Page images
PDF
EPUB

that were disloyal, North or South, during the war," and the aspiration that "the honor of our country" may be indicated by "intrusting the loyal people of the country, and not the disloyal, with power in the government.' In short, when Mr. Sherman ventures to offer in this speech anything of his own in addition to what Mr. Blaine has already furnished, he scolds rather than argues, and is by so much the less forcible. So far as concerns the issues between the two parties, which Senator Sherman announces to be the subject of his speech, he in reality presents only one, and this is a high protective tariff, covering raw materials as well as manufactures, against revenue reform. All the rest is gall and bitterness.

"THE LEAVEN THAT LEAVENETH THE WHOLE LUMP."

Atlanta National (Rep.).

A CAREFUL review of the recent State conventions held in Ohio, Iowa, Texas, Michigan, Illinois, Missouri, Indiana, and Wisconsin show Blaine was the choice of more than one-half the delegates who expressed any preferences. The Hon. Robert T. Lincoln was first choice of six Missouri delegates and three Wisconsin delegates. When James K. Polk got the nomination years ago, on the first few ballots he only received one or two votes. Gen. Garfield's name was not mentioned in the convention that nominated him over Blaine and Grant, until the second or third day's balloting. In fact, he went there as a Sherman delegate. "Bob" Lincoln is steadily and surely gaining in strength, and if he pushes his candidacy with vigor and prudence, he may yet secure the first place; but all the indications point to the selection of the "Plumed Knight." His superb victory in Maine last week showed his splendid leadership. We concur in the suggestion we have seen in some papers, if Mr. Blaine shows his usual sagacity he will cultivate the young men of the West. Such a man as Hon. Robert T. Lincoln or Gov. Foraker should be nominated for Vice-President. We will be frank to say we would feel better about Mr. Blaine's nomination if we knew that the Hon. Roscoe Conkling and Senator Edmunds would actively support him-go on the stump. About G. Bill Curtis and such kid-glove Mugwump dudes we don't care a bagatelle. But Conkling and Edmunds, by their mere silence, would hurt Blaine, but it is probable the talismanic name and magic incantation of Lincoln associated with Blaine might prevent any defections. In Pennsylvania Chauncey F. Black is nominated for Governor by the Democrats, over the old war-horse, for no other reason than that he is Judge Jeremiah S. Black's son. Bob Lincoln is as immeasurably young Black's superior as "Abe," "Old Abe" Lincoln is more lovingly and deeply enshrined in the hearts of the American people than Judge Jerry S. Black. These voters in Missouri and Wisconsin for "Bob" Lincoln may be the “leaven that leaveneth the whole lump." Nous verrons.

SWINGING INTO LINE.

New York Commercial-Advertiser (Rep.).

If the Democrats are displeased with President Cleveland's administration, they are careful not to show their wrath in proceedings of public record. Occasionally there has been a certain negative condemnation by a failure to express approval, but as a rule the official party utterances have been of a laudatory tone. The speech of Senator Voorhees at Indianapolis Tuesday evening is a fair illustration of the set of the tide. A few months ago Senator Voorhees was counted among those who had little sympathy with the President's views. But if it were true then it does not seem to be true now, or, if true now, the Senator finds it convenient to mask his real feelings in compliments. In Connecticut and New Jersey, where conventions are about to be held, party leaders show the same tendency. On the surface, at least, the administration is everywhere approved. It is altogether probable that this movement toward harmony in the Democratic party will continue and gather force as 1888 approaches. For the Republicans to count on a divided Democracy in that contest would be the height of folly. Above all questions of factional advantage the Democrats are concerning themselves with the all-important matter of holding on to the power gained in 1884. To force a quarrel with the administration would be suicidal. No doubt there will be some contention for the nomination, but Republicans should not be deceived into the belief that these personal intrigues will survive the convention. And it is daily growing less likely that there will be even serious rivalry for the nomination. So far as now appears to outsiders, President Cleveland has a clear lead over all his competitors in the party. In making their plans for the campaign of 1888 the Republican leaders must contemplate the strong likelihood of Cleveland being a second time the Democratic candidate, and that, too, under far more favorable conditions than surrounded the canvass of 1884. The party, to judge from present appearances, will be more closely united, the Mugwumps will repeat their vote, scandal will be hushed and the candidate will have whatever advantage may accrue from official position and familiarity with national politics. As the numerical strength of the two great parties, on a full vote, is almost precisely the same, it follows that the Republicans, if they are to win, must show as united and firm a front as their adversaries. Under such circumstances the party would make one of those blunders which are said to be worse than crimes if it put forward a ticket that would fail to secure the allegiance of all Republicans.

THE PRESIDENT AND GOVERNOR HILL.
Rochester Herald (Rep.).

PERFECT harmony exists, according to the Washington Gazette, between President Cleveland and Governor Hill. They are not only personally on friendly terms, but mutually advise with each other regarding party management. The Gazette's authority, "a gentleman high in official circles," says that the two distinguished Executives named, "agreed in the inadvisability of holding a convention of the Democratic party in this State this year." Furthermore, it is said that Governor

Hill is not aspiring to a nomination for the Presidency from his party, but is in cordial harmony with the President's administration and policy." No one knows better than Governor Hill," says the gentleman referred to," that if public sentiment does not force the renomination of Mr. Cleveland the next Democratic candidate for the Presidency will not be a New York man." The statement just quoted can not fail to confirm the Governor's regard for and support of the President's administration. If the former were ambitious and were at all inclined to look after his own interests and promotion he might resent such a declaration as a shrewd attempt to rule him off the course for the Presidency, but, being a self-sacrificing and retiring sort of public man, he will accept it as a simple statement of the situation so far as he and the President are concerned.

OTHER PRESIDENTIAL SPECULATIONS.
Cincinnati Times-Star (Ind.).

