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instruments of progress. An enumeration of Christ's own personal utterances will show that he thought quite as much of men in their relations as he did of their individual acts. Most of his precepts are social doctrines. He was born to the lot of a workingman and did not despise it. Industrialism and Christianity have grown together and the great industrial centers of the world are all within the shadow of Christian churches. Cicero said: “The business of the artisan is sordid work; nothing noble is compatible with the workshop.”. Christ's apostle said in the spirit of his Master : “If any one will not work, neither let him eat.” It seems to me that the Christian pulpit has much to say on the labor question and that the solu. tion of the problem is to be found in the patient analysis of facts and adjustment of differences in the serene, equitable, and loving spirit of the Galilean carpenter.

Rev. Jas. R. Danforth, Philadelphia. WHILE not endorsing all the methods, while rejecting most of the philosophy and wild doctrine and still wilder expectations of the visionary enthusiasts among those engaged in this great revolutionary labor movement, of which the Knights of Labor are but a symptom and indication, still the movement is toward a larger manhood. It is in the direction of a larger knowledge, an increasing capability, a better condition, and a stronger manhood. As such it should be welcomed and assisted by all lovers of their kind who care more for the image and superscription of God upon the human soul than for the image and superscription of Cæsar upon the coin. The common sense and moral sentiment of the country will assist and approve of all acts that, within the bounds of law and justice, compel proper hours and suitable wages for honorable work; and, while the churches of our holy religion may not, in their corporate and organic capacity, take action, yet their members, as guided by high motives, influenced by lofty principles, and possessed of the spirit of Him who came not to be ministered unto, but to minister and to give His life a ransom for many, should do all in their power to give tone, character, direction, and success in all right ways. These are our brethren.

Rev. P. S. Henson, Chicago. BELIEVING as I do that the essence of sin is selfishness, and that selfishness is at the bottom of all our lab trouble the relation of the pulpit to the labor question I can not but regard as vital. The unity of the race, the brotherhood of man, the doing unto others as you would have them do unto you, the duty of the strong to help the weak, and to do good to all men as you have opportunity, and to sacrifice self in order to do it, courting sympathy, humanity, these are all the teachings of our holy religion. Something may be done by the law, but in my judgment the principles of the Gospel furnish the only full solution of the labor question. Christianity in a very high degree is responsible for the present almost world-wide communistic agitation. Communistic conceptions are the outcome of Christian teaching, but the communist is groping after their realization in blind and bloody ways. A little religion, like a little learning, is sometimes a dangerous thing. What the world wants is to drink deeper, and in this regard, and on this account, the pulpit has a more intimate relation to the labor question than the judge's bench or the legislative hall.

Rev. Charles F. Deems, New York. IN reply to your question as to the “ Proper Relation of the Pulpit to the Labor Question,” I have no hesitation in giving my opinion. The business of the pulpit, in the department of morals, is to teach every man in every position and business to do those things which are required of him by that relation in which he has been placed to God by the life and death of our Lord Jesus Christ. The pulpit is to apply what has been called the Golden Rule, the precept of our Divine Redeemer, to the man who owns the capital and to the man who performs the labor. Where this is urged in the spirit of the Divine Teacher I am sure good will come of it. In the Church the capitalist and the laborer are on the same plane of equality be. fore the divine law, and he who occupies the pulpit must, therefore, have the spirit of his Master and be no respecter of persons, but press every duty, by its obligation, on the conscience of every hearer. I trust you will' find the pulpit throughout the country engaged in doing just this very thing.

Cardinal Gibbons, Baltimore. The solution of the question of labor and capital, on which you kindly ask my views, has baffled the efforts of the greatest political economists of ancient and modern times. So long as the two interests are conflicting, it will be always a question hard to grapple with. Even if I had the leisure, which I have not, I would hesitate to write on a subject so complex, and which is so difficult to treat and to formulate a judgment on without apparently offending one party or the other

. I trust that by a calm and dispassionate discussion of the subject remedies may be applied by which the rights of employer and employe will be maintained without recourse to violence, bloodshed, or even striking, which I regard as a great evil to workmen themselves and having on them a most demoralizing influence. The best solution of the whole difficulty between labor and capital is found in a faithful adherence to the great maxim enunciated by our Saviour : “ Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them.”

Rev. L. H. Long, Denver, Colorado. IN answer to your question, I would say the commission to the pulpit is, “Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel;” that

“ Christ died for our sins, and was buried, and rose again the third day, according to the scriptures ;” and “he that believeth shall be saved, and he that believeth not shall be damned.” The labor question pertains to the life that now is, and the only relation the pulpit can have to it or to any other question involving only a temporality, is not direct, but indirect, for just

as the pulpit can persuade men to accept the gospel as a rule of life, and the promise, “All these things will be added unto you,” will it put them on the true track to get their food and raiment, and this, in my judgment, would end all strikes between employers and employés.

Rev. Byron Sunderland, Washington. It would be impracticable to treat with satisfaction so broad a question as that which you propound within the limit suggested. It is something indeed

that you

should turn to the Christian pulpit for counsel in the existing serious conjunction of affairs of the country. To devise on the great remedy is the perplexing problem. If in the multitude of counsellors there is wisdom, yet have we not so many counsellors that just now there is confusion. In former times when the nation was in perplexity the fathers turned to the Christian sanctuary, and the aid of the God of nations was humbly and reverently invoked. Memorably in the war for independence, at the forming of the Constitution, and in the late civil war. But we seem in these days to have gotten bravely over all such superstitions, and we have become as a people entirely sufficient of ourselves. We shall have to wait now and see how it comes out.

Rev. R. R. Meredith, Boston. You want my opinion on “ The proper relation of the pulpit to the labor question.” Here it is: I believe it to be the duty of a minister of the gospel in these days—1. To seek after and labor to secure a thorough understanding of the relations of labor and capital, the rights of each, and the questions at issue between them. 2. To maintain a judicial frame of mind, and be ready to exercise the most perfect impartiality in dealing with such questions as are now pending or may hereafter arise between employers and employés. 3. To put the weight of his influence unhesitatingly into the scale in favor of the side where, in his judgment, justice lies in any given case, whether it be with the laborer or the capitalist.

