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Union and the men who remember what the causeless and most wicked rebellion wordy debate an a question settled by the sword, but it seems that Albany alone brought upon the country. Soldiers can pardon enthusiasm for men like Lee and can furnish a dozen eager for this wordy fray. The contest will doubtless gratify Jackson; but for this cold-hearted, crafty, egotistic, jealous chief of the Confed those who engage in it, and happily will bother no one else. We see in it but one eracy, who ran away from Richmond with his train weighted with foreign gold thing to regret, and that is the proof the incident affords that the North more and his mind exercised in saving his household effects, and was captured in a than the South has the Bourbons ready to engage in such a controversy. This is woman's waterproof, they discern poor stuff for a hero.
somewhat humiliating to the North. Louisville Courier-Journal (Dem.), April 30.
Augusta, Ga, Chronicle (Dem.).
Brooklyn Union (Ind.).
It is a very sad scene—this whole unwise performance. If rhetorical nonsense
Milwaukee Sentinel (Rep.). abroad? Utica Press (Rep.), May 1.
No reasonable objection can be raised to the honoring of Jeff; Davis as a com
panion in trying times by the surviving soldiers of the South, because everybody Any attempt to do honor to the valor of the Confederate dead need not include
understands that the sentiment underlying it is that of fellowship in distress; but an indorsement of the rebellion and the declaration that it was right, nor the when it comes to honoring him for his treason, paying tribute to the unholy sentistatement that equality had not been fully restored. The sooner the late unpleas
ments that plunged the nation into war, and instructing the new generation of antness is forgotten the better it will be for the South. Nor can there be any gain Southerners to pay respect, not to the man merely, but to the cause he represents, to the people of the North to come from reviling the South. In our Northern
there is ample room for criticism.. celebrations let us remember the valor of our soldiers who fought to save the Union, and, as for ourselves, let us seek to strengthen and preserve it.
Brovklyn Eagle (Ind.)
THE Jatest speech of the ex-President at Montgomery yesterday was entirely
harmless. The truth is it is impossible, and always has been, to make a heroic BECAUSE Jeff, Davis was received with more warmth of demonstration at Mont.
figure of Davis
A man of considerable though rather commonplace parts, of gomery last week than he was at the same place twenty-five years ago, when en
experience in public life and of varied accomplishments, a personality destitute of tering upon the office of President of the Confederacy, certain Republican journals magnetism or of the power to command large following, he owes his place in the pronounce the South to be in a unhealthy condition. The facis are otherwise.
world's records chiefly to accident, and is henceforth nothing but a finger point on The South is accumulating money in her savings Banks, educating her people, both
the page of history. white and colored, building factories, and developing her mines, and generally at
Atlanta Constitution (Dem.), May 2. tending to her own business better than she ever did before.
It has been a glorious revival. We all feel better and stronger because of it. It
was a grand and glorious demonstation—unapproached by anything that any of its
St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.). mistaking the import of such ebullitions of popular feeling.
It is not to be wondered at that the Democrats in Washington are very much
worried over the Southern demonstrations in honor of Jeff Davis. There is no MR. DAVIS' speech was, all must admit, in excellent taste, and newspapers
particular reason, however, why Republicans should make any objection in the the New York Tribune and some others will find it disappointing. An orator of
case. They could not posssibly prepare as good campaign material as these
demonstrations are providing them with in abundance, not only for the uses of the Mr. Davis' strong feelings might well have been led away by the enthusiasm of such an assembly. Time and circumstances, however, have taught him self
present summer, but also for the still more important demands of the next Presi
dential canvass. repression, and he spoke with a gentle dignity and pathos that, considering the
Boston Journal (Rep.). spot on which he stood and all the circumstances since he occupied the same historic place in 1861, must have been very touching.
THE attachment of the South to the Confederacy, however extravagant its ex.
pression, is for the most part simply one of sentiment. It is a sentimental cause Buffalo Courier (Dem.), May 1.
which they mourn; a cause lost, and which the wisest of them would not find if ASSEMBLYMAN Erwin is reported as having said that “after the speech of that they could. If the question were put to the intelligent people of the South toeminent Democrat, Jefferson Davis, at Montgomery, Ala., on Wednesday, it was day: “Would you, if you could, make the States which entered the rebellion a natural that the Northern Democrats should object to the employment of Union separate government ?” the answer woull be, we are confident, unhesitatingly in soldiers.” This is not the first time that Mr. Erwin has shown a remarkable capacity the negative. for saying foolish things. Jefferson Davis, by the way, so far as national politics is
Dayton, Ohio, Journal (Rep.). concerned, is no more a Democrat than Mr. Erwin himself and has not been a
“THE vicarious sufferer for his vanquished people” is the way General Gordon Democrat during the last quarter of a century.
describes Jeff Davis. That is a paraphrase of the New Testament, where Jesus Hartford Courant (Rep.), April 29.