WILL not any inducement held out to Mr. Thurman cause him to reconsider his withdrawal? How would the promise of the gubernatorial nomination next fall be received? An election as Governor of the Buckeye State would go a long way toward a Presidential impetus. Cleveland's calling and renomination are by no means a certainty. His enemies are active, and none are more so than those in the West. Compared to the years of some European statesmen, Thurman is as yet in the prime of manhood. As Americans go, he is not yet full of years, and his eyes do not purge yellow amber and plum-tree gum. There is still room in his cup of honors. The nomination is not likely to go begging, but if it did, it is highly probable that, notwithstanding the late public retirement, a Barkis could be found in the vicinity of Columbus, and his name would be Thurman. Rumor has it that Dr. Leonard aims at the Presidency. His modest aspirations are creditable to him; but Ohio can not spare the doctor. In the absence of this peerless comedian the amusement season would assume the dullness of the average thud.

Charleston News and Courier (Dem.).

* * *

THE most important factor, perhaps, so far as regards Senator Logan's personal interest in his own theory, is that since the last election he has published a book which no effort on his part can now recall, and which he can not possibly burn or disown or explain away. He has confessed to have written it, and has advertised the fact of its existence, and of his responsibility for its existence, by reading selections from it in the United States Senate. Armed with this evidence of his incapacity and general unfitness for the high place which he has so ardently contested and so eagerly sought for years, one active, earnest Democratic canvasser can make two or three dozen converts to the Democracy every day, in any thickly settled Republican community. With two years yet remaining to work on this line the result of the next election can scarcely be regarded as doubtful. The only question, indeed, is as to the limit of the next Democratic majority.

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.).

SINCE the middle of August, when it occurred to the Globe-Democrat that the interviewing business for the purpose of ascertaining political sentiment ought to be conducted on an enlarged large scale, we have interviewed in full and in detail, as to Presidential preferences for 1888, sixteen State conventions-ten Republican and six Democratic. The Republican conventions were those held in Missouri, Illinois, Texas, Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Ohio, Indiana, and Massachusetts. The Democratic conventions were those held in Missouri, Illinois, Wisconsin, California, New Jersey and Massachusetts. In all the Republican conventions we found Blaine the favorite by at least two to one; and in all the Democratic States we found Cleveland the very strong favorite. There was more opposition to Cleveland in New Jersey than in any other State.

Cincinnati Commercial Gazette (Rep.).

THE following paragraph appeared in the New York Sun of September 28th:

Put the Sherman boom in its little bed. "I am a John Sherman man, out and out," says J. W. Keifer, politician on the retired list. Good-by, Honest John, good-by.

It is to be remarked that there is nothing singular in the position that General Keifer occupies as an Ohio man. It will not hurt Senator Sherman to have a solid Ohio delegation for him just once. The good-by outcry is rather premature than pathetic.

Troy Telegram (Rep.).

SPEAKER CARLISLE declared at Wichita, Kansas, Wednesday night, that he was willing to make the tariff the principal issue between the political parties. The Republican party will be only too glad to accommodate Mr. Carlisle in 1888; but we fear he will not be able to get the consent of Eastern Democratic leaders, who, although free-traders at heart, talk protection in order to hold as much as possible of the labor vote. But the workingmen are beginning to see through Democratic double-dealing in this respect.

Rochester Herald (Rep.).

SENATOR SHERMAN's speech has the merits of clearness, directness, and simplicity. It is the effort of a sagacious veteran politician and statesman, a man of great mental vigor and astuteness. Its author knows his people and every feature of his address was carefully considered and adapted to the Ohio situation. It may also be remembered that it is the production of a man who still hopes to represent his party as the leading candidate in a national campaign.

St. Albans Messenger (Rep.).

THE Democrats after twenty-five years have won an administration, but are still disconsolate. They are aware that there is trouble, and are trying to remedy it by nominating new men for Congress. They have slaughtered about half of their chairmen of committees in the House of Representatives by nominating others in

[graphic]
[merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small]

*

*

*

THE South will never cast her vote for Carlisle or any other free-trade Democrat as long as there are men of sense enough in her borders to control the elections. The idea that she is now to turn her back and re-enter the non-manfacturing, non-progressive, non-developing era, is preposterous. John Sherman's little boom has received a severe shock. Keifer has caught on to it. New York World (Dem.).

HONEST John Sherman delivered a speech Saturday night at Louisville in which he made a lively bid for the Kentucky delegation in 1888 by announcing the important fact that he cast his first vote for Henry Clay. He could not understand why Ohio and Kentucky could not pull together in the same political traces. Possibly they could but for that little obstacle of 50,000 Democratic majority.

Philadelphia Record (Ind.).

FOLLOWING the example of Mr. Blaine, Mr. Senator Sherman sent copies of his formal bid for the Presidential nomination to the daily press throughout the country in advance of its publication in the guise of a campaign speech. It is interesting to note that the Blaine newspapers had no use for the Sherman literature. For all that the speech was as good as Blaine's.

Oshkosh Times (Dem.).

JOHN P. ST. JOHN is a sanguine chap to say the least. In a recent interview he is quoted as saying that in 1888 the Republican party will not carry ten States, and that "in 1892 the Prohibition party,will give the old mossback Bourbon Democracy the worst licking it ever had." All of which is highly interesting and very important if it turns out to be true.

Washington Hatchet (Ind.).

BUTLER is simply a jolly old bald-headed person who enjoys the development of quizzical situations. He knows he can not be elected President, but it amuses him to make people believe that he believes that he is a portentious Presidential possibility. It can not be denied that he is oleaginous. But what of that? Some people are born that way.

Youngstown Telegram (Rep.).

IT is hardly necessary for Governor Hill, of New York, to assure the American people that he was not about to obtrude himself upon them as their next President. The next President will not hail from New York, and he will be a man of greater, and not smaller, mental caliber than His Corpulency now in the White House.

Kansas City Times (Dem.).

[blocks in formation]

ered so much of an improbability for 1888 that his speeches are not generally re-
ported. John, however, is a pretty big man about Mansfield, Ohio.