Rev. Smith Baker, Lowell. THE pulpit is to know nothing about classes in the community, but preach to all men as on a level. It should demand faithfulness from the laboring man and justice from the capitalists. Its sympathies are always to be with the poorer classes; not against the rich, but that the poor may be kept from the leadership of unwise

Our danger is not from the poor, but from the rich. Honest toil is the safeguard of our land. When the rich are just the poor are patient. The pulpit should defend the dignity of labor by treating the laboringman with the same attention as it does the richest man.

Rev. J. E. Rankin, Orange Valley, N. 7. THE pulpit is to enforce the two poles of God's truth upon mankind: the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. If God is the father alike of employers and employed, there is the obligation from God, that the employers look not upon their own things, but upon the things of their employés, and so conversely. If employers and employés are alike brotherly under God's fatherhood, how can they willingly defraud one another. There will be no strikes or lockouts when over all the manufactories is written : “All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.”

Rev. David Swing, Chicago. The clergy are compelled by their profession to be students of the labor question. The pulpit must seek out the paths of justice and equity whether they lead through labor, or capital, or pleasure, or piety. But in this new crisis of labor we must not lead others until we are sure of having found the path. We must be just to the man who has money and to the man who has work.

Rev. John H. Barrows, Chicago. THE Christian pulpit should lead in the discussion of all moral questions. The labor question is not merely one of economics. It is becoming more and more ethical. The only solution of the vexing problems of the modern world is Jesus Christ. The word of God must get into the social and industrial life or the nation is doomed.

EIGHT HOURS. A GENERAL movement workingmen for eight hours as the standard day, without any consequent change of compensation, is the subject of the press and personal opinions presented below.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.), May 2. The Press publishes to-day letters froin eighteen well-known and representative men on that great issue of the day, the eight-hour question. After many years' agitation the eight-hour movement seems to have gathered momentum all at once, and to command and deserve general attention. In the Northwest workingmen are disposed to make a stand for an eight-hour working day at once. Eastern workers seem to be less fully satisfied of its desirability, or less convinced, perhaps, that the time is ripe for it. Nevertheless, the question even here is one of the highest consequence, and the opinions which the Press gathered from men of such diverse ways of thinking are not only exceedingly interesting in themselves, but they exhibit the strength and vitality of the movement. The president of the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor, Mr. Samuel Gompers, is strongly in favor of eight hours, not only for the sake of the men, but in the interest of business, for he argues that “the reduction in the hours of labor does not mean an increase in the cost of production, but a decrease.” Mr. John Jarrett, ex-president of the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers, sees in the reduction of the hours of labor to eight daily a means whereby all the now idle may be brought into constant employment, and he warmly favors it, insisting, however, very wisely, that it must be a national movement, if at all, as its adoption in one section and not in another would expose the former to a disastrous competition. Mr. Henry George, the agitator of what he considers to be land reform, thinks that in the effort to limit the working day to eight hours the labor associations are taking the most hopeful step that they have yet attempted.” Mr. Swinton wants eight hours for the moral and mental improvement of the workingman. He claims that such a reduction in hours of labor will give employment to the million of men who are out of employment, and that “thus the consuming power of the whole people will be enlarged to the advantage of all industrial pursuits.” Senator Dawes believes that eight hours will make each laborer “a better workman, more useful to him

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self and his employer." Senator Teller sees enough benefit in the change to jus been most decided where there have been unions among the workingmen. A tify the increased cost of production which it would cause. Senator Stanford be lille over a year ago, in our own country, when reductions in wages were being lieves in paying by the hour, and letting each man work eight or ten as he prefers. so widely made, the famous trades-journal, Bradstreet's, pointed out that the reducIn his opinion, there should be no fixed rule; eight hours is enough for some tions were greatest where there were no labor organizations or weak ones, and work and too little for others. Judge Kelley is firmly of the opinion that the es that where the unions did exist the downward rates were materially retarded. The tablishment of eight hours for a day's labor would improve the social habits and workingmen have little idea of what they might do in bettering their condition if increase the intelligence of the laboring classes as much as the reduction from they were only united. Each man is like the single stick in the fahle of Æsop, thirteen to ten did nearly sixty years ago. Rev. Edward Everett Hale, without which could readily be broken by itself, but which acquired a wonderful strength professing much faith, would like to see the experiment tried. Congressman when bound together with others. Each man, with rare exceptions, is stronger for Charles C. Comstock says, very pointedly, that reducing the hours of labor so that being a member of what is called a union, each union for being a member of what all can find work is like parceling out short rations. As a manufacturer he does is called a federation of unions, and each national federation for being a member not object to eight hours' work, but insists that the pay must be in proportion. of what might be an international federation. If workingmen were united-all Senator Mahone takes credit for always having favored eight hours for Govern workingmen throughout the land--they might accomplish the proposed reduction ment employes. Mr. Joseph Gruenhut is persuaded that there “is now a practical of the hours of labor almost as easily as the street-car conductors and drivers of unanimity among the American people to fight for eight hours until it is won for New York recently accomplished the reduction of their hours of labor from foura)].” Mr. William Humphreys wants eight hours for the benefit of the unem teen to twelve. But it is union that is needed, union that is indispensable; and, ployed. Mr Thomas A. Armstrong favors eight hours “in order to give working when I think of this, I do not wonder at the feeling which those who form unions men greater leisure for mental and moral improvement.” Congressman Bayne have to those that stay without them—that whatever personal or other qualities thinks that while a general reduction to eight hours would work some temporary non members may have, they view them as their enemies. And if an interdisturbance, we would soon accommodate ourselves to it and prosper under it

. national union could be effected, there would be even no problem arising from Congressman Lawler sees an argument for eight hours in the fact that those who cheap immigrants coming into this country; for, as a point of honor, they would work the fewest hours are always best paid. Mr. James Redpath favors eight refuse lo come, and would not be allowed to come, if so doing meant underbidding hours for the benefit of the workingman, without concerning himself about its our own laborers already in employment. Yes, if unions could be formed in Italy effect on employers, and Mr. Robert Collyer supports the movement without and Austria, foreign laborers to this extent might elevate themselves, and have vouchsahng any particular reason.

