's capital is not only his skill, but also the investment in the stock upon which his trade is based. The committee recommend the bill proposed to authorize trade between the States and Territories, unrestricted by State or Territorial statutes, and thus again is an excellent opportunity afforded for the resumption of the States' rights discussion. But the time has fully come when all parties must recognize the modification or rather the adaptation of the old theories to the new conditions with which the Government is confronted. The constitutional provision conferring upon Congress the power to regulate interstate commerce should be strictly construed to be sure, but not so strictly as to cripple or obstruct trade between the States. If free trade in the United States is to be encouraged; if steam and electricity are to be tolerated as its agents; if rivers are to be permitted to run across State lines and bridges to span their waters from one State to another, the commercial traveler cannot safely be denied like privileges or be restricted in their exercise. He, too, must be included in the interstate "code" of which Congress must necessarily continue the construction. The Democrat no more than the Republican need become alarmed at the necessary extension of the powers of the General Government over that entire class of interests comprehended in the proper regulation of the interstate commerce of the country. Neither political party can safely tolerate the adoption of half way or weak measures by the General Government over the subjects of its control, one of which is the drummer. The States are next to helpless; their legislation necessarily fragmentary when singly and alone they undertake to contend with the commercial agencies which comprehend and envelop them. The General Government is alone qualified for the work of subjecting and controlling these artificial forces which are brought into requisition by interstate trade, of which the American drummer is an important part.-Kansas City Times, May 1.

THE subject of taxing commercial drummers which is now attracting very general attention from the recent action of the State of Mississippi imposing such a tax, a law that has been protested against by many towns in Mississippi refusing to add a corporate to the State tax. The commercial traveler goes wherever business offers, unmindful of State lines, and his business is therefore interstate in its character, and therefore comes under that provision of the Constitution which confers upon Congress the right to "regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes." An investigation of the subject has been made by a House committee, and a bill introduced into Congress which provides that "residents of each State and Territory may, within the other States and Territories and within the District of Columbia, solicit from dealers or merchants orders for goods and merchandise by sample, catalogue, card, price list, description, or other representation, without payment of any license or mercantile tax." If the bill be passed, Congress exercises its powers, and the drummer-tax sinks into the darkness that hides many such short-sighted obstructions to commerce. It is urged that the commercial traveler conducting business for a firm in another State is selling merchandise in opposition to resident dealers, though paying no local or State tax. There is something equivocal in this charge, as the drummer usually sells not against but to resident dealers. If he should become a peddler of wares under pretence of being a traveling agent, the law would deal with the abuse of privi lege. If agents cease to visit small towns with their samples and personal explana

of going to some business center himself, or he must send on his orders without; seeing a sample or personally having a word about the goods he requires. In the meantime the drummer is paying his own expenses in the storekeeper's town, instead of the storekeeper paying his own expenses in the drummer's town. Memphis Appeal, April 29.

THE House Committee on Commerce have favorably reported a bill to relieve foreign drummers of State or local license, tax, or penalty. It is conceded by the committee that a State has the right to tax its own citizens at pleasure, but it takes the broad ground that no State has the right to lay a duty upon importation from one State into another under the name of a license, tax, or penalty, although the very State does put the tax equally upon residents and non-residents. This meets the case fairly and squarely, and if Congress passes the bill reported by the Committee on Commerce, the entire system of petty local taxes upon commercial travelers will disappear. "Such laws," says the committee, "although not discriminating in favor of residents and non-residents, are in conflict with the cor.stitutional power of Congress to regulate commerce between the States." Judicial decisions in support of this position are cited, and the report states explicitly that the object of the bill is to prevent any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia from requiring a license from those who are exclusively agents in interstate commercial transactions. The report concludes as follows: "The contracts for sales made by commercial travelers are not consummated in the State when the order is solicited, but the final assent thereto is given by the merchant or principal who receives and executes the order of his correspondent. This trade is now carried on without objection by postal communication and samples by mail, and it is not perceived why the same thing executed by a commercial traveler in person is in any way objectionable.”Atlanta Constitution, May 1.

THE so-called, and much discussed now, "James bill" pending before the House of Representatives is fundamentally right. It aims to protect commercial travelers from the license taxes in the several States and Territories and in the District of Columbia—that is, to give a man a right to buy and sell his goods where he can. It would seem a most natural permission to grant, especially as the ultimate right of giving or refusing orders lies with the local merchant, the drummer merely having the power to solicit patronage. There is no undue advantage given, for although the local dealers do have to pay a tax on their personal property, so also do the merchants everywhere to their own States, and, furthermore, the local dealers are not obliged to pay a direct tax upon their sales nor pay for the right to carry on their business. The bill merely allows commercial travelers the same privileges that commercial residents enjoy, and no more. To do less would be an unjust discrimination to a large and important trade.—Bosi ton Journal, April 29.

