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offense against the Penal Code, and as such severely punishable. While we trust that hereafter justice will not be slow in punishing offenders, we hope, above all, that the result will be the speedy banishment from our country of the barbarous, tyrannical, illegal and un-American system of boycotting.
New York Tribune (Rep.), April 24. The failure of the boycott in this country is already a foregone conclusion. The American people are so imbued with the spirit
of toleration that they do not quickly arouse themselves to resent even abuses. The respect for the freedom of the individual is sometimes carried so far as to have the effect of encouraging invasions of public or private rights. The general disposition and purpose is to allow every one the utmost liberty compatible with immunity from license, and though there are some miscarriages in the national policy, it is carried out broadly to the advantage of the country. The boycott is so foreign and undemocratic an invention, so opposed in principle to American doctrines, that when the attempt was made to introduce it here the public was not prepared for the novelty, and at first probably failed to realize its scope and meaning. But this state of hesitation and doubt did not last long, for the boycott has at least the merit of explaining itself, and the simplest citizen, after watching its operation a little while, must arrive at a full comprehension of what it implies. It is in effect an attempt to establish in this free country a tyranny and a slavery wholly incompatible with the survival of democratic instituti: ns. Such a machinery never could have originated here. It belongs to an entirely different state of society, politics, and civilization. The conception is ancient, but wherever it has been applied it has been the instrument of barbarous or despotic power seeking to coerce and to intimidate in defiance of any doctrine of equal rights and individual liberty. Such a method is as much out of place in this republic as the thumb-screws and the rack would be. The right to apply such coercion 10 an American citizen is denied by our fundamental principles of government. The Constitution of the United States and those of all the separate States declare in their bill of rights a Magna Charta which excludes the boycott. The ignorance of our system of government exhibited by those who have had recourse to this prohibited survival from barbarism and despotism is indeed their only apology for so mischievous an experiment. A free community can not and will not permit such a process to be established. And the moment public opinion is awakened to the meaning of the attempt, it rises against the boycott with prompt indignation and quashes it.
New York Herald (Ind.), April 24. It is reported from Cleveland, Ohio, that a combination of ininisters has been formed, headed by Bishop Bedell, for the purpose of boycotting Sunday newspapers. We trust that there is no truth in this statement. It would be painsul, indeed, if ministers of the Gospel are to be bitten by the prevailing fever for boycotting, and we sincerely hope, if the report be true, that for their sakes the disorder will not spread. It would seem, also, that there is something specially unkind in the act of boycotting Sunday newspapers, for it is to the press that ministers not infrequently owe a large proportion of their popularity. Where would Talmage be if it were not for the newspapers? Where Ingersolí ?—but he is not a minister. What would have been heard of Sam Jones and that other Sam (Small), had not the press made public their virtues and their successes. We have not a word to say on the usefulness of Sunday newspapers; they vary. Perhaps Bishop Bedell and his brethren who have undertaken this crusade may entertain a special animosity toward Ohio Sunday newspapers. But the principle of boycotting is one that never should be employed for such a purpose. Imagine the newspapers boycotting the ministers! Who would read their sermons then? From Die New England Staaten-Zeitung, Boston, April 24.
[Translated expressly for PUBLIC OPINION.] Strikes and “ boycotts” for the prosecution of the just demands of the workingmen have partially excited a repugnance in the public mind from a too precipitate employment of these methods, from their excesses and the acts of violence which have attended them. Boycotting, at its outset even, occasioned a feeling of surprise by its excesses; to this, upon a closer examination, has succeeded the
belief that, at best, it was but a doubtful expedient, and one which might easily lead to abuse. A reaction has thus taken place in public opinion. In certain circles may be
very“ unpopular” to speak out against the light-minded and, so to speak, manually-laboring strikers and boycotters. No consideration need be accorded to the gentry who hold this opinion, if, indeed, they should be taken into consideration at all. If such wish to make anything out of these observations, let them address themselves to the leader of the great American labor union, who will doubtless expound to them the constitution and the laws.
The Daily State Journal (Ind.), Lincoln, Nebraska, April 24. The Knights of Labor are having a little trouble among themselves in the way of establishing and lifting boycotts. In the nature of things, with a complex organization with a great number of executive boards” and “ master workinen,” the temptation for titled knights to do a little business on their own account is quite formidable. Instances have occurred in which these officials have issued “circulars” boycotting a firm or lifting a boycott and recommending the goods of the forgiven concern to the public without any pernyission except that of their own sweet will. A “ circular” is easily concocted and to prin it takes but a trifle. It begins to look as though it would take a large force of detectives to keep track of the boycotts and the reliefs froin boycotts, since the business has become so extensive, and ferret out the bogus transactions of dishonest officials.
New Orleans Times-Democrat (Dem.), April 24. BOYCOTTING is beginning to be used as a political weapon, as well as a labor one. Large meetings of the taxpayers of Prince Edward and Mecklenburg counties, Va., were held Monday last, at which it was unanimously resolved to pay all State taxes in money, and appealing to the people generally, but especially to the mer. chants and tradesmen to have no dealings whatever with the business houses of
the various cities until they have first satisfied themselves that such houses are not paying taxes in coupons
Texas is following the old Dominion, according to the Laredo Times, which says that a race boycott has been organized in Cameron and Starr counties for the purpose of electing none but Americans to office.
Pittsburgh Evening Gazette (Ind.), April 24. BOYCOTTERS have succeeded boodlers as objects of the attention of the New York grand jury. There are plenty of evidences as to the state of public sentiment on the subject. Leading members of the New York Chamber of Commerce have petitioned its president to call a special meeting to consider what action may be appropriately taken with a view of sustaining citizens in the peaceful pursuit of their business. The regular thing in New York when the people are stirred up in regard to some big matter used to be, hire a hall and get Evarts to make a speech, but since Evarts has become a politician he has grown very non-committal.