little inducement to leave their own land for ours. I am no prophet, and will not Whatever the temporary disorganization, this question must in the end be settled say whether a general movement for the reduction of the hours of labor will be upon sound economic principles and upon a basis of equity. With the advance of successful or not; but if it fails, it will not be for anything which laborers themcivilization and the multiplication of the forces of production, the tendency is selves cannot help. Organization is possible--more perfect organization-yes, pertoward shorter hours; but it is not a result to be reached in any summary way or fect organization; and when that time comes the laborers will succeed. And in disregard of the rights and interests of employers. So far as it is to be perma when I see the wonderful way in which the laborers are being more and more nently established, it is to come gradually and with the adaptation of surrounding organized in this country, I do not doubt that some day they will succeed. With conditions, as the reduction from twelve to ten hours came. On one side it is an their new power, the only danger is that they will abuse it. It is a saying as old other form of the demand for increased wages. To reduce time from ten to eight as Æschylus that “power newly gained is ever stern of mood.” The eight-hour hours with undiminished pay is equivalent to an increase of twenty per cent, in rule has been in existence for some thirty years in Australia. There is nothing imthe cost of labor. If it is to be granted at all, some of the workers would prefer it practicable about our having it in America. Goodspeed to the day when we shall in enhanced wages. They would rather save more money for their families than have it here! save more time for themselves. As the elements of production multiply the time

Der Deutsche Correspondent, Baltimore, May 1. will naturally be reduced; but in the immediate application there are many considerations. In some branches of business the hours of labor could be diminished

(Translated expressly for PUBLIC OPINION.) without any diminution of results. This is true of many classes of stores. The The agitation of the eight-hour labor question is not new. About the middle of trade which is now spread through the full day would be concentrated in the 1860, and consequently more than twenty-five years ago, Congress adopted an shorter time. In other branches of productive enterprise it is chiefly a question of eight-hour law, which, in many cases, remained a dead letter. Gov. McLane, of putting all on the same footing. If one locality were practically to pay twenty. Maryland, too, recommended this innovation in a special message to the legislature per cent, more for labor than another, it would be placed at a great disadvantage. three years ago. It was maintained at that time that the local adoption of an eightIf one manusacturer were forced to run for eight hours, while his competitor runs hour work day would be impossible, as it would confer an advantage upon the for ten hours at the same rate of wages, the disparity in cost would be ruinous to manufacturers of other States, which would be sufficiently great to drive certain the former. Intelligent labor understands all this as well as capital, and there industries entirely out of the State. Upon this ground the agitation was earnestly fore, expect to see the question treated in a rational way by the great body of pressed for the general introduction of such a system in the beginning of May of workers. There may be a sort of craze in some sections for a time, but reason will the present year. Whether the movement will now be attended with success we resume her sway. The waves of tumult are on the surface of labor; the great are, of course, unable to say; but as revolutions never go backward it is fair to deep is calm and undisturbed.

assume that, to-day, a stage in the solution of the question will have been reached.

The journalist, Andrew Jonas, one of the clearest and most temperate of writers,
The Craftsman (Labor), May I.

reasons thus: “The more a man works the more he earns, he acquires, he posWhy do the workingmen desire eight hours as a day's work? Because it is sesses.” This may have been true in times past; to-day it is no longer the case, just; because it is in accordance with a spirit of progress; because machinery has but with respect to most industries, rather the reverse is true; and the more, the so enlarged the productive capacity of the country and the world tha: ten hours' longer, the harder the hired laborer works, the less he earns and possesses. Wheretoil is no longer needful. There is no valid reason why the change should not be sore is this the case ? First of all, the workingman of to-day is no longer, as made. The working people of this country have not made this demand ignorantly formerly, a man who through his capacity for labor produces a

defined

property, nor in a captious spirit. The subject has been studied in all its bearings—in its garment, a watch, a house, either for his own use or in exchange for other requirebeneficial effects upon the workers and in its reflex influence on society at large. ments; but a man who, in order 10 live, is compelled to take his “ labor power' The subject has been discussed intelligently for years, and meets with the approval upon the market, where he endeavors to get the highest possible price for his merof employers and capitalists of broad views who are not hampered with Gould chandise, whilst the employer seeks to get it at the lowest. In a word, the “labor ism. There are but lew arguments which can be urged against it, and these are power” of the workingman of to-day has become a commodity, subject to all the not valid. One is that the workingmen will spend two more hours each day in laws of existence and of exchange of such. But this commodity, in respect to saloons. This is the argument of weak and vapid intellects, and presupposes a most others, labors under a very great disadvantage. When one has cloth, grain, fact which is non existant—that men who toil now spend all their spare time in or shoes as merchandise in store, he can await, generally, a favorable moment, and carousal and dissipation. Another idea put forth is that men can not earn sufficient sell to the best possible advantage. The possessor of the commodity “labor in eight hours to support themselves and families. This is controverted by facts power” cannot do this. Only in exceptional cases is he so situated that he can already existing, for it is a fact that the working people of the country now sup wait for months or even weeks an advance in the price of his merchandise, but, as port, on ten hours' labor, not only themselves and families and a large army of

a general rule, is obliged to sell the latter day by day if he dces not wish to undergo enforced idlers, but also support and pile up wealth mountain high for a class of

hunger. drones who do not and will not work. Two hours less of labor for the persons

Chicago Inter-Ocean (Rep.), April 29. now actively employed will make room for many, if not all, of the men now unable to obtain employment, and if it should result in reducing the number of drones

It is shown that, for the twenty years ending in 1885, the estimated gain in the and distributing the vast accumulations of wealth among the people who really

population of the United States has been 63 per cent; the actual increase in railneed it, so much the better. The people can earn enough in four hours of toil

way mileage in the same time, 270 per cent.; the actual increase in the grain each day to supply all the wants of humanity. We are willing to support the

crops in the same time, 164 per cent.; actual increase in the cotton crop for 1865drones, at least for the present, but we ask time to recruit our exhausted vitality

