preserve the alliance of the three empires, has no more immediate object, for the moment, than to bring them closer together. It is the goal toward which his designs are tending. A system of compensations is by far the most rational, and is that upon which Austria will ultimately take her stand. The parties interested will strike a bargain of opposition to England in this affair, and on the day of the partition of Turkey in Europe she will not at all be consulted. There is, then, a strong probability, as we said just now, that they are deluding themselves in London when they rejoice at the consequences of Austria's attitude, which will inevitably be modified the day upon which the advantages are offered to her, which is the final aim of her policy.

L'Eco d'Italia, New York, October 2.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

THIS speech has the merit of being sufficiently clear in its terms; and it can scarcely have made a good impression at St. Petersburg. On the other hand, it has satisfied fully both Hungarians and Austrians, with whom the current of antiRussian ideas is daily gaining new ground. Even in Bulgaria itself, some notes are intoned which are sadly out of tune, and which can scarcely be pleasing to the Czar. Meanwhile, Russia has sent to Bulgaria her factotum, the alter ego of his Imperial Majesty, General Kaulbars, who has gone thither to concede to the Bulgarians full liberty to do only what may be pleasing to his august master. The allotment which this master makes to the poor Bulgarians having appeared to the latter somewhat too leonine, and a deputation of the notabilities having been received by the General, humbly praying that the conditions imposed by the Czar might be modified; the General replied that he never discussed; that his Imperial master desired acts and not small-talk; that the Bulgarian government had no other choice than to "eat of this soup, or jump out of the window." In the face of this touching and obliging alternative on the part of the General, the deputation adopted a less sensational mode of exit from his presence by a quiet retreat through the door of the reception-room. Such is the cream of the more recent telegrams from abroad, too numerous for us to reproduce them.

THE IMPOVERISHMENT OF ITALY.

New Orleans Times-Democrat (Dem.).

THE war of 1866 brought defeat upon Italy. But it was defeat unaccompanied by disaster. It is probably the only instance on record in which a defeated nation gained the object it was fighting for. Italy's Prussian allies overthrew the Austrian armies in Bohemia, and in the peace that followed Austria surrendered the last of her Italian provinces. United Italy, the dream of centuries of Italian patriots, was an accomplished fact. It might have been expected that, after so fortunate a consummation of her desires, Italy would have devoted herself for a while, at least, to the development of her material resources. But no such course commended itself to her rulers. Free and united Italy, according to their view, must immediately take rank among the great powers. Pursuant to this idea, and regardless of the fact that Italy was a poor and almost wholly agricultural country, they inaugurated a system of universal military service more stringent and far-reaching than had been adopted by any other nation in Europe. The proof is that to-day Italy has as large an army as Austria, whose population exceeds her own by one-third. Not content with maintaining this gigantic army. the Italian government conceived the idea of rivaling Great Britain as a maritime power, and proceeded to construct the largest ironclads with the heaviest guns the world had ever seen. Now, of all the expensive luxuries that a nation can indulge in modern times ironclads are the most expensive, and these luxuries had to be paid for by the people. Taxation increased to such an extent that there are instances on record of the entire crop being insufficient to pay. the taxes on a piece of land, and the land itself being sold to meet the demands of the tax-gatherer. Nothing beyond this need be said to prove the utter impoverishment of the people or to indicate why it is that they leave their beautiful country in such numbers to seek beyond the Atlantic a refuge from oppression-oppression none the less cruel because it takes the form of constitutional government. Nor is it to be wondered at that among those who remain the doctrines of socialism, as Mr. Touhay reports, are rapidly gaining ground.

TILDEN AND THE ELECTION OF 1876.

Mobile Register (Dem.).

Chicago Times (Ind.).