COST OF RAISING COTTON.-A number of printed circulars was sent two weeks ago to our correspondents throughout the State, with a request that they would obtain from intelligent, practical farmers in each county careful answers to the inquiries contained in the circular. As we feared would be the case, satisfactory answers could not be given in every instance. Many farmers, it was found, keep no record whatever of their expenses, and systematic book-keeping is prac ticed by very few. In other cases, again, even when the answers are made with care, the items are grouped or combined in such a way as to render it impossible to distribute them under proper heads. For these reasons, the number of estimates available for use is not so large as was desired. The selections made were received from the counties of Aiken, Abbeville, Anderson, Berkeley, Darlington, Edgefield, Hampton, Newberry, Oconee, Sumter, and Williamsburg, thus representing every part of the State, and are the more valuable for that reason. whole number of acres planted in cotton, upon which these estimates are based, is 2,516; the farms range in extent from 13 acres to 600; the number of hands employed varies from 2 to 45, and the number of mules from 1 to 25. The totals are

as follows:

The

An analysis of these figures yields the following results, which are tabulated for ready reference and comparison:

From these statements three conclusions may be drawn: (1.) If the whole cost of production of cotton and other crops is charged against cotton alone, the cost of cotton delivered at the nearest market, including cost of selling, is 7 4-5 cents per pound. (2.) If the value of other crops and of the cotton seed is deducted from the cost of producing cotton, the cost of the cotton alone is 33 cents per pound. (3.) If the cost of the cotton and other crops is charged to cotton alone, at 7 4-5 cents per pound, or $17.58 per acre, cotton pays all the expenses of the farm and leaves $10.08 per acre as profit.-Charleston, S. C., News and Courier, April 30.

THE BUSINESS OUTLOOK.-Those who are in a position to know complain that the attitude of labor in various parts of the country is already having a serious effect upon business. Manufacturers are afraid to purchase raw material or to enter into contracts for goods, because they cannot tell whether they will be able to carry them out without loss. The clearing-house returns for the last five days in April indicate a decided decline in exchanges, the clearings being $622,123,031 against $697,739,833, which is largely attributed to the labor troubles. The crop reports are of the most encouraging character. Indeed, it may be said that the reports at this time are universally favorable. Winter wheat promises an unusually early harvest, with a full yield everywhere except in Kansas and Michigan. The planting of the spring crops is far advanced under the most favorable conditions. The Bureau of Statistics reports that our exports during the month of March were $53-, 690,000 against $51,398,000 in March, 1885, and that our imports were $60,037,000 against $52,976,000 in 1885. These figures show that while our exports are well up the volume of imports is large, but not so large as in 1884 or 1883. During the past week the shipment of gold from New York was $1,250,000.--Boston Journal, May 3.

MONEY IN THE BANKS.-The recent increase in the surplus of the banks is not an accidental phenomenon in the money world. It is a well-known financial fact that capital speedily takes refuge in the bank vaults when frightened from employment in business enterprises. An extensive strike re-acts in a "tie-up" of capital, leads to strangulation in productive industry, and to widespread destitution in the field of labor. While the banks draw upon the wage fund in the hands of employers, the necessity of sustaining the strikers draws upon it in the hands of the workingman. Such a situation soon leads to exhaustion.-Philadelphia Press, April 30.

Savings Banks At the South. There are in the Southern States 117 savings banks with more than $10,000,000 of capital and nearly $4,000,000 surplus. On January the five savings banks of Charleston contained deposits amounting to $3,176,000.-Charleston News and Courier.

SCIENTIFIC.

THE LATEST DEFINITION OF ELECTRICITY.-The now universally accepted definition of electricity is: Water being a parabolic fluid is readily converted into solid manganese nitrate, when its coefficient can be received back in the reflected image of the spectrum. What follows? The paleozoic electrical hypothesis naturally seeks a vacuum, which, combining with alcoholic spinal meningitis, causes geometrical prefusion in the empyreum of the democratic eclyptic. Prima facie and a priori the Hoboken theory must be applied parenthetically and diabolically, not forgetting to take into consideration the micrometric differentiation of the semiincandescence of the resulting equation, together with its possible duration. Electric Review.