6-'7, compared with 1882-'3-'4, 176 per cent.; increase in the product of pig-iron and enjoy some of the comforts of life. The fact is, opposition 10 the eignt-hour

for same years, and compared years, 281 per cent.; the increase in the wages of movement comes from the shrewd dealers in human flesh who know that a short average mechanics in Massachusetts in 1885 over 1860, 23.43 per cent. ; increase ening of the hours of labor will reduce the large reserve force of labor, upon

in the wages of skilled mechanics in Massachusetts in 1885 over 1865, 33.33 per which they have heretofore drawn to keep the employed portion in subjection.

cent. ; the prices of 200 commodities were 95 per cent. higher in currency and 59 The nearer the line of starvation monopoly can keep labor, the better they are per cent. in gold in 1865 than in 1885; the wages of cotton-mill operatives in satisfied, for by so doing their own dividends will be larger and their own great New England were 37 per cent. in gold higher in 1885 than in 1865; the tons ness the more apparent by contrast. After to-day arguments must give place to

moved per mile on the New York Central and Hudson River railroad increased good, hard, and earnest effort on the field of action.

in 1885 by 570 per cent. over the transportation of 1865; the charge per ton per W, M. Salter in Christian Register, April 29.

mile was 408 per cent. higher in 1865 than in 1885; the profit for moving one ton

of freight on the line above mentioned was 552 per cent. greater in 1865 than in IF employers will not freely give the added leisure, workingmen can win it. It 1885; while the debt of the United States per capita was greater by 250 per cent. is significant that the advances in wages in England in the last half-century liave

on August 1, 1865, than on August 1, 1885. The increase in wealth during the

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past quarter of a century has been followed by an annual product which has in-ject, but they knew very well that there was no use in getting into a passion over creased in yet greater measure. The mechanics and factory operatives in the a matter so purely practical. In fact, as we have said before, the heads of the Eastern States earn in gold on an average 25 per centmore than they earned in great body of workingmen seem to be cooler than those of the editors and capi. 1865, while the prices of the 200 principal commodities they consume are 59 per talists who are denouncing the organization of labor and prophesying so many evil cent. less than at that date. Ninety per cent, at least, of the population of the things because of it. United States are wage-earners, receivers of small salaries not much above the

Chicago Mail (Ind.), April 29. general standard of wages, or small farmers who work as hard as their hired men. To them this question is a very important one. They will no doubt consider the

The men who undertook to reform the present system of life among the working conditions which now obtain while they are considering the question of fewer classes by equalizing the hours of labor, hours of recreation, and hours of sleep went hours.

at their task intelligently and succeeded in convincing most reasonable people that D. M. Richardson in Detroit Tribune, April 30.

they were right. The employers of the country, as a rule, were convinced that the

innovation would be a good one. The principal argument in favor of it was that the THE statutes of most of the States now provide that ten hours shall constitute a

wage-worker should have a few hours every day to himself for mental and physical day's labor, and this provision is applicable to nearly all pursuits except that of ag

recuperation and development. This movement was gaining strength every day riculture. 5 All manufacturing and other lines of business are now and have been

and everywhere. Its advanced advocates saw that they must hold in check the conducted on this basis for many years. The quantity and power of protection is class which would not only demand the reform but expect to derive pecuniary determined on the ten hour basis. The cost and market price of nearly all lines profit from it. The Trades Assembly of this city protested against the demand of of goods are determined on the same basis, and the purchasing power in the hands some workingmen for reduced hours of labor with full pay. They saw the inconof labor is therefore determined on the ten-hour basis, and the same is also true of

sistency of this demand, and knew, if permitted, it would ruin their plans and the determination of the value of all manufacturing plants. It must necessary fol

prospects. The adoption of the eight-hour system was the one great object in low that the reduction of the hours of labor from ten to eight reduces the pur view. Once established everything else would regulate itself. But no.

It was chasing power of labor in the same ratio, or 20 per cent. It also reduces the value

impossible. The different unions could not be disciplined. One after the other of all manufacturing institutions operating on the ten-hour basis in the same ratio, they began to make other and conflicting demands. In addition to eight hours or 20 per cent To illustrate, the man receiving $1.25 per day for ten hours' labor they wanted everything else that the craziest socialist or the maddest anarchist will receive $1 per day; the man receiving $2.50 per day will receive $2 for a day could suggest. When there were no grievances they created them. When there of eight hours, and in the same proportion for all persons receiving larger or smaller was no dissatisfaction they bred discontent. Employers who were trying to treat compensation for their services. Now note the effect upon the value of manufac

them fairly they outraged and wronged, until now, at the very eve of the day set turing institutions: The plant valued at $25,000 will turn out a certain amount of for the inauguration of the eight-hour system, there are a thousand other questions goods by running ten hours. Reduce the running time to eight hours, and the

burying out of sight the main one. same factory will turn out 20 per cent. less goods, and, therefore, under the eight

New York Tribune (Rep.), May 1. hour system, its value has been reduced to $20,000. A plant valued at $250,000 will turn out a certain amount of goods by running ten hours. Reduce the running THERE is no occasion for panic, for more than nine-tenths of the labor of the time to eight hours, it will turn out 20 per cent. less goods, therefore its value has country is now regularly and productively employed, and the demaud for a change been reduced to $200,000. But the loss does not stop here. Taxes, and insurance, of hours really affects workers in only a few employments at present. Then it is and decay go on for the twenty-four hours under the eight-hour system exactly as well to remember that Mr. Powderly distinctly stated that no such strike for eight they do under the ten hour system. Therefore it will be readily seen that the re hours had been ordered by the Knights of Labor, and that none would be. He duction of the hours of labor from ten to eight means a financial revolution in its held that the workingmen were not only unprepared as yet to convince the public effect upon manufacturing capital, and the same upon all other industries. If the of the justice of a change, but did not themselves understand the reason for it. same rule is applied, and if the eight-hour system is good for one class of industries Certainly this criticism is justified, but it has happened already that the local organwhy not for all, including agricultural pursuits? Why should the farmer work izations are stronger than Mr. Powderly or his associates in the executive commitfrom sunrise to sundown, through heat and cold, and in wet and dry weather, and The misinformation of workingmen on the eight hour question is illustrated the operative in the factory that is warm and dry only eight hours ?

in a communication to the Tribune, in which the writer urges that eight hours'

work instead of ten would make room for the employment of a great army of men Cincinnati Commercial Gazette (Rep.), May 1.