The Craftsman, Washington, April 24. With what gusto and relish do those who wish to uphold monopoly in its warfare upon the people argue in favor of “ the right in the case.” Absolute right is brought down to its finest point when applied to a body of workingmen, but when applied to corporate monopoly it is as elastic as rubber. The workingmen ave no right to organize, to strike, to boycott, to hinder others from taking their places, to protect their families from wrong. In the name of God, what rights has the workingman got? Only the right to work or starve, for it is so nominated in the bond.
Atlanta Constitution (Dem.), April 24. THE Knights of Labor wrong themselves and wrong the country when they engage in boycotts and take other measures with which the public cannot afford to sympathize, but no greater wrong is done than when organized capital buys legislatures and bribes the judiciary.
Rochester Morning Herald (Ind.), April 24. AMERICA is still “the home of the brave,” but some people are beginning to doubt whether it is “the land of the free.” King George was never half the tyrant that King Boycott would be if permitted to have his way.
New York Sun (Dem.), April 25. It seems that about two hundred ministers of Rhode Island, chiefly Baptists and Methodists, have issued a manifesto, in which they denounce Sunday newspapers, and exhort Christians generally to refuse to buy them. Clergymen of Cleveland, too, with Bishop Bedell, of the Episcopal church at their head, we are told, have sent out a confidential circular to ministers urging them to make a combined effort next Sunday to boycott all such publications. But these clergymen will make their assault in vain. Instead of hurting the newspapers, they will rather diminish their own influence by showing their lack of common sense. There are some things about which people do not need to go to the pulpit for advice, but which they feel entirely able to decide for themselves, and the less the clergy interfere in such matters the better it will be for them, and the higher will be the value set on their counsel in other directions.
Contributed to Chicago Mail (Ind.) BOYCOTTING is likely to become odious, if ridicule of it, newspaper criticism of it, and, more than all else, if the abuse of it as a weapon is continued. But will the bare-faced injustice by boycotting ever equal the secret horrors of blacklisting? There is a great manufacturing concern in Chicago which has cried out piteously because it has been boycotted-blazoned through the country as in bad repute with trades-unions. Yet it has been a habit for a decade of this concern, it is declared on good authority, to blacklist mechanics who participated in strikes. Men of muscle, with honest faces, and with women and children at home hungry and naked, bave tramped, after leaving that factory, from employer to employer, from sunrise to sunset, day after day, week after week, month after month, until the very strangers to whom they applied, out of pity to their hungry faces, told them they dared not hire them—that they were blacklisted. Boycotting, blacklisting—which is the viler?
The Railway Review. The local strikers demanded a full surrender, and now Powderly comes out from behind the mask of the “secret” circular and supports them by expressing the views contained in the letter given elsewhere. Mr. Powderly, boycotter, can no longer be esteemed as the Mr. Powderly, moderator, of the “secret” circular.
The lew Haven Journal and Courier. Boycott is a wicked, malevolent tyrant. He does not take into consideration the moral law, the conscience or the rights of men. We believe that his power in this country is about to be taken away from him. It cannot be that the freedom. loving inhabitants of the United States will tolerate him much longer.
The Boy cotter (New York). We wish here, once for all, to set our everlasting seal of condemnation upon the habit of indiscriminate boycotting. There are enough of legitimate boycotts to attend to—those which are forced upon us. Let us be sure that the cause is just, and then let us boycott and strike hard.
Columbus, Ohio, State Journal (Rep.). The boycott is an importation from foreign shores, wholly opposed to every feeling and sentiment of Americans, directly incites to violence and riot, odious, tyrannical, and unjust, and, as recent deveolpments have shown, will not be tolerated in a land of freedom and of equal rights.
Philadelphia Inquirer (Ind.). In the largeness of our liberty and easy-going good nature, we Americans are open to the charge of being 100 tolerant, but if there is one thing clearer than
another in connection with the present labor agitation, it is that we will not tolerate boycotting
Colusa, Cal, Sun (Dem.). THE boycott does not hurt the rich money-loaner; it does not hurt the rich farmer; but it hurts the debtor class; it hurts the man of small means everywhere; and, if we understand it, it is men of this class who are asked to throw the weapon.
St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.). THE latest boycott in New York is against an institution which enables cripples to support themselves by making brushes. We presume the proper thing to do would be to let the boycotters make the brushes while the poor cripples starve to death.
New York Evening Post (Ind.). MR. Hoxie has taught the boycotters a salutary lesson, and has probably broken up their system in the southwest. It will be a long time, we imagine, before a general strike takes place again on one railroad in order to bring another railroad to terms,
Scranton, Penn., Republican. SURELY the time has come to abandon this wretched practice. Let it be understood that public sentiment and sympathy will rally around a boycotted business, and more than make up any possible losses, and the boycott will not be resorted to.
Indianapolis Journal (Rep.). The boycott is sure to kill the Knights of Labor unless they abandon it. That organization cannut stand that does not insure the utmost freedom to its members when the welfare of themselves and their families is at stake.
Galveston News (Dem.). Now let the Knights boycott the Postoffice Department for carrying communications between Jay Gould and business men, and there will be an even and symmetrical development of modern “cussedness.”
Florida Times- Union (Dem.). NEITHER strikes nor boycotts flourish except where the laboring classes are mainly of foreign birth. The boycott is an imported foreign nuisance that never will be tolerated by free American citizens.
Chicago Trade. The boycotter is abroad in the land, loaded down with his little boomerang, the boycott, and proposes to demolish the business and social standing of any one and all who dare oppose his demands.
Buffalo Commercial Advertiser. THE boycott is a piece of -imported tyranny of a sort peculiarly repulsive to American notions cannot thrive in this country. The victim here gets more sympathy than the boycotters.
Cleveland Plain-Dealer (Dem.). THE boycott seems to have all the force and energy and about the same amount of judgment as a heavy club in a crank's hand. It hits hard, but it does not always hit the right man.
Galveston News (Dem.). LET everybody strike and boycott to his heart's content and bem-satisfied. How is it about men working or loafing? The man who loafs too often will get discharged.