THE prediction made by John P. St. John that the Republican party won't carry
ten States in 1888 is timely and valuable. It shows that people who have sized
St. John up as a goose are pretty near the mark.-New Brunswick (N. J.)
Fredonian (Rep.).

[blocks in formation]

THOSE who predicted depression of industrial life during a Democratic administration are sadly disappointed, and from the present outlook the trade of the country will be as thrifty in 1888 as it was dull in 1884.-Richmond State (Dem.).

THE Prohibitionists announce that they will elect a President in 1892. If they do he will be a regular old-fashioned whisky Democrat, like nearly every other man they have thus far elected. But they won't.-Minneapolis Tribune (Rep.).

THE only sound Republican platform made by anybody of late is that of Senator Edmunds, viz: "Go West and nominate a clean candidate." This is the only "ringing" utterance of the present year.-New York Evening Post (Ind.). GOVERNOR HILL, of New York, says he can not be a candidate for the Presidency in 1888. The Governor appears to have a suspicion that the people will be looking. Now if they would only turn their backs!-Chicago News (Ind.).

"HONEST" JOHN SHERMAN does not intend to let Blaine and Logan burn all the Presidential fire works. He lit a few political sky rockets himself Tuesday night at Portsmouth, Ohio.-Pittsburgh Penny Press (Rep.).

BECAUSE the sons born to ex-soldiers immediately after the war will become voters within the next few years, General Logan predicts a large crop of new Republican voters by 1888.-Augusta, Maine, Journal (Rep.).

HOPE deferred doesn't make John Sherman sick; it makes him mad. The farther the Presidency recedes from his failing grasp, the more implacable he be comes.-Richmond Whig (Dem.).

THE Western Democrats are bidding farewell to the John Sherman boom. This would seem to indicate that the Western Democrats are preparing to leave the country.-Philadelphia Press.

SENATOR SHERMAN is again getting ready to be knifed by Ohio Republicans in the next National Convention.-Indianapolis Sentinel (Dem.).

RET

RETIREMENT OF DEMOCRATIC CONGRESSMEN. New Orleans Picayune (Dem.).

* The

IT is now evident from the nominations thus far effected that the Democratic Fiftieth Congress will rival in brilliancy the Democratic Forty-fourth Congress. The Picayune has had frequent occasion to point out during the unfortunate Fortyeighth and Forty-ninth Congresses that the Republicans excelled the Democrats immeasurably in their leadership on the floor, in their oratory, and in their party discipline and solidarity. The consequence has been the continuous lowering of the Democratic standards, the failure to make a showing against the really grand management of the Republican Senate, and in general a loss of prestige so serious that in order to recover itself the Democracy of the nation is now by a practically unanimous voice making President Cleveland autocrat and imperator, and proposes to follow him to the exclusion of all other leadership. The proof of our estimate of the superiority of the Republican membership is in the renomination of the Republican Representatives almost without exception. The proof of our estimate of the inferiority of the Democratic representation is in the retirement by their constituents of nearly one-half of the 184 Democratic members of Congress. The coming promise of greater character is in the manifest superiority of the men who have been nominated by the Democratic conventions thus far. Republicans are making every effort to utilize the Democratic condemnation of Democratic inefficiency, or more strictly speaking Democratic insufficiency, by representing that the members retired are the especial friends of President Cleveland, and are retired on that account. The statement is entirely erroneous. Many of the most marked examples of retirement are of men who have demonstrated their want of sympathy with executive reform, men who have used their position in Congress to do work for great corporations, and who have lost no opportunity to vote against the interests of the people. Illustrations lie around in plenty, but it is unpleasant to specify. Another effort to wrench the significance of the changes is to charge it to tariff. This is done by both Free-traders and Protectionists. It is wholly untrue. The decision has been made on principle of selection for the best interest of the party, and not a single instance can be pointed out where a Protec tionist is retired to make room for a Free-trader, or vice versa. The way in which the argument is made is to name some Protectionists or some Free-traders, and draw the inference that they were retired because of this question; care is taken not to state the position of their successors. The fact is that the tariff has not entered into the preliminary campaign this year thus far at all. It will undoubtedly be more or less considered on the stump, as the Republicans are putting forth strenuous efforts to represent themselves as the only friends of American industries and to place the Democracy in the attitude of enmity to those industries. But thus far almost nothing has been said on the subject in the Democratic conventions. Those conventions have almost without exception contented themselves with endorsing the Democratic national platform.

[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]

months ago to prevent consideration of the Morrison tariff bill. So far nine of them have been defeated for renomination by their unapproving constituencies. These are Boyle, of Pennsylvania; Ellsberry, Geddes, Warner, and LeFevre, of Ohio; Henley, of California; Irion and St. Martin, of Louisiana, and Martin, of Alabama. This is both significant and encouraging. It proves that the Democrats are growing impatient of Randallism and deputy Republicanism, and mean to hold their representatives to strict accountability. An effort was made by the protectionists to defeat the renomination of Blanchard, of Louisiana, Scott, of Pennsylvania, and Outhwaite and Hill, of Ohio, because of their votes in favor of calling up the Morrison bill; but the mass of their Democratic constituents sustained them. The so-called Democratic Representatives from New York and New Jersey, who voted against considering the tariff bill, have not yet been placed on trial, but it is believed that many of them will be defeated and others pointedly rebuked. Two of the Minnesota Republicans who voted with the Democrats to consider the tarift bill have been defeated. This shows pretty conclusively that the parties are properly drawing the line on the tariff question. The Republican party is committed to the maintenance of a tariff for protection, and the great body of the Democratic party favors a tariff for revenue only. It is well that the line should be drawn, and the people are proceeding to draw it. Mr. Randall represents a district provided for him by the Pennsylvania Republicans, and it is, on the whole, proper that he should do the work laid out for him by his political providers and maintainers. But if men representing Democratic constituencies in Congress are seduced by him it is but natural as well as just that they should be repudiated by their people. It is to be hoped that the Democrats of New York will do their duty and retire the Randallites when they come up for renomination. Tammany Hall is traditionally in favor of a tariff for revenue only, and should not now destroy its record by returning to Congress men who have violated one of the oldest principles of the Democratic party. Eleven New York Representatives, elected as Democrats, voted with Randall and the Republicans to defeat tariff reform legislation. If these eleven men should be defeated for renomination, the Democrats of the country might be inclined to forgive New York for many political sins. At any rate, the record of the purely party canvass so far is cheering. Nine of the traitors have fallen by the wayside, and the returns are not all in.