now unemployed, in number equal to a fifth of all the workers in the country. In ORGANIZED labor is a power, but it can not change the habits of mankind. The that case, it is said, the quantity of things produced by labor would not be less farmers are indifferent as to the eight hour notion. They work according to the than are now produced. There would be the same supply of things to be divided seasons, and the climate, and the weather, sometimes enjoy watching a rain, at as the reward of labor. This is doubtless a reason in the minds of the more intelother times putting in fourteen, sixteen, and eighteen hours saving crops. Nine ligent men, whose approval is necessary to make a movement important. But it tenths of the women of the ci untry who work can have nothing to do with the eight is not the chief reason with a much larger number, who consider only that they hour business. But what is the object of the eight-hour adjustment? Suppose ii can would get the same wages for fewer hours' work, would have more time to employ be made to a greater extent than has seemed practicable, what good can come of it? as they please, and meanwhile they never stop to think whether wages would buy Why is eight hours for a day's work set up as a sort of flag, and why are those who

as many things as they do now. take an interest in the cause of labor invited to rally to it,

and contend for it, with strikes and agitations in every form? We confess that the answers usually given

Philadelphia Times (Ind.), May 2. to these questions seem to us far from satisfactory. Do workingmen propose to

There is a sensible and just solution of the dispute over the hours of labor, and reduce the supply of labor at their own expense twenty per cent., so as to secure

that is for labor to be paid by the hour. The one thing that labor should not deemployment for those who now, under the pressure of our artificial wants and mand and that employers should not entertain, is to pay any for time not given to ways, seem to be superfluous? We should hardly think so. It is a mistake to employment or for work not performed. Let labor be paid the best wages that suppose there are too many laborers. There is opportunity upon the earth for the the business will warrant, but eliminate from all contracts payment for time not given abundant occupation of ten times the number of men who inhabit this globe. How or work not done. This should not apply to those who are employed by the week or far is it desirable for one who depends upon his daily labor for his daily bread to re

month and whose confined work calls for early closing hours in summer and Saturduce his hours of work? Is he likely to improve the time gained for himself, to his ad day afternoons when at all practicable; but those who work by the hour should be vantage? Who is there, anywhere, who does anything better with his time than to paid by the hour. The matter of wages will adjust itself in time. Its immediate work all that he is able? Is there not danger that two hours a day unoccupied by the solution is impossible because of the infinite diversity in employment, and the quesorganized labor of the country, for themselves, would be unprofitably used?' Of tion of hours of labor, which is a question chiefly for labor to determine, should be course this time is not to be passed in idleness. How is it to be made profitable ? considered on its own merits, and the pay for the shortened hours, which is a quesHow will it help the families of the workingmen? If there is nothing earned in

tion that employers must well consider, should be settled on the same basis. Ġenthose pauses, will there be anything spent that should be saved ? We are glad to eral eight hours of labor with ten hours' pay is simply impossible, and in the end see the workingmen taking to these problems as a matter of business.

the various circumstances and interests which govern each particular industry, will New York Sun (Dem.), May 3.

solve the problem for itself. Meantime, let all be patient. Rashness can help no

cause, while intelligent and calm judgment will harmonize the gravest antagonisms. Some of the Union Square speakers on Saturday night talked excitedly, but the Labor and capital, like man and wise, must get along together or do worse, and assemblage was remarkable for its good order and good temper, and when all was generous sorbearance will ever be best all around. over the people went home as quietly as if they were returning from the play or from church. It was by no means a fully representative demonstration, for when

Philadelphia Ledger (Ind.), May 3. the square was most crowded not more than fifteen thousand persons were present, Six months ago Saturday, May ist, was threatened by some of the wrongand, as we showed yesterday, there are nearly two hundred thousand organized headed leaders of trade organizations as a day for radical and universal change in workmen in New York alone, and Brooklyn and Jersey City were near by to be matters relating to hours and wages of industry and labor; but it came and passed drawn upon. What was the reason for this lack of interest on the part of so many with but moderate change. What change did come was, as already indicated, workingmen in a demonstration which was got up with much pains by those who moderate in its degree; it was limited in the number of the trades and occupaare supposed to represent their sentiment? Why did they hold back so generally? tions affected; the change was brought about in most instances by mutual adjustThe

reason is that the mass of the workingmen hereabouts are very level-headed ment between employers and employed and it was confined to very limited areas and very practical

. They do not sympatize with the agitators who preach blood of territory and to but fractional proportions of the whole number of workingmen and thunder, and advise them to make haste to upturn society, in the hope of get

in the United States. This any thoughtful person can make out for himself who ting the advantage in the scramble among its ruins. Even with regard to the will take the telegraphic and home news of yesterday and this morning. Let him project to make eight hours a day's labor they want time for reflection and to decide sum up the total of the somewhat exaggerated numbers said to have“ gone cut” whether it is practicable under existing circumstances. They are not so quick to in sundry places on the eight-hour issue, and he will notice how small a fraction make up their minds as the professional agitators are, for they have far more to lose they are of the twelve to thirteen millions of adult workers in the United States; in case of failure. They are actually in the shops and can judge better what the

he will further notice how small a proportion they are even of the workingmen of chances are. They might have come out to listen to a calm discussion of the sub

the communities in which they reside, and he will still further see, when he enu

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merates all the places in which there are strikes on that account, how few they are that anybody is justified in these times in resusing to work more than eight hours.
and how small an area they include when compared with the thousand centres of They may admit that it would be - more agreeable to work only eight hours, but
industry and the vast expanse of the territory of the United States.

nobody will regard the period of ten hours' work from able-bodied men as an op
Charleston News and Courier (Dem.), May I.

pression. There will be none of the feeling in the case of the men who strike

against that period that there was in the case of the New York street-car drivers
The real principle at stake in the so-called eight-hour movement is that “over who were worked fourteen hours a day. For the person who had a good situation, at
work cannot be paid for at any price.” Money is worth nothing of itself. Its real fair wages, and voluntarily abandons it on a chance of getting a better one, there
value is in what it can purchase, and the vast majority of wage-workers measure is not the same sympathy that is felt for the person who quits his place because his
that value by the amount of the necessities, comforts, and pleasures of life that it

wages have been unreasonably cut down or his hours of work unreasonably
can procure. If a man is overworked, he cannot enjoy life, and money earned at increased. Those who have means are much more willing to contribute to the
that cost is not worth having. The amount of work that a man can do without support of the latter until he finds a new situation,
depriving himself of the power of enjoying the reward of his labor cannot be
measured by hours alone. Of course, if all his time out of bed is occupied in