MR. ABRAM S. HEWITT has been contributing to the literature of this country some reminiscences of the Hayes-Tilden controversy of 1876-7 that tend to show either that Mr. Tilden was the most wise or the most timid man that was stamped with the Democratic trade-mark. Mr. Hewitt says that he spent three days "framing a letter for Mr. Tilden, saying to the American people that he believed himself to be President-elect, and on the 4th of March he would come to Washington to be inaugurated." He carried the pronunciamento to Mr. Tilden, and he (Hewitt) and David Dudley Field "spent a great while" in trying to persuade him to sign it. "He threw the Presidency away by his refusal." Mr. Hewitt says he has in his possession both the document that Tilden refused to sign and a writing of Tilden's giving his reasons for refusing, that "will be made public some day." In the mean time, it is not difficult to infer the probable nature of Tilden's reasons from some comments of a Mobile paper (The Register) on Mr. Hewitt's statement. "The party," says the Mobile writer, "were ready to declare him elected;" but by "the party" it is necessary to suppose that the writer means the more reckless and imprudent party captains. Hewitt wrote the pronunciamento, David Dudley Field joined his eloquence to that of Hewitt in its advocacy. "Henri Watterson, with his proffer of 100,000 Western men, openly voiced the sentiment of the millions of Democrats;" at least, of some indefinite number of the said millions. "Tilden's sluggish blood flowed with unwonted speed." Was it, then, his natural timidity or was it the far-looking sagacity of the crafty old politician that suppressed the unwonted speed of his sluggish blood and resisted the burning zeal of "the party," including Watterson and his 100,000 men in buckram? The conditions that the Mobile writer proceeds to mention certainly were known to Mr. Tilden, as they were to every other citizen whose intelligence was not stifled by the fury of his party zeal. The Army, the Navy, the Treasury, all the machinery, powers, and faculties of the Government were held by the men that would not have hesitated an instant to employ them against an assumption of the Presidency without the formal approbation of the Congress. Not a single local government north of the old slavery line was controlled by men that could be depended on to support such an assumption by force of arms. So far as it represented any constitutionally organized power, the party of Tilden was wholly in the section that only ten years before had constituted an organized rebellion. Says the Mobile writer:

In these States a call for Mr. Tilden could have been legally answered by a levy of troops. But in the event the South had answered we would have found the Confederate condition repeated, a Southern army facing Washington at Manassas, not with a Lee or Jackson in command, but with Tilden and Hewitt. The South had no intention to be caught in such a trap. The Yankees might call us traitors, but they couldn't call us fools. And so Hampton, Gordon, and our other wise and patriotic Southern men proceeded to pluck the flower safety out of the nettle danger.

11

They turned away from the unwonted flow of Tilden's sluggish blood, left the flamboyant Mr. Watterson alone in the glory of his invisible army in buckram, and virtually said to the red-hot party captains that were squandering their time in writing pronunciamentos and trying to persuade Tilden to sign them: in the civil conflict that you propose to initiate, please count us out! It is not true, then, that Mr. Tilden willfully and deliberately turned his back upon the White House," as the Mobile writer alleges, nor that he "threw the Presidency away," as Mr. Hewitt alleges, by refusing to sign a most indiscreet and dangerous pronunciamento that, had it been issued over his signature, most probably would have resulted in a civil conflict presenting exactly the conditions that sagacious Southern men foresaw. The outcome of such a conflict would not have been doubtful, so far as the fortune of Tilden and his supporters would have been involved in it. He would not have gained the Presidency. His pretension would not have been supported by the prudent section of his own partisans at the North, nor probably at the South. The initiators of the civil conflict would have been simply ground into the dust of eternal infamy, but possibly amidst the ruins of our political system. Did not Mr. Tilden, foresee the consequence that the office-seeking party spirit invited him to accept, and give as his reason for not accepting it that the question of the Presidentia election was not for him but for the Congress to decide?

THE SALOON IN POLITICS.

WE give below the most interesting of recent press comments on the various phases of the Prohibition movement :

Atlanta Constitution (Dem.).

PETROLEUM V. NASBY, who is Mr. D. R. Locke, of the Toledo Blade, has an article in the current number of the North American Review, which is advertised as "perhaps the strongest plea for prohibition that has ever been made in this or in any other country." A synopsis of the article will interest many of our readers. All drinking, says Nasby, leads to drunkenness, and drunkenness is a great evil. It is the direct source of 90 per cent. of our crime and pauperism. Such an evil must not be regulated; it must be killed. The way to kill it is to prohibit it. Will prohibition prohibit? Nasby studied the question in Maine, and he says that prohibition does prohibit. At least it prohibits this way: Under the license system the saloon keeper hunts up the drinker; under prohibition the drinker hunts up the saloon keeper. This state of affairs Nasby calls prohibition, and such prohibition he predicts is a certainty in this country within a very few years. This is a fair summary of "perhaps the strongest plea for prohibition that has ever been made in this or any other country." It must be admitted that Nasby has succeeded in producing a remarkable article, and the indorsement given it by the North American is equally as remarkable. Some sensible Prohibitionists will suspect that Nasby is an enemy in disguise, and that he has deliberately, and with malice aforethought, put forth his weakest argument. This is a mistake. Nasby has given us the best in his shop. He is not successful in argument or advocacy. He has never been conspicuously successful in anything except drinking whisky and slandering the Southern people. He gave up drinking when his stomach failed him; perhaps he will quit lying when he has paralysis of the brain. It is all well enough for the North American to introduce reformers to the public, but it should wash them first.