Allanta Constitution (Dem.). It is said that Jay Gould is to be boycotted. He can probably stand this as long as the Knights of Labor continue to put money in his pockets by their strikes.
Springfield, Mass., Union. IF the issue has come between the liberty of the American Union and the tyranny of the trades-union, we rather think the boycott will have to go.
New York Graphic (Dem.). Every lover of justice will be glad to see the principle established that aggressive boycotting is a misdemeanor punishable by the law.
Indianapolis Journal (Rep.). THE Boycotter declares that there is such a thing as a legitimate boycott. The public has not yet seen one that it could approve.
New Haven Journal and Courier. KING BOYcott is hostile to good government and the public welfare, because he denies the right of private judgment.
Toledo Commercial (Rep.). THE boycott misses its object and hits the innocent spectator like an idiot in a mob.
Robert 7. Burdette in Brooklyn Eagle. One day a Boycott strolled into the tool house and sat down for a chat. The hammer and a saw, a pegging awl and a trowel and other honest tools took advantage of the entrance of a boy looking for something he had no business to take, to move a little farther away. “Why do you avoid me?” asked the Boycott. « Am I not a friend of labor? Am I not its mightiest weapon ?
Am I not your common defender ?”
“Excuse us,” replied an old sledge, who was seven-up in the civil service lists. “But you don't seem to be one of us. There is a smell of Russian prison about you, a stifling taint of German oppression, a stench of English repression, and a foul odor of Hungarian pauperism, a general decayed flavor of ignorance and brutality, and a senseless ferocity that we don't like. We know it isn't your fault; it was born of tyranny and helplessness, but it isn't American, and
The Omaha Bee (Ind.), April 22. MASTER WORKMAN POWDERLY is reported as saying that while he is in favor of Jessening the hours of labor, he is not yet certain that the country is prepared for the change. The trades assembly of Chicago seem to take a different view of the question, for they have already issued their circular announcing May Ist as the day for the inauguration of the eight hours' system in that city. Mr. Powderly is wise in his cautiousness. He is far-sighted enough to understand that reduced hours of labor will not be an unmixed blessing to workingmen. Two hours more out of the twenty-four for leisure does not necessarily mean any addition to the comforts of life. Even if ten hours' pay is demanded and granted, workingmen will receive no more than they are now receiving as a day's wages. But there is still another point to be taken into consideration. Shorter hours and the same pay for workingmen mean an increased cost of production and consequently a decrease in the purchasing power of the dollar. On a basis of two hours less work for the same pay, manufacturers will have to add a heavy per cent to the price of goods to secure the same profit as before the reduction of hours. The result of this must be an increase in the case of every article into which labor enters. Workingmen with the same wages as before the reduction the hours of labor will have to be content with considerably less of the comforts and necessities of life which they now enjoy. There would be a proportionate decrease in the purchasing power of the dollar under the increased cost of production. That is what Mr Powderly means when he says that while eight hours for a day's work is desirable in some respects it is of doubtful expediency at present. On the other hand, there are strong arguments used in favor of the reduced hours of labor. It is claimed by its advocates that reduced hours would mean employment for the unemployed and that the march of invention, new machinery and devices for decreasing the cost of production would sooner or later produce results equal to those now produced on a ten hours' basis. But it will take time to bring about these results. That eight hours will shortly be the ordinary day's work there is little question. Workingmen should be prepared to accept the consequences.
Indianapolis News (Ind.), April 22. The greatest trouble seems to be with the building trades, and this lies in the fact that there is little disposition among these to accept a corresponding reduction of wages. So it presents to contractors and persons contemplating building the problem of an increase of 20 per cent. in cost. History shows it would not thus eventuate, for in occupations like these where human labor and skill play so large a part there is an increased diligence and effectiveness in an eight-hour effort that largely covers the one-fifth less time. But the workmen do not seem willing to accept a reduction of wages to start with, and so demonstrate this fact the coming season, and in the absence of demonstration the builders can't take such a risk. So unless there is temperate action the effort is likely to injure the eight-hour principle. If the workmen could only see it aright, they would be assured that this movement is coming so rapidly that it would soon adjust itself in the matter of wages. We believe one season's trial would afford such results as to practically work a restoration of all the sacrifice made in the matter of wages.
Memphis Appeal (Dem.), April 22. A LARGE proportion of our working people are busily preparing to reduce the day's work to eight hours in the course of the next month. * Unexpectedly, and probably to the surprise of the workingmen themselves, quite a number of manufacturing establishments have voluntarily introduced the eight-hour system. This, it appears, has set some of the keener minds to thinking, and the result has brought dismay among those who foresee what those results will be; at least, so it is stated. That main result is, that should the eight-hour plan prevail, as soon as trade revives there will be brisk times for labor. This improvement will lead to the exaction of higher wages. This accomplished, the unemployed labor of other lands will swarm to this. The employer will then pick and choose at his will, reduce wages, stop the eight-hour system, and laugh at the American workman.
Cincinnati Times-Star (Ind.), April 22. “The Knights of Labor,” says Mr. Powderly," believe in lessening the hours of toil for those who work, with the view of affording employment for those who are now idle. It is an economic question, however, that must be fully understood by employer and employed,” and for that reason he wants nothing done radically or rashly, as “the country is not ready for it.” This places the eight hour a day reform on solid ground, as a movement to equalize labor and wages as far as practicable between those who have to do too much and those who can't get enough to do. Whenever it comes simply as a selfish raid on capital to secure more pay for less work, it can not hope to win any lasting victory.
Chicago Mail, April 22. THE eight-hour labor movement is found to be invested with many difficulties when practical application is made of it. It is found that in about an equal number of cases it will operate to the disadvantage of the workmen. It will probably be found with regard to this, as with many other things, that a general regulation is impossible. Each class of workers and kind of employment will have to settle its own hours.