Washington Post (Dem.), May 2.
work, he can have no pleasure save what he finds in his employment; and as the The demand for a reduction of the hours constituting a day's labor by skilled
wage-worker is not expected to find all his pleasure in his work, it depends both workingmen will be confined mainly to the cities where there are powersul trades
on the nature and length of his day's work wheti er he will be able to enjoy the organizations, and is much more general than was anticipated. The movement
fruits of it. The question, therefore, between employer and laborer is as to what has been well organized, and, on the whole, wisely directed; and, while a pretty
is a reasonable day's work in the particular calling in which they may be engaged. large minority of every association is either indifferent or distrustful of the wisdom
It can hardly be over ten hours in any occupation, and in some it is less than eight. of the demand, to all appearances a pretty firm and united front is presented. The
The problem is to reach an agreement as to the just limit of a day in each case. builders and employers of the country classes, composed mainly of men who began
Such is the principle which underlies the contest. Whether it can be practically as journeymen in their several callings, and who by their ability, enterprise, and
applied to the business of the world is another matter. That the general condi industry have worked up to their present position, seem to be as firmly united to
tion of the laboring classes would be thus materially ameliorated there seems little resist the demand. In many cases, where work is under contract and must be
ground 10 doubt, and that they should unite in an effort to have the experiment finished, concessions will be made by employers, but it is safe to predict a general
tried is therefore very reasonable.

resistance, an immense aggregate loss by all interested and resultant suffering.
Mansfield, Ohio, News (Rep.), April 29.

The side which has the most staying power will win. A destruction of one-fifth of

the country's working capacity is a gigantic problem, and one that can not be
An eight-hour labor system has little to commend it. It may be urged that under solved or all its results worked out in a day. Meanwhile the newspaper man toils
it employment can be given to more men, but if more men are employed it will eighteen hours as usual, and can hardly repress his joy that it isn't twenty.
bring inferior labor into competition with superior, and the disadvantages arising
theresrom are at once apparent. With the reduction of hours will come the strug-

Baltimore Sun (Ind.), May 1.
gle between capital and labor for the old wages under the new hours, and a field MR. ATKINSON has shown that wages in the Eastern States of the Union are
is open for continual strise, which will further unsettle the business interests of the

now,

in gold, 25 per cent, higher than in 1865, while the prices of articles genecountry. The proposed system will also revolutionize piece and hour work and rally consumed by laboring men are 59 per cent. lower. There has been a shortfew workingmen whose labor is paid for in that way will choose to work eight ening of the hours of labor from thirteen 10 ten and eleven hours per day, side by hours instead of ten. In a general way the more a man works the more he will side with this increase of income. If to this amelioration of the circumstances earn and save, and few men working for themselves stop at eight hours a day, but of the laborer's lise, as indicated by increased income and decreased cost of living choose to give twelve, thirteen, and even more hours to labor. Upon the kind of at the old standard, be added the education of himself and children at the cost of labor depends to great extent the amount of time that should be devoted to it In the State, and other like benefits that are bought with money, but cost him nothmany employments eight hours a day is as much as should be required, while in ing, it is impossible to deny that there has been in most sections of the country a others twelve would be no hardship. The entire inatter of the hours of labor is marked improvement of his condition, and with the continuance of peace and one to be regulated by the amount of compensation received, and the nature of the good order, during the solution of the problems now engaging the minds of workwork performed. Upon the whole it may be safely assumed that the best judg ing people throughout the country, especially that in regard to the inequality of the ment of wage workers is that an eight-hour system has many objections, and the hours of labor, the improvemeni will go on. Nothing, however, can more seribenefit to be derived from it is questionable.

ously affect the condition of the working people than the influence of uncertainty Wheeling Register (Ind.), April 30.

among business men growing out of the sense of insecurity, be the cause what it

may Before an eight-hour system can succeed the people will have to be educated

Wheeling Intelligencer (Rep.), 4pril 29.
up to the benefits of it, and a large majority of the people of every State in the

As long as eight hours as a day's work is not by law made compulsory on both
Union will have to be its adherents. It is, or should be, a philanthropic move-

employers and employed, which is not at all likely, it is probable that the basis of
ment, not a selfish one. Too many at present seem to be acting from a selfish
motive. For workinginen to say to their employers, « Give us ten hours' wages

remuneration will shift from the day to the hour, and that the rule will become to

stipulate by the hour or the piece. A great deal of work throughout the land is already for eight hours' work that we may have more time for recreation and that more

on this basis. There is a large amount of labor that can not from its nature be re. men may be employed” is no philanthropy; it is simply sellishness. For employ

stricted to eight hours, and also a great many laborers who, on the hour basis of ers and for the buyers of the products of labor to say to the workingmen, “ If you

pay, will preser to work more than eight hours. The agricultural work of the work only eight hours a day, and thus give your fellow-workingmen a chance to

country can not be restricted to eight hours; nor can the transportation work of get employment, you do it at your own expense, as we cannot pay you any more

the land. Therefore we say that it seems likely in the long run that the presept for your products or for an hour's work than formerly,” is not philanthropy; it is

eight hour inovement will revolve itself into a general practice throughout the
selfishness. But when the workingmen of the country go to their employers and

country of paying either by the hour or the piece. This result will go far to settle
say,
will give employment to some of our fellows who are idle, we will

the difficuliy both in regard to the question of hours and remuneration, and where
work only eight hours per day and take less wages," and when the employers say:

the hours are not excessive and compulsory, and the remuneration is on an equitable
6. We will take less profits if you will do this," and ihe consumers of the products scale, there will be a better understanding and a better feeling between employers
say, “We are willing to pay more for what we consume in order that the work-

and employés than on the more arbitrary basis of payment by the day.
ingmen may be benefited,” then, and not till then, will the eight-hour system be a
grand success.