Christ is described as a vicarious offering for the sins of the people. When the JEFFERSON Davis has been revived and put through the experiences of an
vain old traitor passes in his chips it is presumable that the Solid South will deisy “ovation” at Montgomery, Ala., which must have mildly astonished him—aston
him. The Gordon simile, however, would have been more according to the fitness ished him both for the treatment of himself, and for the fact that thousands of people
of things if the chief of traitors had suffered a traitor's doom, with a rope around
his neck. can come together under a government that they unsuccessfully tried to overthrow,
Baltimore Sun (Ind.), May 3. can dedicate monuments to those who fought and died for that purpose, and can be presided over by the man whom they undertook to set up as president. It is a JEFFERSON DAVIS is honored by his people, who by this ovation to him seek to miracle of mercy, itself worth a celebration.
shed a lustre on his declining years. Let those who'sneer at his consistency look
upon the constitution which he dared to uphold, and the travestie of free governLancaster, Pa., Examiner (Rep.).
ment which for years prevailed at Washington after his cause was lost, and comEVEN the Philadelphia Times regrets that Southern editors gushed so over Jeff pare the political condition of the country before the civil war with what it afterDavisnot because their enthusiastic rhetoric was bad and inexpedient, but be ward became under the statesmanship of fanatics and demagogues. cause it will give an excuse to the John Shermans of the North to moralize upon Southern feeling and fling to the breeze the bloody shirt. Judging from the sen
Philadelphia Times (Ind.). timents of certain Southern editorials it is sufficiently shown that John Sherman is
The generation of to-day, North and South, breathes the purest inspiration of about right in not letting us forget the past, even if we do condone.
freedom the world has ever known and is making romance pale before the actual
and substantial advancement of sixty millions of free people. To the living, proNew York Star (Dem.).
gressive present Jefferson Davis speaks as one from the doleful tombs of the fora The South seems to havę þyt one man left who is thus anxious to enter into a gotten past. He has learned nothing, forgotten nothing; he has outlived himself,
and let him; in generous charity, be forgotten in the earnest; patriotic, progressive was addressing his followers on the subject of their misfortunes and the propriety. present,
of taking steps to "regain the blissful seat” from which they had been unceremoNew York Star (Dem.), May 3.
niously fired. A MEETING to honor so important à man as Mr. Hill was, both during the war
Minneapolis Evening Journal (Ind.). and afterward, is certainly one that should have been held. He was one of the The heroism of the soldier who takes his life in his hand to defend what he þe. fine characters of our political history. But we are glad to see that one Southerner lieves to be an honest cause is always deserving of acknowledgment, and none will suggested that all revival of old war memories is bad. Some very reputable peo- quarrel with the disposition of the Southern people to honor the bravery of the ple in the North agree with him, and believe that peace and good-will will be pro wearers of the gray by a monument in commemoration of their courage and their moted by more silence on both sides.
Toledo Commercial (Rep.).
JEFF. Davis says it was “a holy war,” on the part of the South, a war that is obvious from his speech that his only regret is that the rebellion failed, and if people doubtless prayed as well as fought on both sides; but a war fought to pre
Christianity approves. Mr. Davis does not speak with authority, perhaps. Good "outward seeming goes for anything the thousands who listened to him were of the sapre feeling, even if they were not ready to try it over again. The plain mean
serve slavery and destroy the Union could hardly be generally approved by Chris
tianity. ing of all of it is, that he loves the lost cause as dearly as ever and that they love
Der Deutsche Correspondent, Baltimore, April 30. him because he does.
(Translated expressly for PUBLIC OPINION.] Syracuse Standard (Dem.).
The fact that Jeff Davis yesterday and the day before could collect around him, That there still lingers in Southern breasts a sentiment of reverence for South in Montgomery, Ala., his trusty followers, gives to optimists another opportunity to ern heroes is no marvel. It is all that remains of the lost cause. In it there compare this glorious country with the monarchies of the old world. This counrankles little of the bitterness which a hard-bought defeat planted there, and the try has not, however, as yet undergone its greatest and severest trial. North can afford to join the people of the South in, paying homage to the brave men who fell while wearing the gray. These dead were their fathers and our
Philadelphia Evening News (Ind.). : brothers.
“The lost cause” is lost forever. None know this better than those who fought New York Sun (Dem.).
for it, but the spirit which animated the people, if not the leaders, is worthy of
celebration North or South, and there can be no words but those of compassion The speech of Mr. Jefferson Davis, delivered at Montgomery on Thursday, pos used in connection with the events which are now taking place in Alabamas sessed every quality which could add to the distinction of such a day. It was elevated in feeling, strong in reasoning, dignified in manner, and powerful in its
Wheeling Intelligencer (Rep.). effect. Considered merely as an intellectual effort, it is not too much to say that it MR. Davis does not represent the new South. “He died at Appomattox, but was a great speech, better, perhaps, than any that its author ever pronounced before. has had will power enough to resist burial. While he plays ghost the live men of Omaha Beë (Rep.).
the South are at work, enjoying the privileges of American citizens, and not re
gretting that they do not live under the Confederacy of Jefferson Davis. THE old soldiers who fought for the Union would like to know what the war was about. They are at a loss to know whether it was to put down rebellion and
Columbus, Ohio, Dispatch (Ind.). make treason odious, or whether it was only for fun. The recent ovation 10 Jeff MR. Davis may argue, from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, that the principle Davis beneath the stars and stripes, which the arch traitor did all in his power to of secession is right, but he can not change the stubborn fact that in his attempt to tear to pieces, has set the loyal veterans of the North to thinking.
give it a practical application he did more to establish the imbecility of the idea Utica Herald (Rep.).
than any other man or measure known to the history of this country. Shouts for Jeff Davis came only from members of the party in possession of the
Philadelphia City Item (Ind.). government he sought to overthrow. And in the North the only journals which The papers are concerning themselves very unnecessarily about poor Jeff Davis' Jabor to defend or explain away these shouts are the journals of the party which speech at Montgomery. It was less offensive than any other he has delivered opposed the war, which favored. peaceful disunion, and so late as 1864, in national since the war. He is the Confederate Polonius, and there is not the slightest occaconvention, solemnly declared the war for the Union a failure.
sion for being concerned at any of the poor old man's mutterings. Columbus, Ohio, Journal (Rep.).