Chicago Times (Ind.), April 23. THE National Eight-Hour association has issued a broadside calling upon the American people to do one-fifth less work on and after May ! proximo. Although
the association has its headquarters in Chicago, the movement is not intended to be The conclusion inevitably resulting remains the same in kind, though less in dea local one. The intention is to make the “benefits” of the “reform" " universal gree, whether the quantity of products be less by one fifth or one eighth or one-throughout the United States.” To this end “all unions, labor organizations, so tenth. One-fifth less product for everybody; let us first see what that means. cieties, and persons interested in the peace of society, and in the pecuniary, intel Clearly it means one-fifth fewer shoes and coats and hats to be worn by everybody. lectual, and moral welfare of the nation,” are earnestly urged “to begin on May All that are now made are worn; fewer would be made, and therefore all must be 1, 1886, and thereafter to labor at all the mercantile, mechanical, manufacturing, content to wear fewer. So there would be fewer houses built, and fewer chairs and other regular employments, as far as may be, but eight hours each day.” The and tables, and fewer carpets and fewer tools. Notice that it is not yet a question authors of this summons to do less submit a somewhat extended argument in sup of prices or of wages. There would be fewer things provided by labor, and thereport of the proposition that "the working classes will be benefited, and all the sore fewer things to divide as the rewards of labor. But the people who have various kinds of business made more prosperous through working less hours at most means would not be content with fewer things, and would, therefore, pay daily labor.” They have made the important discovery that the way to get more higher prices in order to secure more than their share. The result would be that product is to produce less. This is stated in all seriousness. It is precisely what other people, having less means, must also pay higher prices or be content with they claim. They do not pretend, as did the eight-hour agitators a few years ago, less than their share. Thus prices and wages would have to adjust themselves to that a man can produce as much in eight hours as he can in ten. On the contrary, the general necessity that, there being fewer things, fewer can be divided as rethey distinctly say that they ask for a reduction of the working day from ten hours wards of labor. Now a man gets as his share, in return for work in any other to eight " for the reason that such reduction of time will give opportunity for two occupation, his proportion of all the boots and shoes now made; let us puppose a more men to work for every eight now employed. In other words, the work now pair of boots for one day's work. Then his share would be only four-fisths of a performed by eight men will require ten men to achieve the same result.” Thus pair of boots for a day's labor, and he would have to pay more money, or else be it is plainly declared as the first purpose of the movement that every man shall pro content with even less than his share. So of other things. The wages may be duce less. And yet somehow every man is to get more product.
his is no ex
fut nominally as high as anybody pleases, and prices will adjust themselves so aggeration or misrepresentation of the position taken by the authors of this docu that the day's work will still bring only its share of the results of all days' workment. Among the enumerated advantages to “ the laboring classes” of the eight that is, a filth less than before, and to the poorer inevitably less than their present hour day are these : “ An opportunity to lay aside means for the purchase of a share. But the earth will go on producing twenty-four hours out of twenty-four, it home," and " the ability to obtain respectable dress and make a good appearance.” is said; so that the cost of food will not be increased. That is a mistake. The And again it is said: “The extra time thus gained ”- equivalent to seventy-eight earth does not produce without human labor. If others insist on eight hours for a days a year—"will afford every workingman not only a sufficient recreation, but day's work, farm labor will make its charges accordingly. It will have to pay to opportunity to attend the State and county fairs, the national exposition, and make all others the same day's work for a fifth less cloth and tools, railroad transportaa visit to the childhood home, with time to spare for a journey to Europe.” The tion, and house-building. The necessary result will be that farm labor will either proposition is that minus will equal plus; that by producing less everybody will get produce less food, or charge more for what it does produce. It comes to this, more; that the way to get abundance is first to get scarcity. The reasoning by then, that in order to work fewer hours we must all be content with one fifth less which it is demonstrated that workmen will get more, however it may be with results of labor, less food, clothing, tools, traveling, cigars, or beer. It matters others, runs thus: “A reduction of one-fifth of laboring time for all that work will not in what form a man pleases to take the return for his labor; he must be conmake a reduction of one-fifth of all kinds of products in the near future, which tent with less return if all work less and produce less. Have the workingmen of will make proportionate scarcity. With scarcity will come advance in prices for this country more things to satisfy desire than they want? Surely not, when some every commodity, giving merchants and manufacturers a fair profit, and wage are suffering. If they insist upon producing less, the inevitable result will be workers an advance in wages. Ere long, all being employed, the production will greater suffering for those now in want, and many will want who now are satisfied. be as great as now, but, all earning wages, the consumption and demand will be
N. Y. Evening Post (Ind.), April 23. greater than now, so that prices and wages will still continue better than at present." It seems, therefore, that at first no more persons will be employed than are
What animates the bulk of the eight-hour advocates is the belief that while employed now, and the result will be scarcity and high prices. Only after that
less work would be done in eight hours than in ten, the pay would remain the beneficient result has been achieved by those wise regulators of society will the
same, and employment would be furnished to large numbers who now have army of idlers have something to do. Glorious is the gospel of scarcity and high nothing to do. We see no objection in the world to the experiment being tried, prices! But it is not new. It has been preached and practiced by the protection
if it be tried on the American basis of individual liberty-that is, if individual ists for many years, and yet, if we may believe the eight-hour agitators, we have
choice be allowed to determine in every case whether a man shall work eight the army of idlers still with us. These agitators say that too much is produced.