Troy Telegram (Ind.), April 29.
Boston Globe (Dem.), April 29.

The theory of the eight-hour movement is all right. There are many idle
LET the Republican organs cease their insolent lectures to workingmen. They workingmen in the country, the direct result, as we have previously shown, of the
are only seeking legitimate ends by lawsul means. Republican homilies on the large introduction of labor-saving machinery. We shall not undertake to expose
subject of law and order can be more usefully directed to other quarters. Let the fallacy of the claim that inventions are a detriment to labor. The statement is
them tell the corporale monopolies and rings that have grown fat and waxed inso too absurd to need even contradiction, but the laboring man should enjoy some of
lent under twenty-four years of Republican pampering that they have some patri. the benefits of this lessening in the cost of manufacture thus resulting, and the re-
otic duties and some moral obligations to perform in this matter. Let them tell duction of the hours of labor is one of the methods by which desired benefits may
the great einploying corporations that they, too, owe some duties to society beyond be secured. If the hours of labor of the present working force is reduced 20 per
the mere gathering of so much per centum in dividends. Let them go furiher, and cent., it follows that the possibility is offered of giving employment to 20 per cent.
tell them because it is the truth-that if ever violence and disorder come upon of additional laborers. For the work it now takes a thousand men to do twelve
this land because of the desperation of labor, it will all be at their door, unless hundred will be required, and the idle element will thus be made to rapidly dis-
they yield something to the spirit of justice and the claims of humanity, and meet appear. As affording workingmen more opportunity for education and improve-
their enıployés fairly in the arbitration room as men, brethren, and equal fellow ment, more time for recreation and home enjoyment, the movement is also of
citizens. But the Republican press will not tell the capitalist class any of these value, but this feature, judging from the practical standpoint, is subordinate to that
plain truths. It dare not. The collar of the corporations is around its neck, It which increases the number of self-supporting citizens.
is nothing but the watch-dog at the door of the money power. It is chained up

New York Times (Ind.), May 1.
with a chain of golden links and its collar securely padlocked. Jay Gould carries
the key in his pocket.

STRIKES to ensorce the demand for eight hours work a day may do much to
Boston Advertiser (Ind.), May 1.

paralyze industry, depress business, and check the reviving prosperity of the coun

try, but they cannot succeed. The inevitable result will be the closing of many It is not probable that this strike for shorter time will succeed anywhere, or, if establishments for a time, the crippling of some, and the driving of capital out of it does succeed in some places, the success will be brief. For one thing, it will business, but the most deplorable effects will speedily appear in the sufferings of not have the same support of sympathy or material aid from those who are not on idle workmen and their families. The funds of the organizations which sustain strike as a strike against an increase of time would. The great majority of peo the movement will be rapidly exhausted, discontent will spring up in their ranks, ple who work from nine or ten to twelve or fourteen hours a day will not believe and in the end there must be a surrender to the inevitable. The laws that govern

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industry and trade cannot be suspended. If this lesson can only be learned by ex changed conditions will make more or less of conflict and contention, because for a
perience it is to be hoped that it will be quickly learned, for it is sure to be expen time contracts and plans are affected; but time will adjust the conditions as easily
sive. Capitalists and employers can stand the expense much better than the work to eight as to ten hours for a day's work, both being arbitrary, and a compensation
ingmen, but they would certainly avoid it if they could. The efforts of working for either will at last be determined by supply and demand..
men to better their condition are deserving of sympathy, but in order to be success-

Denver Tribune (Rep.), April 29.
ful they must recognize the principles of justice and the dictates of prudence, and
not aim at the impossible or the unreasonable.

If an attempt is made to obtain ten hours' pay for eight hours' work, many large

employers of labor will feel sorced to retire either temporarily or permanently from Philadelphia Inquirer (Ind.), April 30.

the market, and the chances for the success of the movement will be thereby seriAll those who work and are paid by the hour for their labor, as well as those ously diminished. If employers concede the demand in that form and attempt to on piece, would be largely the losers hy the proposed reduction, for as labor is protect themselves by making an advance of 20 per cent in the prices of their now fixing its own rates of remuneration without any regard to the ideas upon the products, consumption will be checked and financial and commercial disasters will subject of its employers, it may justly be assumed that it is receiving the highest follow thick and fast. Viewed in the best light possible, it is a most serious quesattainable rates. Workingmen not paid by the day, week or month, but according tion. It should be met in a fair and candid spirit by both employers and employés. to what they produce, whether by the hour or the piece, could not, of course, ask It does not seem probable at present that it will cause much disturbance in this to be paid a fifth more than they are now getting, they having admitted that their region, and we hope that it will not cause any in Denver. present remuneration is sufficient. Another thing which is to be considered is that

Toronto Globe (Liberal), May 1. if in any department of industry the working day is reduced one-fifth and wages not reduced at all, the employer must increase the price of all his productions one

NOTHING short of a moral reformation among the business classes can prevent fifth, and thus the cost of living will be largely enhanced. A pair of shoes which labor struggling for and in the end obtaining reforms now stigmatized as socialistic. now costs four dollars would necessarily have to be sold for five, and a coat which So deeply are the doctrines of competitive selfishness rooted among the middlemen costs cight would have to be sold for ten. This increase would have to be put that they can scarcely understand the assertion that they should regard themselves upon everything that is consumed by workingmen.

as in a position of trust for the whole community. They transact the exchanges,

they distribute the commodities, they finger the cash, they keep the accounts, and Philaılelphia Record (Ind.), May 1.

they act as though they had only their individual interests to look after. It won't The eight-hour movement at this time is certainly a proper and beneficent un do—they need to take a truer yiew of their relations to the workers who allow the dertaking for the reason that there is not at present enough employment to keep at system to stand—they need to bring Christianity into the counting-house and the work all who are willing to labor. Labor-saving machinery on the one hand, and shop. If they do not the business will sooner or later be taken out of their hands a slowing-up and hesitation in many branches of trade on the o:her, have con and transacted by mere agents of the producers. tributed to slacken the demand for skilled and unskilled laborers. There are some occupations which will not permit of the adoption of the eight-hour system, and