Providence Journal (Rep.). No one denies that Southern soldiers fought bravely during the great civil war. The wild enthusiasm with which Jefferson Davts has been received in Alabama But whether the old-time balderdash of Jeff. Davis, nor the lurid rhetoric of Gen and Georgia is creditable to their loyal sentiment to a former leader, but it will not eral Gordon can in the least obscure two solid facts, namely, that the rebel armies change the verdict of history either as to the man or the cause he represented, and, fought for the worst and vilest cause ever known amongst men, and that their de if it was not chiefly a sentiment, it would not be so enthusiastic. feat was as complete and utter as any recorded in history.
Washington Gazette (Ind.).
Jeff Davis formally pronounced the funeral services over the late Confederacy It is time for us of the South to put on record and everywhere proclaim the last Wednesday, at Montgomery, Ala. Many thousands of sincere mourners' at. stern fact that there was no " rebellion,” no “ lreason,” no “crime” on the part of tended the obsequies. Now let the North perform similar ceremonies over the those who fought and fell on the cause of the South. The soldiers of the South, bloody shirt—if enough or it still lasts to be buried. acting under the authority and in obedience to the commands of their State, were
Rochester Herald (Rep.). not rebels, were not guilty of treason, were not traitors.
In the face of the demonstrations that have just taken place in Montgomery, one Mobile Register (Dem.).
may reasonably question the soundness of a loyalty that makes a hero of the still THE Southern man would be false to himself and would deserve to be pilloried unrepentant leader of the Confederacy, the man who to-day, as he did twenty-five as an arrant craven, were he to erase from his memory and heart that sympathy years ago, hates the Union and extols rebellion. for the Lost Cause which in other days made illustrious the name of Southern
N. Y. Evening Post (Ind.). soldier. The existence and continuance of such sympathy is in no way hostile to the duty of the citizen to the reorganized Union.
EVERYBODY knows that the Southern people have become convinced that it
was best for them, as well as for the rest of us, that the lost cause was lost, and Louisville Times (Ind.).
that their applause of the chief of the Confederate States from 1861 to 1865 inJEFFERSON DAVIS met with an ovation at Montgomery yesterday. The tribute plies no disloyalty to the United States in 1886. was not paid to the ex-chieftain, but to the man. There is a magnetism, a grandeur
Savannah News (Dem.). about Jeff
. Davis' that binds the hearts of his friends to him with bonds of adamant, while his cold, unbending arrogance and unyielding combativeness repel his ene YESTERDAY was a day that will be long remembered. The people gave Hon. mies in like measure.
Jefferson Davis a royal reception, and in return he gave them a little speech that
was straight from the heart, every word of which will be remembered by those Washington Critic (Ind.).
who heard it to the end of their lives. A QUESTION just at this time might not be inappropriate, and that question is:
St. Paul Press (Rep.). Is the Honorable Jefferson Davis in the pay of the Republican National Committee? His sentiments are certainly not those of the thinking men of either of the The spectacle of Jeff Davis delivering an oration with American flags above Northern or the Southern wing of the Democratic party, and he is without place him, to the right of him, to the left of him, before bim, behind him, was unique,
to say the least, especially as his subject-matter was reminiscential of the ConFhiladelphia Record (Ind.).
federacy and the « Lost Cause.” The deification of Jeff. Davis is a harmless performance which the most partisan
Chicago Fournal (Rep.). of Northern veterans can afford to contemplate with a smile of forebearance. The It is not a good sign when 20,000 or 30,000 men meet at an ex-rebel capital to cheers which greeted the aged apostle of treason were probably not half as hearty celebrate the memories and honor the principles of the rebellion. It shows that as the thanks of his followers for the failure of the great conspiracy which he led no true sentiment of affection for the Union and of loyalty has found a place in to Appomattox.
the heart of the South. Chicago Times (Ind.)
Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.). The tone of Jeff Davis' speech is not as boastfyl nor hopeful, perhaps
, but some. The ties which bind the Southern people to the Union are stronger than the in: heriled
in modern politics.
tors would be a little more accurate in their statement of facts concerning the universal and intense satisfaction with which we see a great wrong acknowledged cause of the rebellion,
and redressed, and with which we look on the adoption by the British empire of Montgomery, Ala., Dispatch (Dem.).
the principles exemplified and honored in these United States. When our people
advocate home rule for Ireland, it is their own system of State rights and federaJEFFERSON DAVIS is still enshrined in the people's heart, and their faith in him has never faltered. Such enduring trust in a fallen leader has never been wit
tion which they are commending to the British nation. We believe it to be the nessed in the history of the world, and is only equaled by his constancy to the
only system which it is safe and wise to follow, and the fact is as flattering to us as
it is creditable to British intelligence that the current of opinion and the drift of cause which was lost. Troy Telegram (Ind.).
events are tending irresistibly toward the imitation of our policy. It is fitting that
we should speak out, when we see the form of government transmitted to us by. Too much attention is being paid to that Confederate wake down in Alabama. our fathers, and whose virtues have been tested by the shocks of a century's exIt was bad taste on the part of the Southern people to turn the occasion into an
perience and in the fire of civil war, on the eve of reproduction by the foremost of ovation to that old traitor Davis, but there will hardly be any revival of hostilities. European nations. If we did not speak, we should be recreant to our traditions The Union is safe.
and convictions, we should set at naught the ties of fellowship, of international good Washington Star (Ind.).
will, and of human solidarity, which bind us not alone to Irishmen, but to EnglishFORTUNATELY, the antics of the Albany gathering will doubtless be accepted at men as well. There is nothing intrusive or impertinent in urging upon others an the South with the same good tempered indifference as that with which the North experiment which has insured our common weal. There is no occult sinister purtreats the talk of a feeble, garrulous old man who has not even a country he can pose in pointing out a path which, as our history has testified, leads to fraternity and call his own.