hours or ten, and the employer be allowed to choose between the eight-hour men
and the ten-hour men. “The productive power of the country, through machinery and long hours, is in
To make it work more satisfactorily, however, each man excess of the ability to consume.” That is not true. The people would be glad
ought to be paid by the hour, and then both classes could work in the same facto consume all that is produced if they could afford to buy. Some things are at
tory or shop. But the important question for the public is how the experiment is times produced in excess of demand, but there is no such thing as general overpro
to be tried. If it is to be carried out on the compulsory principle—that is, if the duction. The remedy for unbalanced production is not to be found in the eight
eight-hour men are to provide themselves, like savages, with stones, bricks, clubs, hour plan of producing one-fifth less all around. That is a plan for impoverishing
and knives with which to kill or maim the ten-hour men, and if the people who the country, not enriching it. The agitators assume that one-fifth of the people
employ ten-hour men are to be boycotted and their premises infested by hooting, who want to work are unable to find employment. There is no reason to suppose
howling mobs, and their machinery damaged, and their butchers and bakers that to be true. The number of persons in gainsul occupations in this country is
warned off—then the American people will make short work of it somehow. This about 20,000,000. One-fifth of this number is 4,000,000. There is no reason to
is both the law and the gospel of the whole matter. No man or class of men will think that so many people who want to work can find nothing to do. The highest be permitted to convert this republic into a den of pirates. estimate—that of the labor bureau at Washington—is 1,000,000, an
that is proba
N. Y. Sun (Dem.), April 23. bly an exaggeration. The agitators are entitled to credit for advising workers to
Eight hours' hard work certainly makes a pretty long day, and we dare say take for eight hours' work an eight-hour price, “allowing the law of supply and demand to regulate wages in the future." "If the demand were made for a ten
that in the progress of society, attended, as it must be, by all sorts of improve
ments and inventions, the time will come when men will not have to work more hour price, enterprise, already greatly depressed in consequence of irrational performances of many bodies of workmen, would be paralyzed. Men with means to
than eight hours in order to earn their living; and perhaps a shorter day will sufinvest would decline to take the risks, not knowing what to expect, and there would
fice for the purpose, though, as the case now stands, it is doubtful whether a gen
eral limitation of the working day to so brief a period is practicable. But, howbe more men out of employment than ever.
ever this may be, we should like to see it tried, and as for those who can afford to New York Tribune (Rep.), April 23.
restrict their hours of daily toil to cight, let them go ahead with the experiment. It is possible that the working people of this country may pay pretty heavily for
One thing, however, is certain, and this is that no person who works only eight failure to understand principles of political economy. People who govern them
hours can expect to be paid as much for it as when he works ten hours or more. selves have to suffer if they do not have understanding enough to govern wisely.
Moreover, the great point about all these questions is liberty. Let every one have It is not yet too late for workingmen to consider what it means for them to insist
full freedom to do or not to do everything that his mind prompts, and let no one upon eight hours work daily and no more.
interfere with the freedoni of another. But why should there be any dispute on
The changes proposed are compli. cated. To simplify matters, and without altering the nature of the problem to
the number of hours that should constitute a day's work? The sensible plan make it more easily understood, let it be supposed that all wage-earners in the
would be to pay by the hour, not by the day, and to let every one labor as many country want to reduce the day's work from ten hours to eight hours. That means
hours or as few as he may wish. smaller production. When the hours of work were reduced from twelve or eleven
Boston Advertiser (Ind.), April 23. daily to ten, it was claimed with some reason that the longer hours were beyond
IF THE maxim cited by the eight-hour men, that “the shorter the hours the the capacity of man for the most efficient labor, and that the reduction of hours would'lessen production but little,. if at all, because the more willing and efficient
higher the wages,” is reliable as an economic guide, why shouldn't a day's work
be cut down to four or two hours, or even to one ? There must be a limit somework ten hours would produce as much as the less willing and efficient work eleven or twelve hours; but no such claim is made or can with reason be made
where, passing which the aggregate production of the country will not be sufficient regarding a further reduction. Honest and faithful labor ten hours is not, in fact,
to support all its people. It might be well to experiment a while with eight and found beyond the capacity of the human frame for the most efficient work in most
nine hours before going lower. employments, and the change is advocated, not on that plea, but on the ground
Philadelphia Record (Ind.), April 25. that men will then have more time for recreation and improvement. These are
FEWER hours of labor mean less of a drain on the physical system, and, as redesirable blessings, for which men have a perfect right to strike. The question is sultants, better health, more opportunities for improvement, and a reduction in the what the workers would have to pay. A reduction of one-fifth in the productive cost of living. These results may not be achieved at first, but they are sure to capacity of workers in this country would diminish, perhaps not by one-fifth, the come, and it is safe to venture the assertion that not only the bread-winner, but quantities of products resulting. There is much reason to believe that the reduc every member of his family, will share in the benefits that will follow. In certain fion would be nearly or quite one-fifth; but let it be granted that it would be less, branches of unskilled labor wages at present are at a low standard, bụt with the
can be best adopled there will be a demand for it at the first of May and I believe that to a great extent the demand will be granteu without trouble. The manner in which the masters meet the men will have much to do, no doubt, with provoking or preventing a strike. For myself, I do not apprehend a great deal of friction. I believe that at the ist of May the principle will be put into practice to a very large extent, and before the end of the present year I believe that the eight-hour system will be in force pretty generally all over the United States, and before long a further advance will be made in the same direction. An eight-hour day is not our goal. We can improve upon that and get along better with fewer hours of labor. We are moving in that direction; but the Knights of Labor move in paths of peace by education, conciliation and arbitration.
closer relations that are beginning now to be established between many masters and their workmen, there ought to be little difficulty in placing every discordant element on a plane that would lead to a satisfactory settlement of the questions at issue. The only danger in the way seems to be the presence in certain labor unions of young and impetuous members, who try to overrule the more conservative spirits; but they in turn will become educated, and when the leaven which is now at work has spread through the whole body corporate, there will be no demands except those which are founded on easily recognized principles of commonsense and equity.
Indianapolis Journal (Rep.). MR. POWDERLY says an eight-hour day is not the goal of the Knights. They hope to improve upon that limit and secure fewer hours. The title « Knights of Labor" is of doubtful fitness now, with so many thousands of them utterly idle. When they all get down to three or four hours for a full day's work, it will be necessary to change the name to something more appropriate.