AGING WINES BY ELECTRICITY.-Dr. E. J. Fraser, of San Francisco, has been making exhibitions in that city of his patented process for aging wines by electricity. The liquors put under treatment have been tested by local wine experts, who thought that while the wine was made much smoother, the brandies and whiskies received the most benefit. The process appears to consist chiefly in winding wire around the casks and then passing a current through the coils. Dr. Fraser is now constructing tanks of 100 gallons capacity for repeating the work with large quantities of wine.-Electric World.

RAILROADS.

AFTER THE BATTLE.--One important result of the transcontinental war is certain, viz, that passenger rates will never return to the old figures. For years the first class limited rate from the Missouri river to San Francisco was $100. The rate recently adopted by all the lines from the Missouri river to San Francisco is $50, or just one-half of the ante-war figure. This is a very low charge for firstclass transportation half way across the continent; but if, as seems probable, half the old rate will more than double the number of passengers, and thus help to fill up the only partly filled cars which formerly made the journey, will prove more profitable in the long run than the old rate, while the benefit to California can hardly be estimated.—Railway Age.

THE WEAKNESS OF THE CULLOM BILL.-Senator Cullom has pushed the consideration of his interstate commerce bill in Congress, and it is about to come up for action. While many of its provisions are excellent and can be heartily supported, the clause prohibiting a greater rate for short hauls than for long hauls is so opposed to the necessities of railway traffic, and would be so injurious to many localities which by reason of special competitive facilities have advantages that cannot be measured by mileage, that it certainly will call out much opposition. One great defect of the provision is that it practically ignores the competition of water routes.-Railway Age.

ELECTRIC HEAD-LIGHTS. According to a German railway organ, the locomo tive head-light problem has been solved by an Austrian telegraph engineer, Mr. Hermann Sedlacech, an arc lamp being fitted up in such a manner by this inventor that the regulators and mechanism connected with the carbon effectively withstand the shaking and rolling of the engine, while the apparatus has been greatly simplified. A company is being formed for the purpose of working the invention.Electric Record

THE first through train over the Canadian Pacific railway between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans is announced to leave Montreal Monday, May 24, the Queen's birthday Railway Age,

know him are aware that, like the lord High Executioner in the Mikado, he couldn't "kill anything." There are people who are cranks in the matter of accusing themselves of crime. The criminal court records show many cases of half-witted men and women who have confessed crimes that were never commit ted. Notoriety, even of an evil odor, is dear to the crank's heart. Criminals under sentence of death often seem to labor under an hallucination that they have committed other crimes. Despairing of pardon, they take a melancholly pleasure in charging themselves with all sorts of crimes. Piper not only murdered a little girl in the belfry of a Boston church, but also, if his story may be believed, committed several otherwise undiscovered murders. In him despair seemed to develop a mania for self-accusation. But false confessions are more commonly made with some ulterior motive. In one notable case an innocent person made a false "confession in order to fix suspicion on himself alone, that his guilty brothers might have time to escape-a stratagem that was completely successful, after which he proved an alibi in the most satisfactory manner.' In another more cele. brated instance, two men, named Boven, were convicted in a Vermont court, mainly upon their own confession, of the murder of a half-witted dependent brother-in-law. They even said that certain bones found were those of the supposed victim. But the brother-in-law was found alive and well in New Jersey, and returned in time to prevent the execution. "He had fled for fear. they would kill him. The bones were those of some animal. They (the Bovens) had been advised by some misjudging friends that, as they would certainly be convicted upon the circumstances proved, their only chance for life was by commutation of punishment, and that this depended upon their making a penitential confession." These and many similar cases have satisfied English and American lawyers that confessions alone are unreliable as evidences of guilt. When it is known that a prisoner, especially one charged with a capital offense, intends to make a confession, it is the practice in our courts to delay the trial in order to give him ample time to decide whether or no he will pursue that course. Even then, without proof that the crime has really been committed, our courts will not convict him. The rule is that the Government must prove its case by satisfactory evidence, and, while a solemn deliberate confession of a crime actually committed can not be ignored, yet the public feels better satisfied with the results of trials in which the accused persons are not self-condemned. Boston Globe.