peace. If Americans are now unanimous in pressing on the British people the Toledo Bee (Ind.).
concession of State rights to Ireland, with the inevitable corollary of federation, it AFTER twenty-one years of peace, it is a pity that this old traitor should be per
is because they know the dangers of such a course would be chimerical, whereas its mitted to ventilate his treasonable sentiments. It is a pity that the people of the
benefits are boundless. They know that such a gift would bless as well the givers South should suffer Davis to furnish an opportunity to their enemies to rake up old
as the takers, and they see that if the sharp-eyed Scotchmen are resolved that Ireanimosities.
land shall have not only her Dublin assembly, but also a voice in imperial legislaBuffalo Commercial (Rep.).
tion, it is because they mean that Scotland shall be the next to profit by the bless
ing. Far from holding with Senator Riddleberger—who on a recent occasion misSURELY the men of the North can now bear without anger the occasional in
construed and traduced the utterance of an Irisn patriot, Michael Davitt--that legdulgence of that sentiment of loyalty to the memory of a "lost cause,” which is islative independence would be made the tool of traitorous secession and hostile really of no more practical significance than the pressed flower in a maiden lady's independence, the honest friends of Ireland believe, what Mr. Davitt has repeatalbum,
edly asserted, that a British sederation, justly constructed and administered, would Gen, C. A. Evans at Atlanta,
have no more contented, loyal, and efficient member than a self-ruling Irish comTHE South would have lost more than Mr. Davis could possibly have lost by de monwealth. nying him longer the justice paid him to-day. To-day's work will make us all better Georgians and better American citizens.
Philadelphia Press (Reps), May 4.
GLADSTONE'S MANIFESTO:-—It has not been expected that Mr. Gladstone would
take much part in the popular campaign in favor of home rule during the Easter The absurdity of erecling a monument to such a complete failure as the Con recess--a campaign which, though having only a short duration and a moral effect, federacy is only equaled by resurrecting that other and contemporaneous “ fizzle” is, nevertheless, one of the most important that England has witnessed in recent Jeff Davis--as chief orator of the occasion.
times. He has been compelled to take none at all, but to reserve his voice and National Republican (Rep.).
strength for the battle in the House of Commons. Nevertheless, the manifesto
which he substitutes for his personal appearance on the platform will go far to atone IDOLIZATION of Jefferson Davis by his friends in the South gives no occasion for
for his absence. Not in Midlothian alone, but throughout the Kingdom, it will special alarm, whatever may be thought of the taste of such a display. The con.
be read by everybody as addressed to themselves, and the effect it will have in federacy is as dead as the dust of Abel.
hardening English hearts and sealing English ears to the eloquence of the opposiPhiladelphia Inquirer (Ind.).
tion cannot fail to be most disconcerting to the latter. For never was Mr. Gladstone JEFFERSON Davis finds in Atlanta the embodiment of what he so much despised
more skillful, more ingenious, more convincing, and more characteristically felic
itous. The manifesto decidedly takes rank with the speech of the 8th of April. twenty-five years agoma Southern city with Northern principles.
The author seems positively to have grown since then in the stature of statesmen-
ship. He was then persuading a reluctant body of picked men. He is now adSOMETHING like the rebel yell is heard from the direction of Montgomery, Ala.,
dressing the nation. To the House of Commons he argued details of administrabut its notes bave a mellower tone thän of yore.
tion as well as general propositions. To the great public, which he feels to be his
true constituency, he pushes details loftily aside and states his case with a moral New York Graphic (Dem.).
fervor that almost suggests the conventicle, without eschewing the shrewdness of J. DAVIS' suspension from a sour apple tree a number of years ago would have the practical statesman. In fine, in the manifesto Mr. Gladstone is at his best. saved the country a great deal of slush.
His eloquence is by no means rhetorical, but it is, nevertheless, immediately ad-
dressed to the heart and the conscience, and it is expended in behalf of proposi
tions carefully marshalled so as to show how much worldly wisdom there is after JEFF Davis is as full of treason as he was in 1861. But, like a fangless viper, all in following the guidance of moral convictions in this particular matter. Aphe is harmless,
parently as diffuse as ever in texture, his style is nevertheless here so flexible that Boston Transcript (Ind.).
we doubt if any of the masters of compresssion could put the same substance into JEFF. DAVIS' speeches are the most unpleasant war reminiscences yet published. smaller space, producing the while the same popular effect. The reader is led on
by subtly graduated steps, until before he quite knows it, perhaps, he begins to feel
that the home-rule question is one in which the whole civilized world is taking an GLADSTONE AND IRELAND.
interest hardly inferior to that felt in England itself; that therefore it is a cause of New York Sun (Dem.), May 3.