TWO OPINIONS FROM UTAH.

Salt Lake Herald (Dem.).

SO LONG as the practice of a religion, no matter how absurd it may be esteemed, does not interfere with the rights or liberties of others, it should not be prohibited. If it is injurious to other individuals or to society, the secular power should step forward and so far suppress it as may be necessary to give relief to the individuals whose rights or liberty it curtails, and protect society from its baneful influences. This the civil power had a right to do. But who is to judge as to whether certain practices are hurtful to society or not? Uuquestionably that power resides in the community affected by the acts in question. And here is the rub in the Utah problem. The nation has assumed the right to say for the people of Utah what is hurtful to them; it has said that polygamy and polygamous practices are baneful to the interests of the community. The people of Utah throw up the shield of our American theory of government before them and say, we are an organized community, with legislative powers extending to all rightful subjects of legislation, and we are capable as a community of judging for ourselves what is harmful to our society and what is not. And we earnestly protest against the conscience of our community being made the criterion by which to judge another. A community in the District of Columbia has no right to say what shall and what shall not be tolerated in Utah. The American Constitution has conferred no such absolute power as this upon Congress. We are aware that absolute power over the Territories is claimed for Congress, but there is nothing in the Constitution which warrants such claim; it is clearly an assumption of power. It is seldom now that any one claims that such power is derived from the Constitution. They are satisfied with pointing to precedent. But however powerful precedent may be, it is not absolute. A wrong never becomes right by a long continued practice of it. And because an evil in government has continued through even long ages, we see no reason why men of the day should groan and sweat and suffer under oppression because somebody a long time ago established the evil. Under such circumstances we say precedent is unworthy of regard. So long, then, as in this community the people maintain that the plural marriage system of the Mormons is not injurious to society, we shall maintain that they have a right to practice such marriage system; and to the insignificant minority who think themselves outraged by this institution that they found here, we say, wait until there is a majority of people in Utah who think as you think, that polygamy and polygamous practices are wrong, and then you can vote for it to go, and it will vanish.

Salt Lake Tribune (Rep.).

THE Herald lays down the rule that "so long as the practice of a religion, no matter how absurd it may be esteemed, does not interfere with the rights or liberties of others, it should not be prohibited. If it is injurious to others or to society, the secular power should step forward and so far suppress it as may be necessary." On the ground that polygamy violates no rights of men not engaged in it, and that it is not injurious to society, the Herald claims that the Republic has no right to interpose and seek by force to suppress it. On both grounds we claim that it should be suppressed. Its degradation of woman is a direct wrong to every other woman, and by the fact that it does degrade woman, it is a direct wrong to society. It is a form of slavery, and no matter how much the shackles may be padded, they are there all the same. There are certain natural laws which can not be violated without the penalty being exacted. Man cannot degrade women without himself becoming depraved. The proof of this is seen all around us in Utah. The sons of polygamists are not the equals of their fathers, either in strength of mind or strength TXU

of purpose. The intellectual is broken down, the animal intensified. No man can look over the first families among the Mormons without being struck by this fact. It is a natural result, too. The other day the son of a member of the first presidency was publicly disgraced because he had not the strength to resist the impulses which have been educated within him from the cradle. Indeed, we believe half the black passions in his soul were given a germ in his being before his éyes saw the light. If this is true among the most favored, and among those who ought to be expected to have both family and manly pride, what can be looked for among the poor and degraded of the organization? Why, there is nothing clearer than that, could a wall have been drawn around Utah from the first, by this time women would have been sold upon the block in Salt Lake City, even as they are in Constantinople. At the same time polygamy is only the lesser infamy of Mormonism. It does not equal in degradation, the result which comes of teaching a people that unquestioning obedience is a duty. That with polygamy simply results in a community of ungovernable slaves. That is, in great measure, the condition of the majority in Utah to-day. These two features will have to be surrendered, either peaceably now, or through the hot friction of a civil war at some future time. These two sinister features must be wiped out. When a few priests take full political control of a republic, the people must break their spell or chaos will ensue. The Herald's premises are not sound.

D'AUMALE'S GREAT GIFT.

New York Herald (Ind.).

THE Duc d'Aumale has presented the magnificent domain of Chantilly to the Institute of France in trust for the French nation. He gives sixty millions of francs with a stroke of the pen, but inexpressibly more valuable than any mere wealth, however great, are the broad domains, their rustling forests, smooth lawns, and laughing waters-their museum, library, trophies, and objects of art-that form but the smallest details of a gift rare in the annals not only of France, but of the world. There are kings in art, kings in science, kings in literature, but greatest of all, surely, are the monarchs in good deeds, and it is such deeds as these that have placed the Duc d'Aumale on, perhaps, the grandest throne of all within the gift of the people of France.

Philadelphia North American (Rep.).

THE gift made by the Duc d'Aumale of his Chantilly estates to the French people may be politics, but it is politics on a great scale and conceived in a noble spirit. Of course the Radicals will try to counteract the effect of this splendid act of munificence by declaring that the duke feared the confiscation of his property, and bethought himself of its present disposition as the best way of heading off his enemies. But the French people are by nature too generous and impulsive for this argument to have much weight, and it is certain that this voluntary nationalization of the Chantilly property, which is valued at twelve million dollars and is of rare historical interest, will for the time being make d'Aumale the most popular man in France. General Boulanger, of late the idol of the populace, will have to look to his laurels.

Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.).