St. Paul Fress (Rep.), April 30. the condition of the labor market will not generally sustain a decrease of hours THERE are two distinct questions involved in the eight-hour movement. First, work without a decrease in wages corresponding to decreased production; but if

do the workingmen intend to ask that eight hours shall, at once and in all occupathose who are out of employment could be set at work, by the consent of others 10 tions, become the rule? Second, do they intend to demand for eight hours the work shorter hours, it would lead to a great amelioration of present conditions and wages formerly given for ten hours? No satisfactory answer to either has yet result in permanent good. The man or woman who can get two hours added to been given. It may be even doubted whether there is any essential agreement the time which may be devoted every day to self-improvement, to the better care among the labor organizations on this point, and whether a majority of them yet of others, or to necessary rest or recreation, is enabled to make a great step forward know themselves upon what they propose to insist. They are rather in the atti. 'in the race of life.

tude of waiting to see what are the best terms that they can command. It is this Philadelphia Telegram (Ind.), May 1.

position of expectancy which gives hope of wise action, and which makes it ex"The labor element” has been bitten by a kind of universal tarantula—it has

tremely important that workingmen everywhere should understand exactly how

the situation stands. gone " dancing mad.” To think of inaugúrating a great strike at this juncture for the eight-hour system! The perversity of it fairly takes the breath. Wild at any

Boston Journal (Rep.), May 3. time, since eight hours does not make a fair and equitable day's labor, and since,

ONE subject attracts the attention of the country, and that is the present attitude if the movement should prevail, it would cut off production one-fifth, at least, and of the mass of employés in cities to their employers, because of the demand that add by that much to the cost of living, it is especially wild, senseless, and perverse eight hours shall constitute a day's labor. We have frequently referred to this beyond belief at this juncture, when production and trade are already paralyzed by subject, and as frequently attempted to show why the inauguration of such a the suicidal conduct of workingmen. It is truly a situation not merely baffling to

movement would put an end to the improvement of business and paralyze every the honest man, but calculated to raise grave doubts on certain points in our sys industry. If the wage-earners fully understood this subject we do not believe tem of free government which have heretofore been deemed fundamental to it. that they would have joined in the demand that eight hours shall constitute a day's Perhaps they are fundamentally wrong. Perhaps “The Fall of the Great Re labor with ten hours' pay. Even if a shorter period of labor is desirable, would public,” which many persons rated as a piece of cynical abuse, may have had a

it not be better to reach the minimum of hours by gradual approaches instead of touch, and more than a touch, of truth.

reducing the standard day's work by one-fifth.
N. Y. Tribune (Rep.), May 3.

Chicago Herald (Ind.), May 1.
The persons striking are not one in an hundred of the workers in the United It must Le apparent to every intelligent mechanic that an arbitrary demand in

all lines of business for what amounts to a 20 per cent increase in pay contem-
States
. The remaining ninety-nine must be affected by their action. If the wheels

plates an industrial revolution which ought not rudely to be forced upon the counare to run, or the shops to remain open, or the hands to continue an essential part of the work, only eight hours daily, the rest in the same establishment must be

try at a time when in all circles the first revivifying effects of returning prosperity cut down to eight hours also, whether they wish or not.

are making themselves felt. From the disturbing influences of such an agitation

Thus part propose to dictate hours of labor to the rest.

no workingman can expect to escape uninjured. The postponement of important And as to the larger class, who now work ten hours and do not strike or propose any change, they are to be compelled to pay

enterprises, the closing of great shops, and the curtailment of production in others for the products of eight-hour industry a fifth more than before, in order that the

will fall most heavily upon labor, as also will the demoralization and uncertainly eight-hour workers shall have more leisure. But has an hundredth part of the

which necessarily attends all such movements even when undertaken under the

most favorable auspices. laborers of the United States the right, if they have the power, thus to extort

New York Star (Dem.), May 1. whatever they please from the rest? Is not this another case of attempted despotism of the few over the many ?

While the Star believes that the present eight-hour movement is ill-advised

and that the labor leaders have made several mistakes of late-some ludicrous Detroit Tribune (Rep.), May 1.

ones in the way of boycotts—it sees only matter for surprise and regret in the conWe look with qualified hope and moderated expectation for the revolution which fident prediction of some of its contemporaries that the labor movement will now will note its birth-date with this first day of May. The outcome is sure to be good, go to pieces. Ten thousand mistakes will not destroy that movement. It is the we believe; but it will be smaller than many are thinking at first, and slower in next step in the great evolution that has made the serf a freeman. It can be reits unfolding. Labor's demands have at last got an earnest and respectful hearing. tarded by blunders and thrown into temporary confusion by unwise acts; it can That is an immense gain and is full of promise Wealth can no longer ride rough meet with frequent failures and defeats ; but it can no more fail than the movement shod over labor, but must take cognizance of its just requests. Arbitration, concil could have failed that gave England Magna Charta and America free governiation, compromise must come to the front in settling questions of conflicting interest. Force, fraud, cunning must go to the rear, and there may they forever stay!

Rochester Herald (Rep.), May 3. Justice, fairness, equity must have more to say in a division of profits where both The situation at present is a very serious one, but we may hope that there are have created them. Selfishness, avarice, and heartlessness must walk the plank intelligence and consideration enough among the working people to restrain them with a more summary shrist and no pity. There must be more of brotherhood

from carrying their demands so far as to entirely cripple the business interests of among men.

the country. They should take counsel at this crisis of only their best and wisest National Republican (Rep.), May 1.

Let them pay no attention to the hot-heads, the fanatics and anarchists who SURPLUS in the labor supply cheapens the cost of production.

To obviate this are trying to use them.

Let them remember that they can gain nothing, but may result a legal day's work has been reduced from ten hours to eight-a logical se

lose everything by compelling the business men of the country to close their

establishments. quence of education and invention. These improved conditions furnish opportunity to divide the day into eight hours for labor, eight hours for culture and re

Memphis Tribune (Ind.), April 29. creation, and eight hours for rest, a necessity for enlightenment and good citizen The persons who organized and ran the “demonstration

at Chicago, who ship, in a republican form of government, where the majority rule by free ballot. made the speeches and flourished the red flags, bave no shadow of interest in the The revolution now progressing to adapt business transactions and society to these eight-hour question; for whether the hours were eight or twelve or two, they would

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