immense importance-in fact, a sacred cause; that Mr. Gladstone is its apostle,
and is really a heroic leader battling with treacherous and rebellious followers on LET THE FRIENDS OF IRELAND SPEAK OUT.—The Parliamentary recess is nearly the one hand and frivolous enemies on the other, and that to fail to sustain him at over, and the debate upon the second reading of the bill conceding self-govern this juncture would be not only to fail in a sublime opportunity, but to commit an ment to Ireland will presently begin. The sham Liberals who, while professing act welcome to Chaos and black Night. Against this kind of art Mr. Justice Steto desire the rule of the people, would deny the application of their principles to phen's lucubrations in the Times must seem, to the Englishman capable of enthuIreland, have done their utmost to excite English prejudice, and to swell the num siasm, very weak weapons indeed. The Englishman capable of enthusiasm must ber of protestants against the Gladstone scheme. We believe that they have failed, feel that the present is not the moment for destructive criticism, however clever. that the one essential feature of the measure, a Dublin Parliament, has been ac For destructive criticism, moreover, commend us to the Grand Old Man himself. cepted by the masses of the British Liberal party, and that the fierce fight over the A better description of the Opposition's policy, or lack of policy, could not be given second reading of the bill will result in a second triumph for home rule. With in a few words than “They renew a tale, alas! too often told, whose prologue is the assent of the Commons once pledged to the fundamental claim of legislative denial, with exasperation and resentment; whose epilogue is surrender, without independence, we have no fear that the project can be wrecked by the discussion condition and without thanks.” But the most significant part of the manifesto to of details in committee. The speeches of Mr. Gladstone and of Mr. Morley make other than Englishmen and Irishmen consists in those eloquent and indignant sen. it evident that, provided the right of Irishmen to manage their own affairs is tences in which a prime minister of England, for the first time in the history of recognized, the Government will freely acquiesce in any alterations of its original: the British Empire, appeals to the people against a wealth, social influence, station, plan demanded by the Irish members or by the Premier's unwavering supporters title, and the professions, or a large majority of them—in a word, the spirit and in the North of England and in Scotland. We believe, in brief, that if the Home
power of class.” The gauntlet is thrown down. All that believes itself “the best” Rule bill is read a second time, it will be passed during the present session by the in England is defied, and its followers and admirers are defied with it. “As the Commons and sent up to the Lords. But the present is a time for works as well as knights of old,” continues Mr. Gladstone, “ had sinecures, so in the great army of faith. Now is the moment for the friends of Ireland—and all Americans who de class each soldier has dependents," who are equally foreign to the temper of the serve to bear the name are now numbered in that category-to proclaim, by speech times. Surely when Mr. Gladstone, who, a few short years ago, quoted approvand action, their convictions and their sympathies. They should see to it that the ingly Sir Thomes Molesworth's observation that “ England has the religion of invast moral' weight of the greatest and freest of Anglo-Saxon peoples is cast on the equality,” announces his leadership of the Radical campaign against class and right side. The demonstration to be made on Friday in this city should be but caste, we may believe the light is breaking, and that England is at last advancing, one of many meetings to be held this week throughout the country, to attest the as Emerson says, “ on Chaos and the Dark.”
CAPITAL AND LABOR.
OPINIONS FROM THE PULPIT. As the relation of Capital to Labor is the topic of the hour, and as the managers of PUBLIC OPINION have seen that the theme was being treated by ministers from the pulpit, they have sent a request to one hundred leading clergymen of all churches and denominations inviting them to give their opinions upon the following question : “WHAT IS THE PROPER RELATION OF THE PULPIT TO THE LABOR QUESTION ?” The following gentlemen have kindly responded, and we have the honor of submitting their opinions in the words of their respected authors:
Rev. John Chester, Washington. The relation of the pulpit to the labor question is most intimate. Let the prin. ciples of the Ten Commandments and the Sermon on the Mount be applied to the present labor trouble, and they will speedily terminate. , The pulpit ought to be the true arbitrator, for it represents the only court of final appeal—the voice of God. If it would only give full utterance to that voice as expressed in God's Word, there would be marshaled the best forces to abate oppression and strife, namely, an enlightened public conscience, a pure morality, and practical honesty. In the application of these principles to the labor question, the pulpit finds its great difficulty to-day. Yet this difficulty will only be increased by attempting to ignore this great question of the day. - Silence is cowardice when great moral issues are at stake. The cry of the oppressed is the call of God to the preacher to denounce the oppressor. But the pulpit can not be faithful to its high mission unless it denounces both the oppressions of the rich and the unlawful violence of the poor. Still, if there be either class whose rights it must carefully guard, it is that of the poor workingman. He, in God's sight, is the true nobility here, and the glorified aristocracy hereafter. The relation of the pulpit to the labor question is one not merely of precept but also of example. The laboring man may be oppressed by a money-grasping hierarchy as well as by a railroad monopolist. The church may be so conducted that its high pew rents cause a virtual “ lock-out” of the poor. It may foster a moneyed aristocracy by saying to the rich, “ Sit thou here in a good place; and to the poor, stand thou there, or sit here under my footstool.” No wonder that
many a pulpit is muzzled, when “ the chief seats in its synagogue” are rented out to men who have grown rich through the oppression of the poor. These are plain words, but we need to use “ all plainness of speech ” on such a subject and in such times as the present. When a pestilence strikes a city, it is no time to use soothing syrups. This country is to-day smitten as never before in its history. Here are conflicts, not with foreign powers, not between States, but between man and man. Shall the pulpit keep silence? No; let it rather speak out in tones so loud that even the slumbering conscience of a nation shall be aroused. Let the labor question be lifted out of the mire of politics and greed and placed on its true basis—the rights of God and the rights of man.