THE gift of the French prince to the nation that has just exiled him is certainly a magnificent one. The donation of an estate valued at $12,000,000, comprising a historic castle and the art collection of a long line of princes, certainly has few if any equals in the list of public donations. Under the direction of the institute the employment of the estate, library, and art collection of Chantilly ought to afford great encouragement to art and literature; if those to whose care it is entrusted do not fall into the usual error of making its benefits a matter of literary favor rather than merit.

New York Tribune (Rep.).

FROM the terms of the duke's letter and will it may, perhaps, be inferred that he has been led to make this patriotic disposition of the property by the fear that after his death it might be confiscated. Chantilly was given to the Duke d'Enghien at the beginning of Anne's regency, under the administration of Mazarin, about 1642, as a reward for having led an expedition into Germany. It was, in fact, one of the great subsidies paid from time to time by a weak government as the price of the loyalty of one of the most rapacious and insatiable families among the greediest nobility in the world at the time.

FRANCE AND GERMANY.

Atlanta Constitution (Dem.).

APPARENTLY the relations between France and Germany are peaceful. If they are not friendly, they are not unfriendly. It is well understood, however, that France is determined to seize the first opportunity to pay off old scores and recover Alsace and Lorraine. It is sixteen years since the Germans ground her in the mire of defeat. Slowly the new France has risen from her desolation. She has paid off her enormous war debt, and is straining every nerve to get even with her old enemy. It is estimated that the French forces on a war footing would number not less than two and a half million men, and in three months this vast multitude could be put into the field, Germany, in the event of war, could readily increase her army to two million six hundred thousand men. Month after month, and year after year, these hereditary foes devote themselves to preparing for the inevitable conflict. When France is ready it will be easy to find a pretext for war. It is idle to predict the result of the coming struggle. It is enough to know that it will convulse the fairest portion of Europe, and affect the civilized world. It is some comfort to know that the clash of arms will not come to-morrow, but that it will come in the near future is evident to all who have watched the lengthening shadows of coming events.

[graphic]

MISCELLANEOUS.

TRUTHFULNESS A GROWTH.-Everything possessing active life has also the principle of growth, and a virtue is no exception. The quality of truthfulness is by no means the unchanging, stereotyped quality for which it is sometimes taken. It seems, indeed, a simple thing to speak and to act truly-something which must either be done or left undone. Yet in reality there are as many grades and degrees of truthfulness as there are shades of character in any other respect. Long ages of gradual civilization have done much to develop this virtue. When the only known form of social life was the wandering tribe, truthfulness held a lower place than courage, heroism, and other needed qualities; but as society became more complex and interwoven, and especially as industrial pursuits flourished, its value became more manifest, and it occupied a higher rank. The same difference may be traced even now between the appreciation in which it is held in countries like Spain and Italy, where commerce and manufactures are comparatively languid, and countries like our own and England, where they are chief interests. Although in the latter temptations to deception are numerous, and consequently much guile and imposition are practiced, yet no one attempts to uphold them, and, as the importance of mutual confidence to the well-being of the community is seen to be great, veracity holds a prominent place in popular esteem. To say of a man that his word can not be trusted is with us a sufficient condemnation to debar him from social esteem, and the presence of any other virtues that might be ascribed to him would not serve to reinstate him. Although civilization may have handed down to us certain evils, and perhaps have weakened some desirable characteristics, we can feel unmixed gratitude for her influence in this respect. Whatever strengthens the bond of trust in a community lays the surest foundations for its well-being; whatever weakens it strikes a blow at its very existence. While, however, we gladly trace the upward growth of truthful character in the past, we can but be very sensible of the need for its continued growth in the future. There is a wide chasm between the degree of veracity which popular opinion at present enforces and the supreme love of truth for its own sake, of which our highest ideals give us an occasional glimpse. There in not only veracity of word, but truth of thought and purpose, honesty of endeavor, sincerity of demeanor, candor of action. Not uttering what is false or doubtful is but a small part of real truthfulness; deceit may consist in concealing what ought to be spoken, in exaggerating or diminishing with a purpose, in seeming to agree when there is no agreement, in feigning sentiments which are not felt. It is seldom that we hear an argument conducted in a thoroughly truthful manner. Whatever be the subject, whatever the ability to discuss it, whatever the views held, in nine cases out of ten the effort of the contestant is to bring all the proofs, reasons, and testimony that he can find to bear upon his own side, to refute all objections, and finally to triumph in having silenced, if not convinced, his opponent. Now such an effort, conducted in such a spirit, can result in no accession of truth for either party. Indeed, it is not truth that they are seeking, but victory. Defeat means for them mortification and unmingled regret, whereas if they were truth-seekers it might be the one who had been overthrown that would rejoice, for he would have gained a knowledge of some new revelation or new method that had never dawned upon him before. Emerson says: "The wise man throws himself on the side of his assailants. It is more his interest than it is theirs to find his weak point." This is certainly a fruit of the truthful spirit which we have yet to bring under cultivation. To esteem truth above triumph, or rather to find our chief triumph in the truth, is a height to which very few, if any, have so far attained. Yet that it is attainable, and that when attained it will exalt and bless mankind, who can doubt? If our political and other parties, sects, and cliques, instead of struggling for supremacy, as they do now, were each and all inspired with the desire to discover the full and exact truth of the subject in hand that they might embrace and uphold it, and for this purpose welcome every differing opinion for investigation while holding fast to whatever appeals to them as true, how changed would be our entire community! From our present condition to such a one as this there is nearly as wide a difference as from a state of warfare to a state of peace. Such ideals may seem impossible imaginings, but they point the direction in which all our efforts should tend. To cultivate in the young and to strengthen in ourselves that love of truth for truth's sake that shall gradually take the place of party spirit, and slowly dispel prejudice and control passion, must be our continual aim and effort if we would hasten the advent of so desirable a change. The best things always come from love, and if the love of truth be thoroughly implanted in an individual or a nation its life is secured. In order, however, to love it truly, it must be obeyed implicitly. Each one must endeavor to conform his every word and act to the highest conception of truth which he has attained to regard as final the dictates of conscience, and to resist the pleadings of interest, or passion, or party, or even friendship, when they conflict with truth in any of its forms. This allegiance to law leads to the loyalty of love, and, when that is established, the spirit of truth is attained and its growth is assured.-Philadelphia Public Ledger.