National Republican (Rep.). SO RADICAL a change as the eight-hour movement contemplates should not be rushed. Even a good thing may be made to do great damage is not carefully handled,
N. Y. Morning Journal (Ind.). The eight-hour law and the Irish Parliament are the great issues of the age. Address Signed by One Hundred and Twenty-Five Employing Builders in
Boston, April 26. On the question of a reduction of the number of hours which constitute a day, from the present standard of ten hours to a standard of eight or nine hours, we would express the following opinion: The principle argument in favor of such a change, as far as we can learn, appears to be based upon the general ground of overproduction. This argument, in our mind, has no application whatever to our branches of labor, and cannot fairly be distorted to meet them. There is no overstock and can no overstock of the goods we produce. We simply work up to the demand and never beyond it. The supply is not and cannot be beyond the demand as far as we are concerned. The argument that there is an oversupply of men does not obtain, and has, in our mind, no weight, for the reason that a reduction in the hours of labor would in no way put into employment a larger number of men; it would simply keep the same number of men that it is now possible to employ at work a greater number of days; and so that argument falls to the ground. The great and supreme objection to the reduction of the hours of labor, as far as it shall affect the well-being and good of all workmen in our lines of employment is, in our opinion, that the prosperity of the country is not great enough at the present time to warrant such a change. For quite a number of years the margin of profits in the general business of the country has been small, and upon these prohis we, as builders, depend for the opportunity to use our skill and labor. If, by taking off one or two hours per day from the present accepted standard, we increase the cost of building ten to twenty per cent in the item of labor, then we work against our own interest as laborers, for we drive out of the market work that would be done but for this increased cost. In this year, in our own city already, under the agitation of the question, enterprises which would involve the expenditure of hundreds of thousands of dollars, employing the very labor we have to offer, have been abandoned because the increased cost of building under the conditions referred to would make returns unprofitable. The interests of the class we mutually represented have, then, been injured beyond computation. Capital has been withdrawn from the undertakings, and t at means a loss for the laborer every time. It is painfully evident that we will be short of work before the year is two-thirds over, and no one is to blame for this condition but those who are to suffer most and yet have been the very ones to urge on this crisis. We believe that in all the pushing, wherever it has taken place, for a reduction of hours of labor and increase of wages beyond the level of prosperity, the fact has been lost sight of that the increased cost of every purchasable item will pull from the pockets of all grades of workmen a proportionately larger amount which will affect the increase of pay received, while the depression of business will create great want and distress among the very classes who hope to be benefited.
Edward Atkinson, in Bradstreet, April 24. THE laws of Massachusetts and of some other States now practically forbid capitalists and adult workmen from making free contracts, and they impose fines upon the owners of capital who use it beyond ten hours a day. The demand now being made is that the limit of such use shall be eight hours, subject to a similar tine. The law does not forbid the capitalist from running the mill, but fines him if he employs men and women in it. The law does not forbid men and women from operating hand-looms or sewing machines, or fabricating anything in their own houses, or doing any other kind of work in their own way, night or day. It merely stops that factory by a fine upon the owner is he employs men or women in it. This is class legislation, as the facts will prove. It must be justihed as such, if justified at all.
Grand Master Workman Powderly. The Knights of Labor approve of the eight-hour movement, but no strike will be ordered by the executive committee to bring about the object sought. The Knights of Labor believe with other labor organizations that a universal eight-hour system ought to be adopted, and we are of opinion that the ist of May would be a very good time to commence. Many employers are as ready as the workmen themselves to make a trial, and in fixing the ist of May as a starting point the Knights of Labor, like the National Federation of Trades, have had in mind that 10 a large extent the proposition would be adopted by mutual agreement between employers and employed. I don't know that any organization contemplates a general strike to force the proposition upon unwilling employers ; certainly the Knights of Labor do not. I am unable to foretell whether, as a matter of fact, there will be a general strike or any strike. In those localities where the eight-hour system
A NEW SACCHARINE SUBSTANCE.-A new sweetening agent has been produced from coal tar. It is known to chemists as “ benzoyl sulphuric imide," but it is pro
sed to name it “saccharine.” The discoverer is Dr. Fahlberg, and its preparation and properties were recently described by Mr. Ivan Levinstein at a meeting of the Manchester section of the Society of Chemical Industry. Saccharine presents the appearance of a white powder, and crystallizes from its aqueous solution in thick, short prisms, which are with difficulty soluble in cold water, but more easily in
Alcohol, ether, glucose, glycerol, etc., are good solvents of saccharine. It melts at 2000 C., with partial decomposition. Its taste in diluted solutions is intensely sweet; so much so, that one part will give a very sweet taste to 10,000 parts of water. Saccharine forms salts, all of which possesses a powerful saccharine taste. It is endowed with moderately strong antiseptic properties, and is not decomposed in the human system, but eliminated from the body without undergoing any change. It is about 230 times sweeter than the best cane or beet-root sugar. The use of saccharine will therefore be not merely as a probable substitute for sugar, but it may even be applied to medicinal purposes where sugar is not permissible. One part of saccharine added to 1,000 parts of glucose forms a mixture quite as sweet as ordinary cane sugar. The present price is 50 s. per pound, but, although very high, this is not prohibitory, as its sweetening power is so great; but it is very probable the cost of its manufacture will soon be very considerably reduced. The Brewers' Guardian says : “ This new compound will be of great interest to brewers, for not only is it perfectly wholesome, but it possesses, in addition to its intensely sweet taste, decided antiseptic properties, and therefore may be usesully and advantageously added to beer.”--Scientific American, April 24
EVIDENCES OF MECHANICAL PROGRESS.—There are many evidences of recent progress in mechanical matters, and one needs to be a close observer to keep well informed of changes that are being made. Every line of manufacturing has its improvements, which must be observed from within, but there are not a few matters of mechanical progress that are plainly open to the public. He who travels by rail may notice that locomotives are being built heavier, and are drawing longer and more heavily-loaded cars; also that speeds of trains are increasing. The absence of clouds of smoke and cinders blowing into the faces of the passengers can be traced usually to the extension of smoke-boxes and better draft appliances, which are being adopted by most progressive railroads. As the traveler is whirled through the country after dark in an easy, comfortable seat on a car finished in artistic style, he observes that cities and villages, whose streets were formerly outlined only by rows of dim gas lights, have become brilliantly, illuminated by clusters of electric lights on tall poles. The Webb perfecting printing press, that a few years ago was believed to be the very acme of mechanical skill in that direction, has been much improved, and, it is believed, will be brought to still greater efficiency. Higher pressures of steam are being carried both on locomotives and on marine boilers. Inside the shop, where master minds are planning these elements of progress, more powerful and efficient tools are being used in turning, boring and cutting metal than were to be had even a few months ago.