Rev. Simeon Gilbert, Chicago. As to the proper relation which the pulpit should sustain to the labor problem, I would say this:
1. It should be a relation of profound sympathy. The pulpit stands for the Gospel of Jesus Christ. One of the chief credentials of His divine commission was, and is, that under His inspiration and guidance, “to the poor the Gospel is preached.” The vast masses of mankind have always been, and still are, poor. It is no misfortune to be a laborer; but the overwhelming majority of the so-called laboring classes are comparatively poor. Any pulpit that is not characterized by a spirit of actual sympathy toward the most concerned in the present labor problem belies its highest mission. 2. It should be a relation of intelligent sympathy. The preacher must, of course, lay hold of the supreme truths, such as belong to the divine ages,” to all time, but he ought especially to understand his own time, and all such acting questions as do most vitally and most consequentially touch upon the peculiar conditions of the men now at the front and in the midst of the world's affairs. 3. The pulpit ought to hold a relation of teachership and leadership. This is an immense problem, difficult, complex and perplexing. The pulpit ought to be master of the situation. He ought to know how a few primal
, central principles of the Gospel furnish for this as for the other questions of life and destiny, the “ master light of all our society.” The supreme and final question after all is, How to get Christianity applied to the existing conditions. 4. The pulpít should not be obsequious to the rich, nor should it coddle the poor. It should not be afraid to tell either party—to tell all parties interested in the controversy—the kind, honest, plain truth of the matter. Every preacher's heart ought to burn; every sermon ought to burn and stir; every man of God in the Christian pulpit of our time ought to stand like the old pictures of Jupiter, holding in his right hand all the lightnings of heaven, and ready to bring instant and eficient
support every cause that needs it most. As your questions imply, the Christian ministry of to-day is on trial. It is a tremendous emergency that is upon
No doubt the advanced nations of the earth are, and henceforth will be, in the midst of a perpetual crisis; or everlasting emergency with its infinitely important contingencies. At any rate, we are in such an emergency now over this labor prolilem. The pulpit that knows the ministry of the hour, and shows that it does, is certain to command reverence and rise to a constantly widening beneficence of power.
Rev. 7. E. Brown, Providence, R. I. NOTHING that affects humanity, for weal or woe, is outside the sphere of the pulpit. The labor problem, in its final analysis
, is the problem of justice between man and man in their industrial relations. The chief function of the pulpit is to promote, in the largest sense, the salvation of men; that is, to secure in men the attainment of Christ-like character—that is, the attainment of the highest righteousness of character. Righteousness of character issues in and is promoted by rightcousness of action, or by justice of action in all the relations of man to his sellows,
as well as in all the relations of man to his Maker. The sphere of industrial action, a sphere in which justice is to be done, is therefore one of the spheres in which the pulpit is to promote justice, in order to promote the attainment of righteous or Christlike character. The pulpit sulfils its function chiefly by oral instruction or discussion. The labor problem, a problem of justice, a problem involving righteousness or Christlikeness of character and action, must therefore be discussed by the pulpit. This discussion, in order to have due influence, must be intelligent. The preacher must understand and be able to state clearly the ethical and economical principles involved in the problem. The discussion must be impartial. The preacher should never be a partizan or a demagogue. He should belong to no class, flatter no class, appeal to no class prejudice, advocate no class rights as such, but speak only as a man who serves humanity and Jesus Christhumanity's brother and Savior and Lord. The discussion should be independent. The truth as the preacher sees it should be spoken, no matter who is hurt. Capitalis's and laborers alike should seek only for the truth. And whether they seek this or not, the preacher should refuse them any other food, and should by no means with hold the truth. The congregation that will not demand and will not gladly submit to fearless preaching on these grave issues is unworthy to be called Christian. The pulpit has a supreme responsibility in this crisis, because only that Gospel which the preacher holds in trust for the world, applied in its sublime and eternal ethical principles along all lines of industrial action, can promote, in any relation of human life, the highest righteousness and the most endur
Rev. E. Corwin, Racine, Wis. The terrible boycott is barbarism. For any class of men to band themselves together with the purpose to deprive honest and industrious men of the means of living and of all the comforts of life, reducing them and all who are dependent upon them for suppport to destitution and starvation, simply because they do not belong to their class, is as mean and cowardly as it is malignant. It denies the first principles alike of piety and patriotism; it has in it the very essence of heathenism, and it aims a death-blow at Christian civilization, at social order, and at civil liberty. (No tyranny is more utterly heartless and cruel than that of a secret order which denies the means of living and the possibility of employment to those who decline to join their order.) Every intelligent Christian and every rightthinking citizen sympathizes with an organized effort, by all fair and proper means, to secure better wages for poorly-paid laboring men. But no good citizen and no intelligent Christian can sympathize with that brutality which would revile as “scabs” and condemn to abject poverty and starvation workmen as deserving and industrious as themselves who do not chance to belong to their organization. That church is anti-Christian and worthless which connives at such monstrous injustice, and that ministry is craven and cowardly which is not honest and outspoken in the rebuke of such terrorism. To confront the very basis of our modern civilization, and dash one's head against the established principles of justice and equity, is to harm one's head; but it gains neither respect nor sympathy for him who is guilty of such madness and folly. The Christian church will never divorce itself from the working classes. But it ceases to be Christian when it connives at any violation of the “golden rule.” Whoever resorts to the boycott confesses the weakness of his cause, since he resorts to the argument of savages to obtain by violence what could not be secured by legal methods. Yours in the bonds of a universal brotherhood.