WHAT THE BLIND CAN DO.-A shining example of what the blind who have courage and determination can do could be witnessed in the late lamented Henry Fawcett. He refused to allow his infirmity to interfere materially with his career and habits, though, of course, it modified and altered the channels. It is well known that he was an admirable horseman and fisherman, and if he was undeterred by the drawbacks of his condition when they were suddenly thrust upon him in early manhood, surely children who have never known the blessing of sight can be brought up to regard blindness as nothing which need prevent their taking their place comparatively on a par with the rest of the citizens of the world. Henry Fawcett is not alone. Other blind men have, to all intents and purposes, lived their lives as thoroughly as thousands with their eyes have done. We have heard of sightless travelers and writers innumerable. There were Milton, Prescott, the historian; Huber, the naturalist, and Braille himself, to quote only a few that occur to me. Dr. Armitage, again, has traveled far and wide, frequently visiting most of the European centers, where he could acquire information and, so to speak, see for himself how the blind are educated and cared for. Two years ago he made a prolonged journey through the States of America with the same object, though he did not fail to enjoy the pleasures of travel for its own sake. Only in very rare instances in the future need there be any occasion for allowing a sightless person to become a burden on his family or the charity of the benevolent. "The night cometh when no man can work." Then, of course, the blind, if they have not acquired resources of their own, must be provided for. At the same time, it cannot be gainsaid that they do require immense assistance throughout their lives. It is on account of this assistance not having been hitherto always rendered upon a wise and logical system that so many mistaken ideas have prevailed as to what are the real capabilities of the blind.—The Fortnightly.

to

LITERARY.

NOTES. Mr. Henry Lumb, the well-known philanthropist, of Rochester, N. Y., offers seventeen hundred and fifty dollars to be awarded as prizes on the following subjects: 1. The Sanitary Conditions and Necessities of School-houses and Schoollife. One prize, $500. 2. The Preventable Causes of Disease, Injury, and Death in American Manufactories and Workshops, and the Best Means and Appliances for Preventing and Avoiding them. One prize, $500. 3. Plans for Dwellinghouses. (a.) A plan for a dwelling-house not to exceed in cost, exclusive of cellar, eight hundred dollars. Prizes: First, $200; second, $100; third, $50; fourth, $25. (b.) A plan for a dwelling-house not to exceed in cost, including the cellar, sixteen hundred dollars. Prizes: First, $200; second, $100; third, $50; fourth, $25, Accommodations to be provided for families consisting of five persons. It is intended that the essays shall be essentially American in their character and appli-, cation. They may be written by authors of any nationality, but all of them must be in the English language. Ruskin says that Gibbon's style is the worst English ever written by an educated Englishman, and John Burroughs says of Ruskin : Never a man of such genius with so little common sense.' -Mr. Spofford, the librarian of Congress, has held his position for over twenty years, and has seen the library grow from 90,000 to 500,000 volumes. A new building for the accommo. dation of the library is soon to be erected.- Dr. Behrends, of Brooklyn, will shortly publish, through Baker & Taylor, a work entitled "Socialism and Christianity."- -Mr. Jas. R. Osgood has gone to England as the representative of Harper & Bros., and to fill the place which the late Mr.. Sampson Low occupied for nearly forty years.- -The Illustrated Graphic News, of Cincinnati, has engaged Mr. John R. Murick to travel among the Indian tribes and write descriptive sketches of them.- -Miss Woolson has written a book called 66 George Eliot and Her Heroines.' A young Italian teacher of New York has written a book on the Philosophy of Words, which Prof. Max Muller has recommended to the students of Oxford.. "Passion and Politics" is the name of the posthumous novel written by Col. Burnaby. It will be issued this month.The manuscript of "The Watch on the Rhine" has been found in possession of the author's friends at Burgdorf.Gen. Fremont has taken a home in this city, and he and his wife are hard at work upon his memoirs.-A Russian literary man has reported through the St. Petersburg Historical Review that he found Count Tolstoi in excellent health, employing his leisure hours in the study of Greek and Hebrew, in taking bodily exercise, and in writing a series of short popular tales.- -A bibliography of Maine is being prepared by Mr. Joseph Williamson, of Belfast.- -Ex-Judge Platt Potter, of Schenectady, has given to the New York Historical Society six volumes of the State Trials of England, issued in 1742, which originally belonged to Sir William Johnson, Bart.- The Saturday Review says that Mr. Howells has written charming and delightful stories and essays of many kinds, but it doubts whether anything he has ever written is so replete with charms as Tuscan Cities. Schürers Jewish people, in the time of Christ, is said to be a very remarkable work.- "Arthur Richmond" is at it again in the North American.- -Vol. xx of the ninth edition