[blocks in formation]

are

sam

idle

tha

tack

of

America he is a funny man; in Asia, were he known, he would be canonized
the polished man; while in Africa he is no better nor worse than any other man-
he is the mere average mortal, he drifts with tide of events, and is not worth mak-
ing an occasional fetish of. On the whole, the career of Ananias must be con-
sidered a failure. Where he is known he is not respected, and where he might be
respected he is not known. In Sunday schools and in the pages of tracts he
points a moral; but the position is inadequate to the desires of a true ambition, or
the requirements of a discriminating philosophy. To sporting journals and to the
entire American press he is invaluable, but this is unfeeling, thankless ground.
He merely represents a "record" which no one is desirous to break. Not a man
of those who cite him regards him with gratitude, not to speak of honest esteem.
If Ananias had his rights, he would occupy an important place among the Hindoo's
million gods. In China he would figure prominently among Confucian worthies.
He ought certainly to be considered the particular deceased ancestor of the Chi-
nese and Indo-Chinese races. In cold countries lying is charitably supposed to be
the result of superabundance of imagination, of a misdirected energy of exaggera-
tion, or of a careful and judicious spirit of economy, as in the case of the gentleman
who had far too much regard for the truth to be using it on every paltry occasion.
In the East, however, whatever other exuberance there may be, it is not that of
imagination, and economy is far from being a leading characteristic. The profu-
sion is, nevertheless, certainly not the truth. That commodity is economized down
to the vanishing point. The Eastern statesman or diplomatist considers it beneath
him, whether from a professional or an aesthetic point of view. Any man can tell
the truth. As an assertion of his superiority to the supposed average man, it is
therefore imperative that he should tell lies. It is only when an Oriental leader
has reached the level of absolute genius that he ventures to state things as they
really are. It is then extremely good policy, for no one believes him, and he
attains his object much more easily and rapidly than he possibly could by an elab-
oration of mis-statement. This measure is, however, only open to the most emi-
nent, and therefore to the most practiced, in the other thing; for a politician
would very rapidly lose his reputation for good manners if he were commonly, or
even on an appreciable percentage of occasions, to tell the truth. If it can not be
done without, it must be doled out in the most chary fashion, for the sake of good
name and good breeding. They all do it, down to the very lowest, with the ut
most equanimity and zest, and they do it simply because they are incapable of
doing anything else. When the Hindoo durzi, the household tailor, comes to the
memsahib with a request for leave on account of the sudden and unexpected death
of his mother, the tenth time that that relative has expired within the year, it is
not so much the lack of inventive faculty that is present in him as the conscious-
ness that it would be indelicate, not to say impertinent, to blurt out the real truth.
Moreover, he knows that a refusal will give him an opening for loud demonstra-
tions of woe, which are likely to be effectual, and, at any rate, would not be justi
fied by any other plea for leave of absence. But it is far more often the desire to
please that leads to lying among the lower classes in the East, more especially in
India. The anxiety of the average native to avoid in any way annoying any one,
often leads him to the most reckless statements. You are fagged after a long day's
shooting. You ask him how far it is to the nearest railway station or to the village
where your tents are. He answers with the utmost alacrity and sympathy that it
is bahul nazdik, quite close, and indicates the shortest way. When you have
walked four or five miles, and still have not arrived, you begin to realize the beauty
of exactitude. You rail at the mild Hindoo and think that missionary labor is not
so successful as it ought to be. The fictions of the dak bungalow butler are too
familiar to need more than an allusion. The "everything have got" which fillips
your appetite after a long stage, fades away through visions of beef and mutton to
the inevitable murghi. Still, the butler rejoices in the fact that he pleased you
with anticipations, and kept up your hopes to the last minute. He is invariable
with his "everything have got," as the household servant is with the death of his
mother. Any other statement would be a deficiency in good breeding, which no
well-regulated Oriental could permit himself to be guilty of. In craft and men-
dacity the Chinaman probably exceeds the Indian, though the consistency of both
in falsehood is unimpeachable. The higher class of Chinese have attained the
most distinguished proficiency in the science; but the common rabble, as befits a
ceremonious race, are not far behind them in the skill with which they lead the
guileless stranger astray. The Chinaman is always prepared to give the fullest
information about a matter on which he is profoundly ignorant. It would be rude
to turn away the inquirer with a profession of want of information on the subject.
He would not believe in the lack of knowledge, and would ascribe the answer to
mere absence of manners. Therefore, explanations and descriptions are always
forthcoming. Nevertheless, it is not judicious to teach your Chinese servants to be
too exact as far as the truth is concerned. An English lady with the strictest
notions of truthfulness had impressed upon her Chinese servant that she was always
at home to visitors. The earliest result of this lesson appeared in the ushering in
to her a gentleman as she was having an afternoon bath.-Saturday Review.
THE UNIVERSAL WORRY OF SERVANT-GALLISM.-We sallied forth for a
girls were to be seen similarly attired to those in Rotterdam. It is a singular thing
promenade through the town (Delft). It was not yet noon; on all sides servant
that all the female domestics in Holland-at Rotterdam, Haarlem, Amsterdam-
are clothed in the same prevailing hue, a dress of lilac print, with small designs in
flowers, stars, and crosses; and for the sake of cleanliness, they all wear a coquettish
cap and wooden shoes. At first sight one would fancy they belonged collectively to
some national corporation, containing among its statutes a regulation uniform. They
are for the most part quite youthful in appearance; blondes, with well-developed
figures; few of them handsome, in the strict acceptation of the word, but pos
sessing, with this plumpness of outline, a freshness and fairness of complexion that
a seraph might envy. Suddenly my thoughts reverted to a N. B. in my memo
randum-book, and I turned to the companion of my stroll (a native Hollander)
with the query, "Are the female domestics of Holland, also, the everlasting for.
ments of their mistresses?" Let me here observe, parenthetically, that ladies of
certain age-heads of families and excellent housekeepers, if not socially placed in a