Machinery is being devised to do what has almost always been done by hand in the soundry and the boiler shop. Mechanics who carefully study what has been achieved by others are the ones who participate in bringing about these progressive changes that are of so much value to the public at large. — American Machinist, May 1.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF AstroNOMY.—One has only to glance at a bibliography of astronomy during the present century to become impressed with the fact of two very marked impulses to investigation in that science, given by the discovery, first, of the planet Neptune in 1846, and, second, of the satellites of Mars in 1877. The latter has given rise no less to a series of popular and educational books and treatises on astronomy, in many languages, of which, it would seem, the end is not yet. These have had all degrees of worth, as their production has been participated in by authors of all degrees of information and capacity, from those who have the scantiest of reason for writing anything whatever, io astronomers of the maturest experience, both as teachers and as investigators. The author of the work to which we call attention in a subsequent colunın is not unknown in our country. His early years as an astronomer were spent at Parsontown, Ireland, in charge of the mammoth reflecting telescope of the Earl of Rosse, to which post he was appointed in 1865, at the age of twenty-five years. Dr. Ball became astronomer royal twelve years ago; and he has attained no little fame as a lecturer, having appeared before the leading learned institutions of Great Britain. Also in 1884 he lectured before our own Lowell institute, Boston, and in January last the honor of knighthood was conferred upon him.—Science, April 23.
A Curious CHEMICAL PHENOMENON. -A celebrated Parisian belle, says the Popular Science News, who had acquired the habit of whitewashing herself, so to speak, from the soles of her feet to the roots of her hair, with chemically-prepared cosmetics, one day took a medicated bath, and on emerging from it she was horrified to find herself as black as an Ethiopian. The transformation was complete;
not a vestige of the “supreme Caucasian race
And that was left. Her physician was sent instruction is essential to the success of our system of popular education. for in alarm and haste. On his arrival he laughed immoderately and said: this is appreciated appears from the fact that the number of such schools and of * Madame, you are not ill, you are a chemical product. You are no longer a woman, the pupils attending them has doubled within ten years. In 1884 no less than 221 but a “sulphide.' It is not now a question of medical treatment, but a simple commercial or business colleges reported to the commissioner. The number of chemical reaction. I shall subject you to a bath of sulphuric acid diluted with pupils in them was 44,047. These pupils were preparing themselves to be merwater. The acid will have the honor of combining with you; it will take up the chants, bookkeepers, or clerks of various kinds. The number of kindergartens in sulphur, the metal will produce'a'sulphurate, and we shall find as a “precipitate' 1884 was 354. Ten years ago there were only 55. In these pleasant schools for a very pretty woman."
The good-natured physician went through with his reac. the youngest there are over 17,000 children under school age. Many of these tion, and the belle was restored to her membership with the white race. Scientific kindergartens are free, and are sustained by the gifts of benevolent men and American, April 23.
women—especially of women, to whose motherly instincts they strongly appeal.
Mrs. Senator Stanford pays the entire cost from year to year of the largest in San AFFINITIES OF TREES.- The Northwestern Lumberman thinks there is no rea
Francisco. With less than some wealthy ladies spend on their wardrobes she makes son to doubt that woods have what may be called their affinities. It has been
several hundred poor children happy every day in the year, and many of them, no stated on authority that has not been questioned, that certain woods (both dry).
doubt, will be saved from lives of vice or crime by the influence of this early trainwhen placed in contact will soon rot, but when in contact with other woods will
ing. We need more kindergartens, especially in our cities. Who will furnish the not rot. It would be reasonable to suppose that the nature of a piece of wood has
funds to sustain them? The number of what are called by the commissioner its likes and dislikes, that it will repulse and attract; in other words, that it is affected
“secondary schools”-i. l., academies that are not preparatory departments of colby that with which it comes in contact. Were it not so, it would be an exception
leges or public high schools—is 1,588, with 152,354 students. The number of prein the mineral, animal, and vegetable kingdoms.
paratory schools is 169, with 18,319 students. The number of institutions for the
to a seminary, and about 7 students to each teacher. The number of law schools EDUCATIONAL FACTS AND FIGURES.—Instead of one uniform school system for is 57, with 269 teachers and 2,686 students. The number of medical schools is the nation, we have no less than forty-eight systems—a different one for each State
145, with 15,300 students. Thus there are twice as many in the theological semand Territory. The result is that the statistics are far less valuable than they inaries as in the law schools, and nearly three times as many in the medical schools would be if they were all gathered upon the same basis. For instance, we would as in the theological seminaries. This shows that only a small proportion of the like to compare the juvenile with the adult population in different sections. But lawyers attend law schools, that about half of the ministers attend theological semhow can we do it when the school age is not the same? Every State and Terri inaries, while nearly all the doctors attend the medical schools. The number of tory has its own idea as to the time when children should begin to go to school men in these three professions—divinity, law, and medicine—was, in 1880, and when they should stop going. The periods during which they are enume 254,520, of whom 64,698 were ministers, 64,137 lawyers, and 85,671 phyrated in the school census vary from eight to seventeen years. Some States enroll sicians and surgeons, 12,314 dentists, and 27,700 pharmaceutists. Hence, the the children when 4 years old, and some not until they are 8 years old. Some per proportion in the learned professions (so called) is about i to 200 of the populamit them to attend school only until they are 15, and others until they are 21. In tion. The proportion of ministers and lawyers is very nearly equal, and is i to Texas the school age is from 8 to 16. In Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and 782 of the population. The proportion of physicians and surgeons is i to 584, Rhode Island, from 5 to 15. In South Carolina, from 6 to 16. In New Mexico, and of dentists i to 4,000.-Compiled by The Interior from the Annual Report of from 7 to 18. In Connecticut, from 4 to 16. In California, from 5 to 17. In the U. S. Commissioner of Education. Georgia, Nevada, Utah, and Louisiana, from 6 to 18. In Dakota, from 7 to 20.