Rev. Philip S. Moxom, Boston. “The proper relation of the pulpit to the labor question :” 1. It should be an INTELLIGENT relation. No man should be better acquainted with the economic and moral condition of society than the Christian minister. He ought not simply to master the history and science of political economy, but he ought to know those facts and elements of daily life of which a formal political economy often takes no
The knowledge he requires can be got only by actual contact with workingmen in their shops and bomes, and by a diligent perusal of those organs which exp ess the workingman's ideas and aspirations. 2. It should be candid. That is, the pulpit should searlessly discuss social problems in the light of Christian principles. The pulpit that deals in the common places of a stale theology has no power and should have none. The minister's first duty is to speak of the people in the language of to day on the themes of daily lise, from the high plane of the Sermon on the Mount, and with a spirit alike unfettered by fear or prejudice. 3. It should be sympathetic. The pulpit belongs to the whole people. The minister ought to be, first of all, a lover of men, alive with human sympathy, and endowed with a quick instinct for weakness to defend as well as for wrong to rebuke. 4. It should be mediatorial. The sunction of the Christian minister is to mediate between classes by seeking to understand all classes, and thus qualifying himself to interpret them to each other. He is removed alike from the circumstances which prejudice the capitalist and those which prejudice the laborer. The pulpit that is thoroughly acquainted with the industrial, commercial and social life of the day, is candid and unprejudiced in judgment, widely sympathetic in spirit, and clearly interpretative between conflicting classes, and, withal, keeps to the high level of Christian ethics, will wield a power for good greater than any other agency in the land.
Rev. S. 7. McPherson, Chicago. The pulpit should deal distinctively with the moral and religious aspect of the labor question as of every other. But this to my mind is the fundamental or ideal aspect to which all other aspects, economical, social, etc., must be ultimately referred. The final settlement of this special question, which is only a subordinate part of the general question of man's total relations to his fellow-man, can appear only by giving primary consideration to the common relations of all men to God. Now God is no respecter of persons, and in His sight all men are of one blood. Hence, to the pulpit there can be neither a true solution of the problem in temporary compromises nor any righteous recognition of caste in the parties to it. Each man is to be taught his inalienable rights and his inviolable duties, and each is bound first of all not so much to fight with force for his selfish right as to discharge with honesty his full share of duty. God's Word is the only criterion.
The wrongs of capital and the wrongs of labor will disappear together only when best service it can render to the cause of the capitalist as well as the workingman.
Rev. L. A. Grace, Suspension Bridge, N. Y. of love. If this solution seem millennial and these generalizations broad, they alone
“ORDER is heaven's first law.” The occupant of a pulpit, while primarily appear to cover the case from the standpoint of the Christian pulpit.
deputed to deliver the law of God to his flock, is by that same law supposed not to
forget the requirements of the country's law, which is, when just, nothing more Rev. 0. P. Gifford, Boston.
than an exponent of God's will. Hence, it is easy, I presume, to inser that the The three abstract words, pulpit, capital, labor, hinder more than they help in minister of religion is to counsel obedience to the powers that be. However, the present discussion. As in algebra we let x equal an ox and divide or multiply since the majority of those who gather around the pulpit for religious instruction the letter at will without touching the animal, so we use the pet phrases, pulpit, are the poor, the “working classes," it is only natural that the heart of God's mincapital, labor, forgetting that we are dealing with men and women. In the pulpit ister should go out to them in their difficulties and sufferings. Remembering, as is a man laboring with head and heart to make the world better. In capital is a every preacher of the Word must remember, in his country at least, where the man laboring, oftlimes night and day, to pay interest on borrowed money, dividends song of liberty is sung from ocean to ocean, that our working classes are entitled on invested funds, to meet actual needs in the world and provide for his own fam to a just compensation for their labor, to comfortable homes, and a fair provision ily. In labor is a man working with his capital of trained or untrained mind, for the future; I do not see why the priest or the minister should set his face skilled or unskilled muscle, that he may care for his own family. Here are three against those whom Christ, our model, said we would always have with us. The men in certain temporary relations with each other; all are capitalists, all are tendency, however, of some among the working classes to disregard the law of laborers. Let us not lose sight of the fact that the man is more than the relation. justice, charity, and common decency in their efforts to improve their condition, The man in the pulpit ought, so far as possible, by careful and patient study, to get brings strongly before the reverend clergy the necessity of preaching moderation, the facts and points of view from both of the other men, insist upon strict justice a just regard for the rights of others, and, above all, a sacred duty in enforcing as for both. He ought to put himself in the place of each in turn, rem
remembering far as possible the specific claims of law, order, and religion. " The rank is but the guinea's stamp;
Rev. A. H. Bradford, Montclair, N. 7. The man's the gowd for a' that." Urge duties as well as rights; insist that nobility obliges. The man who can do 1. The pulpit should be filled by men who have given attention to social most for his fellows is under bonds to do most. That man, whether in capital or problems. These are the most important questions of our time. The work should labor, is entitled to fair pay for services rendered; that beyond justice is mercy,
commence in the theological seminaries, which should also be sociological schools. and the man with the widest margin ought to be proportionately merciful,
The relation of all these subjects to industrial salvation ought to be carefully
studied. The Gospel requires more than the proclamation of a message. Our Lord Rev. Arthur Little, Chicago.
healed'diseases and preached. The present agitation on the “Jabor question” finds The principles which underlie the labor question are presumably entitled to all classes in the dark. The first duty of the ministry is to study this subject. There pulpit discussion. They are moral rather than political, ethical rather than finan is enough crude thought about labor, &c., on the platform without any from the cial. The pulpit ought to bring to the discussion of the problem, courage, candor, pulpit. 2. The pulpit must recognize that this is but one of the many problems of and discrimination, together with a large, roundabout knowledge of the subject. lise requiring a Christian solution, and be careful not to allow it have undue promiIt is especially incumbent on the pulpit in treating of this subject to separate the
Of course most attention should be given to subjects uppermost in the wheat from the chaff, the gold from the alloy, and to scatter to the winds the false popular mind, but sometimes it is the duty of the ministry to emphasize what ought philosophies, shallow sophistries and unwarranted assumptions, which can only to be prominent. The pulpit should study the labor question, and relentlessly inmislead and work mischief. The wickedness of boycotting, of acts of personal sist that the Golden Rule and the law of love must be applied to it; but it should violence and lawlessness, of interference with the rights of others, the pulpit ought never allow the laboring men to think that proper hours of work and just remunerboldly to denounce. But when new measures, like a reduction of hours and in ation will bring the millenium. This subject should have its own place, and recrease of wages, are under discussion, it ought to speak with some diffidence and ceive honest and thorough treatment, but it must not be forgotten that the pulpit
In its legitimate wish to champion the cause of the laboring man and the has other equally pressing work on its hands. poor it must be careful not to cater to their prejudices and whims, and become the defender and advocate of their foibles and follies. It must remember that the
Rev. F. M. Ellis, Baltimore. rights of capital are just as sacred as those of labor. The preaching of virtue,
THE pulpit's relation to the labor question I suppose to be two-fold: 1. That teniperance, contentment, reverence for God and for law is what the laboring class which it has in common with the press and platform and with the teacher of econeed to hear and put into practice. A better quality of manhood is the supreme
nomics and ethics. For whatever concerns man or affects the interests of society need of this country to-day. There is just now a surplus of everything but goodness.