LYING AS A HABIT.-In Europe lying is considered on the whole objectionable and not to be practiced by any except politicians, travelers, and newspaper people. Skilled witnesses, of course, do not belong to any continent or climate. In the United States, on the contrary, lying is considered a great set-off to conversation; without it no one can aspire to be considered better than a mere fossil; it is the hunting ground of the humorist, and the journalist occasionally makes a great hit by telling a plain, unvarnished tale. In Asia none but a rude, uneducated boor would ever think of telling the truth. Lying is a sign of culture and polite breeding. In Africa the natives are not yet sufficiently civilized to have any definite notions on the subject. They are on the lowest possible level. They lie or not Rum and reliaccordingly as they think it is to their advantage or the reverse.

gion, bibles and bayonets, have yet to do a great work before the poor African can rise to the dignity of forming a definite policy on the matter. The Australians lean to the American side. In Europe Ananias is branded as a bad man; in

a

and

ser

ren

be me

W

h

A

[ocr errors][ocr errors]

position too lofty to be brought directly in contact with their domestics-ladies, I mean, who keep a single servant woman, who is at the same time cook and chambermaid, are long and often engaged upon this endless topic of conversation. It is ever the same subject-the insupportable shortcomings, thefts from the larder, impertinences, idleness, dismissals from service, ending invariably in the same dolorous refrain, that girls in service, who are honest and faithful in days of yore, who become attached to the family and grow old in its service, are now numbered among the things of the past. Is this true, or is it not true? Is it a consequence of greater liberty and of the equalization of classes, which has rendered harder the condition of the servant and more exacting that of the mistress? However this may be, the fact remains that the nail had so often been hammered upon at home, that one day before my departure for Spain, I said to my mother, "If anything could console me at Madrid for the privation of house comforts, it will be that I shall get rid of this endless theme." On arriving at Madrid, I go to a boarding-house, and the first observation addressed to me by the landlady was the following: "that she had changed servant girls three times in the course of the month; that it was an abomination; that one was driven to desperation," etc. On my return home I related the fact; we laughed over it, and my mother concluded it was the plague of every country. "No," said I, "in the countries farther north it ought not to be the case. I am going to Paris, and will inquire of the first lady whose acquaintance I make there, 'Are the servant-girls here, as in Spain and Italy, the continual worry of the ladies of this country?" """ Arrived in Paris, I made this inquiry of the first lady whose acquaintance I made. "Ah, mon cher monsieur!" she answered, wringing her hands, and glancing upwards at the ceiling, "Don't say a word about it." And hereupon she entered into a long experience of struggles, aggravations, expulsions and woes in general. I write to my mother about it, and she replies: "Let us see how it is in London." To London I go. I enter into conversation with an English lady on board the boat which is taking me thither from Antwerp; and after a few words explanatory of my curiosity on the subject, I address to her the same inquiry. They are the scourges of our lives," she replied. I again wrote home, confessing myself vanquished, but suggesting, nevertheless, that there remained a reasonable hope of Holland-a quiet country, where houses were clean, households well-conducted, and home life so serene and sweet; and my maternal correspondent replies that she, too, is disposed to make an honorable exception in the case of Holland. But the doubt remained both in her and in me. I was anxious and inquisitive, and she impatient, to learn the result. It was for this reason that I put the accustomed query to my corteous cicerone at Delft, and one can imagine the eagerness with which I awaited his response. "My dear sir," the Hollander replied, after a moment's reflection, "I will answer your inquiry with a proverb which we have in Holland, and which says: Servant girls are the crosses of life.” I folded my arms in mute despair.-Translated from the Italian for PUBLIC OPINION.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

or "

WANTED A SUBSTITUTE FOR WAR.-We need some reasonable and moral means of settling national disputes in place of the absurd and wicked method of killing each other. What government will offer a prize for an invention to accomplish this object? Why should not America lead in this as in other reforms? Is there not some scholar who, without pecuniary inducement, will profoundly and exhaustively study the conflicts of laws, customs, religions, governmental policies and race prejudices, or whatever else has fostered war? On the other hand, can not the same mind patiently consider the remedies that have been proposed? Especially those which have been in any measure successful. In its economic aspects it is worthy of attention. Nothing costs or wastes money like war. In its humanitarian aspect the abolition or even dimunition of wars stand in the front of moral reforms. Nothing is so cruel to man and beast, nothing so regardless of happiness and life, nothing so demoralizes and dechristianizes human beings as fighting. Call it "invention discovery," what is needed is a substitute for war. Something to which governments may revert under the pressure of aroused public passion; something on which public confidence may securely rest; something to which mankind will turn as naturally as they do to an engine at an alarm of fire. "It is possible." Is it? In the presence of this problem must reason abdicate, must invention surrender? Are all the resources of human intelligence, perseverance, energy, fortitude, self-denial, consecration and prayer of no avail? No manly temperance reformer ever counsels surrender to the rum power. No Christian hero ever counselled abandonment of the world's conversion. It savors of despicable indolence, arrant cowardice and despairing unfaith to give up any problem because it is difficult of solution. Men have died by hundreds to uncover the secrets of geography hidden around the poles and under the equator. There are martyrs to science even in our day. The human intellect was never more inquisitive, active, enlightened or victorious. It has invented labor and life-saving machines. It has solved historical problems that have been the despair of centuries. Religious conviction has sent voluntary missionaries round the world. Medical science anticipates and averts cholera and small-pox. Legal remedies have been found for the disputes of individuals and even of confederated states. They have not been stumbled upon by chance. They are the results of patient study and experiment with laws, and courts and men. They are measurably successful. They have reduced beyond computation private revenges, homicides, mobs and internecine wars between small states like the cantons of Switzerland, the principalities of Germany, the divisions of Italy, and the kingdoms included in Great Britain. Courts of law, administered by judges and juries, before whom attorneys bring facts, arguments and appeals, have been found to secure justice far more certainly than private contests between the parties interested. The application of the principle on which courts-at-law are founded to the differences between nations, instead of an appeal to arms, is the demand of our age. Sporadic cases of reference, arbitration and adjudication have demonstrated its expediency and practicability in averting war, as in the Alabama Claims Commission between England and America. The problem is difficult. It is not unsolvable. Who will contribute his time and thought to solve it? Will not some young and ingenious mind make the attempt? In the mean time some of the best intellects of the world are not idle. To them it is no new question. War has rested like an incubus on the hearts of

the humane. Mankind love and practice it less than formerly. Ought not America and Americans to lead in its abolition?—The American Advocate of Peace and Arbitration.