THE GOVERNMENT DEBT.—In the last fifteen years the public debt of the In Kentucky and Missouri, from 6 to 20. In Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Tennessee,
United States has been reduced through the working of the Sinking Fund from Washington Territory, and West Virginia, from 6 to 21. In Iowa, Kansas, Min
$2,332,067,793, on January 1, 1871, to $1,344,776,204, on January 1, 1886, the nesota, Mississippi, Nebraska, New York, and Virginia, from 5 to 21. In Oregon
total reduction amounting to $987,291,589. A parallel to this in the payment of a and Wisconsin, from 4 to 20, and in Maine and Montana, from 4 to 21. There
national debt is scarcely to be found in the history of nations. The reduction in are no less than seventeen different school ages in the States and Territories. The
the total debt has been over 42 per cent., and in an annual interest the reduction entire enrollment of school children is 16,794,402, or nearly one-third of the whole
has been nearly 60 per cent., the interest paid in 1871 being $125,576,565, and for population. This represents the number who were entitled to go to school. But
the fiscal year to June 30, 1885, $51,386,256. The following shows the total debt the number who actually went, even for a single day, so as to get their names on
January 1, 1871, and at the beginning or each year since, and the amount paid the rolls of the teachers in 1884, was 10,738,192, or about five-eighths of the whole.
upon the principal of the debt in each year to December 31, 1885: And the average daily attendance was 6,693,908, or a good deal less than half of
Total debt the whole. But as the period during which a child is enumerated as of school Year.
January r. age is about fifteen years, even if all went half of that time, the average daily 1871
$88,229,382 $2,332,067,793 attendance would be only a little larger than that now reported. Probably, then,
81,586,073 2,243,838,411 nearly all who are of school age go to school, more or less, though not as much as
2,937,012 2,162,252,338 they could and should go. The number of teachers necessary to drill this army of
16,717,024 2,159,315,326 scholars is 307,804, of whom nearly two-thirds are females. This gives a teacher,
22,766,106 2,142,598,302 on an average, to about 22 pupils. The monthly salaries of these teachers vary
26,910,953 2,119,832,195 greatly in the different States and Territories. In Maine male teachers average
46,965,799 2,002,921,241 $32.59 a month, and female teachers, $16.28. In Massachusetts the men average 1878
17,307,331 2,045,955,442 $108.02 a month, and the women, $44.18. In Nevada the men average $140 a 1879
16,859,606 2,028,648,111 month, and the women, $96. In California the men average $81.38 a month, and 1880
112,616,769 2,011,798,504 the women, $65.37. In South Carolina the men average $26.92, and the women, 1881
133,690,019 1,899,181,736 $24.73. So it seems that the lowest estimate of woman is in Maine, and her low
1,765,491,717 est estimate as compared with man is in Massachusetts, around the Hub,” the
109,501,953 1,607,543,676 headquarters of the woman's rights organizations. A woman in Nevada is worth 1884
79,493,352 twice as much as in Massachusetts and six times as much as in Maine. The
1,418,548,371 amount of permanent investment in school sites and buildings in the United States is 1886
1,344,776,204 $240,638,416, and the current expen of the schools in 1884 were $110,567,567. An interesting table is that of the cost of education per capita. Comparing the
The reduction of the debt for fifteen years past has averaged $65,819,438, and whole expense of the school in each State with the average daily attendance, we
should the same average rate of payment be continued, the total debt would be learn that the yearly education of a pupil in the free schools of Georgia costs
paid off in about twenty years.
It is doubtful if in future more than $50,000,000 $3:25; in South Carolina, $3.71; while in Nevada it costs $29.25, and in Arizona, annually will be applied to the liquidation of the principal of the debt, in which $48.33. These are the extremes.
event the last of these payments would not be made until 1913, or about twentyIn Massachusetts the yearly cost is $25.84. In New York, Connecticut, Illinois, and Iowa, about $20. One reason of this
seven years hence. The public debt was at its maximum in 1866, when the total great variation in cost is the different length of the school term.
sum reached the amount of $2,773,000,000. Should the reduction continue at the
In some States it is as low as 78 days in the year, and in others as high as 210
minimum annual rate above the payment of the debt will have consumed about days. It should be noted that 606,517 of the children and youth attend private
forty-seven years from the close of the events from which it arose.— The Stock
holder. schools. Hence there are in school 7,300,425, or about one-seventh of the whole population. To train teachers for the public schools there are 255 normal schools, Dutch STATISTICS OF POPULATION.—Kuyper has recently given an interesting with 1,937 instructors and 60,063 pupils
. Of these, 128 are private and self-sup- discussion of the population statistics of the Netherlands. The population for the porting, and 127 are public, supported by the respective States or by the larger whole kingdom is found to be 121.6 per square kilometre, and 75.0 for the lowcities. Of.the 60,063 pupils probably not more than 15,000 graduate each year
. lands, and varies from 265.9 to 44.6 for the same area in different districts. The So there is an annual addition of only 5 per cent to the number of teachers from females out-number the males by from 1 to 2 per cent. Of the population, 32 per this, the principal source of supply. It is not strange, therefore, that many of the cent. are married; 61.55 per cent. are Protestants, 36.02 are Catholics, and 2.04 State superintendents complain of great difficulty in securing enough competent per cent. are Israelites, in religion; and, in occupation, 20 per cent. are agricul. teachers. There are, no doubt, plenty of men and women ready to teach even at turalists, 26 per cent. Laborers, 12 per cent. merchants, 18 per cent. manufacturers or the prices that they pay women in Maine, but many of them are of the kind that mechanics, 2.5 per cent. soldiers, 2.3 per cent. engaged in religious, scientific, or would be dear at any price. Liberal provision by States and cities for normal sanitary professions. The increase of population from 1860 to 1880 varied from