and the State concerns the pulpit of a living church. The pulpit's relation to any Good men, whether capitalists or laborers, can be trusted to adjust their relations
questions of economics, ethics of religion, depends a good deal upon the man in the with each other in such a way as to secure mutual advantage.
pulpit. The pulpit of the past has much that is not called for respecting the burn
ing questions of the present. The pulpit that sustains its “proper relation Rev. H. W. Thomas, Chicago.
question of the hour must keep abreast of the times. If it fails to do this, its WHATEVER influence the pulpit may have should certainly not be withheld at a
opinions will be of little value on any question. But, 2, I think the proper time when the social order is so seriously disturbed. It is difficult, however, in a relation of the pulpit to this labor question is that which it sustains to any and time of general excitement and conflicting interests to discuss a public question, every vital issue. The pulpil must emphasize the relations of man to God and and especially when no one knows just what to say. Our labor troubles are com
then of man to man, for as men recognize these relations and accept the law of God paratively new in the economic experience of our country. We are feeling our as the rule of life and the teachings of the Gospel of Christ as the measure of way along with such knowledge and experience as we have, trusting that time and
their liberties and their rights i. e., as the pulpit, with God's blessing, teaches the better thought and feeling of both capitalists and laborers will lead to a wise
a man to love God honestly and his neighbor sincerely—the question of that and peaceful solution of the troubles, and even perils, through which our country man's relations 10 his fellow-man is settled. Get the spirit of Christ into all men is passing. At such a time the clergy should try to encourage confidence—the and all men will be brethren. To thus “reach the masses," we must reach one confidence of man in man, and confidence in our free institutions. The pulpit
mass at a time. should secure just now a large and earnest hearing upon the moral issues involved, for the feeling is very common that our labor troubles should be made a school of
Rev. Geo. Dana Boardman, Philadelphia. instruction for the masses, and that the arbitrament should, and indeed must be, in
THE labor question is one of the supreme issues of the day. First, because it is the court of right-right between man and man—rather than in an appeal to force. absorbing the popular attention; and, secondly, because it is at bottom a moral Our civilization has reached a point where the need of moral principles is felt as
question. Therefore the pulpit should give it recognition. But the recognition never before, and the pulpit should hasten to improve so great an opportunity to
should be as a rule largely indirect. For the preacher is, at least presumably, unemphasize the imperative necessity of the principles of religion to the well-being
familiar with the details of secular business, and therefore his counsel on specific of society; not the speculative dogmas over which the sects are divided, but the matters may lack the pertinence, wisdom, and authority which come only from exgreat facts of brotherhood and the law of love, doing by others as we would have perience. Moreover, his discussion of the labor ques:ion in its secular aspects introthem do by us.
duces into worship a distracting element by keeping alive in his hearers the sense Rev. George Leon Walker,
of the class distinctions and social estrangements which are disturbing the peace I CONCEIVE that the “proper relation of the pulpit to the labor question” is the
of society. How then shall the pulpit treat the labor question ? I answer, in a same as its relation to all moral questions of society. Whenever a moral issue
general ethical way. For example: Instead of using such irritating words as emerges, the pulpit has its proper place to speak. The example of the Master “capital, labor, strikes, communism,” etc., let the preacher discuss and enforce the shows that while questions of merely secular concern occupy a distinctly subordi
fundamental principles of social morality. Let him unfold, with all thoroughness nate place, yet, that the element of morality-the element of rightness and wrong
and pungency and tenderness, the Ten Commandments, or Christ's Sermon on
the Mount, or Paul's conception of society as a physiological organism, his hearers ness-in
any matter, brings it distinctly within the purview of Christian observa. tion and teaching. The problem of labor is eminently a moral problem. The
will as a rule make the needed personal applications. The appeal to conscience
rarely fails to be telling. relationship of the employer to the employed and the employed to the employer is one which distinctly and necessarily involves questions of obligation. The rule
Rev. David J. Hill, Lewisburg, Pa. in which Christ summed up his social and moral teachings— Whatsoever ye The Christian pulpit is the exponent of Christianity. Christianity is intended would that men should do unto you, even so do ye also unto them,” is a rule which for all men and professes to save them. Its method is by the proclamation of truth. must inevitably have immediate and constant application to the mutual relationships It distinctly recognizes the dignity of labor and the injustice of withholding its of employers and laborers, An intelligent and sympathetic application of the rule of - reward. (James V., 4). It condemns strife and violence and honors the peace. Christ to the shifting phases of the labor question is the duty of the pulpit, and the maker. Its whole spirit is ethical, and conciliation and arbitration are its chosen