HOW TEAS COME TO AMERICA.-The tea-drinker who comfortably sips her cup of Oolong seldom ponders upon the great maritime struggle which has long been going on and the overland competition which is just now in its infancy to supply her with this soothing beverage at reduced rates. Time was when tea made greater inroads on the pocket-book than now; and competition in carrying it from China and Japan to Eastern ports in this country is one of the important factors in the reduction. The sailing vessel, technically known as the sailer, was once the sole medium of transportation. Now the Union, Northern and Canadian Pacific railways almost annihilate the slow coming and going of the white wings on the ocean as tea-carriers. Tea, like other things, is rushing across continents now in the mad competition of modern traffic.

The sailer took cargoes of goods from New York and Boston and brought back teas in exchange. It required from twelve to fourteen months to make the round trip. When the weather was particularly fine, the voyage this way might be made in four months. When the California fever broke out, the demand for freight from this port thither induced the building of clipper ships, which made a rapid passage, with attendant high freights out but no freights returning; so the clippers crossed the Pacific and took in cargoes of teas; the time of tea transit to this port was thus reduced to from ninety to one hundred days. Then the Panama railroad was built and steamers from China by the way of San Francisco to the Isthmus of Panama, connecting by rail with steamers on this side, once more made a reduction in tea time to from forty to fifty days. The completion of the Union Pacific Railroad, with the establishment of the Pacific Mail Line from California to China made from thirty to thirty-five days the limit. The Suez Canal route made the time from China to this port from sixty to seventy days. The Northern Pacific Railroad next wheeled into competition. Sailing vessels were still used as well as steamships to convey the tea to San Francisco. Now sailers were also put on to connect also with the Northern Pacific at Portland, Oregon. The completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway with its sailers from Japan now affords three lines of overland competition, all of which are in rivalry with the Suez Canal route.

These four lines of competition have reduced the price of bringing tea here largely. Until lately the rate within five years was rarely below 4 cents (gross) a pound, and by the Pacific railroad route is varied from 6 to 4 cents for the entire distance from Japan. Now the first one or two fast steamers which bring in the first new teas make the carrying price 5 cents, but ofter that it falls to 134 cents-or it did last year, while this year it was 14 cents. The cost by the Suez Canal is a little less, but the time is about twice as much. The sailing vessels connecting with the Pacific railroad run only to Japan, where they receive their cargo of green tea from other vessels which are from four to five days in sailing from Chinese ports.

The consumption of the Japan teas here is more than one-half of all teas consumed; last year the number of pounds brought here was 40,000,000, while the importation of green teas amounted to 15,000,000, and that of Oolong to 16,000,ooo.-New York Tribune.

THE SCIENCE OF LOCOMOTION-Upon the public highway has been materially modified during the last decade by the popularity of the wheelman's pastime, both the car companies and the livery stables feeling the loss of patronage materially, and in all probability the new means of travel is growing in public favor. The kind of exercise demanded in bicycling is pronounced healthy and invigorating, and consequently the young men devoted to this sport are not followed by a hostile crowd of expostulating mothers and medical men. The wheel manufacturers have thus far spent their energies upon athletic persons who ride for the sake of the ride, and inventors have yet to enter the field for the lazy men of the community. That the bicycle will in the end be modified so as to amuse the individual who enjoys a passing landscape but does not essay to become a pedal machine, like a dog and a country churn, is the belief of many, and it is well known that scores of men with a Yankee turn at labor-saving inventions are quietly at work upon this roadway problem. An Englishman living at Coventry, Eng., the center of the wheelman's manufacturing interest, undertook a few years ago to apply steam to the bicycle. He constructed a toy engine, attached it to the wheel beneath the seat, and made several short trips upon an obscure road. He was not a very clever man and the machine exploded. By some special dispensation of Providence the inventor escaped with his life but he does not ride bicycles any more. In this country there is evidence that the idea of applying mechanical power to the wheel is growing in favor in spite of the uncomfortable feeling which a rider is sure to have when sitting directly over a steam boiler even of small dimensions. No amount of beauty in nature can make one oblivious to the presence of danger in the immediate vicinity. There is a genius at Northfield who claims to have perfected a miniature engine that is perfectly harmless, and he recently attached it to his bicycle and went out on the road. While he had the utmost confidence in it, he became alarmed at the ugly noises it was making and finally jumped off, leaving the wheel to plunge to destruction into the ditch where the safety engine scalded and sputtered itself to death in an ignominious mud puddle. Springfield also has a genius whose faith in a little steam-box, costing but 15 cents per day with a speed of 12 miles an hour, is unbounded. He recently harnessed his steed about four o'clock in the morning when the city was still, and took a spin up the river. While running down a declivity near Chicopee Falls he made the discovery that his check gear was out of order, and he dashed on, a victim to his own genius. In fact, his machine ran away with him. It shot ahead with dangerous ease and there was every prospect that he was to prove another Darius Green. He succeeded, however, in keeping the road, and it was not until he came to the mountain roads. in the vicinity of South Hadley that his ambitious contrivance gave him any hope of life. Nevertheless, some Yankee is destined to perfect a road-wheel which lazy people can ride with safety.-Springfield, Mass., Republican.

ROGUES IN EXILE.-There is a pleasing fiction that the forgers, embezzlers, and

« PreviousContinue »