Springfield Globe-Republic (Rep.).

IT will surprise some people to know that the Globe-Democrat, of St. Louis, is giving strong support to the Republican anti-saloon movement. It declares that "it is notorious that the liquor dealers are organized all over the country for the protection of their business, not against prohibition merely, but against all forms of temperance legislation; and it is the right, as it is the duty, of all good citizens to combine in opposition to this crusade. The Republican party is bound by its professions and traditions to resist an undertaking designed to strengthen and promote an interest which is recognized everywhere as the persistent enemy of the moral safety and welfare of society." If the whisky men persist in their attempts to control politics in the interest of their distilleries and saloons, they will do themselves more harm than can ever be devised and executed by their opponents.

Wheeling Intelligencer (Rep.).

GENERAL BEAVER, in a recent speech, said he was forced to doubt the sincerity of men who professed to believe one thing and worked to accomplish another. He was talking about the third-party men, who profess a desire to save the country from the evils of intemperance, yet are pursuing a course which helps the Democratic party, which is opposed to the measures they advocate. We can not agree with General Beaver that the sincerity of all such men is to be doubted. We know that some of them are sincere and believe all of them to be unwise. The sincere ones delude themselves into the belief that they are helping to build up a party that will soon be strong enough to stand alone, to pass such prohibitory Jaws as they desire and to enforce them.

Ohio State Journal (Rep.).

THE New York Independent, one of the most prominent of the religious journals of the world, says: "The Prohibition party nowhere shows any evidence of taking hold of the conscience of the people." Is this because the public conscience is dead to the evils of intemperance? By no means. On the contrary, that conscience is specially alive to these evils, and it is because the people clearly see that political prohibition is the most dangerous enemy of temperance that they will have nothing to do with it. More than that, the people feel that opposition to intemperance is not a proper basis for separate political action. A party organized on the basis of opposition to lying or gluttony would have just as reasonable a chance of eventually attaining political power.

Memphis Avalanche (Dem.).

HAVING everything to gain and nothing to lose as to their pet theories, the prohibition agitators naturally press in every direction for recognition and strength. The question is one which society will settle for itself without regard for the desires of those who believe themselves the apostles of a great and inevitable moral movement. It will settle it also equally without regard to any material interests involved. Both sides will inevitably abide the decision of society. The country is so far off from that decision that, whatever the Republican party may do as a minority out of power to find a way back, the Democratic party is not called on to meddle.

New Orleans Picayune (Dem.).

WHAT we wish to emphasize now is that it is a great mistake to suppose that all public reforms ought to be instituted through the agency of the general Government. The Democratic party, as par excellence the States' Rights party, will certainly insist upon the distinction between questions of police and questions of Federal policy. Moreover, there is no occasion to carry the prohibition debate into national politics. Even from the Prohibitionist point of view, we would say that local option is preferable to any scheme of Federal law upon that subject.

New Bedford Mercury (Ind.).

WE confess to a respect for the frankness and courage of the chairman of the committee on resolutions of the State Republican convention, when, after reporting them, he dissented from the one favoring an amendment of the State consti

tution prohibiting the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquor. Had the members of that convention possessed equal courage and the same frankness, would that resolution have been adopted? Language has been described as the means both of expressing and concealing thought. Who doubts in which way it is used in the forming of party platforms?

Chicago Herald (Ind.).

“THE third party," says an organ of the East, "is simply a combination to gain political power by using the liquor question as an issue.” With this utterance, as wise as anything that the celebrated Jack Bunsby ever uttered, the organ closes out the third party and advises everybody to vote for the second party, which is seeking to gain political power without using anything in particular as an issue. The party which has a question that may be used as an issue is pre-eminently entitled to gain political power if it can. That is exactly what most of such organizations are after. "What else are they here for but the offices?"

Philadelphia Times (Ind.).

WHETHER Pennsylvania shall be a high license or a prohibition State in the very near future will depend solely upon whether the license men persist in kicking themselves to death against the pricks of the intelligent and progressive sentiment of the age. If license shall persist in kicking against the pricks, it will provoke a sudden and violent death, while vastly better practical results could be attained by a generous deference to enlightened and just public opinion in the thorough re. vision of the license laws. Toledo Blade (Rep.).

THERE is no doubt but that the sentiment in favor of prohibition is growing stronger every day in Iowa. The Boone county Republican makes this point: One significant fact tells on the side of prohibition. In the recent meeting of the sheriffs of Iowa, seventy officers were present, and the universal testimony is, that the present law is decreasing court business 50 per cent. or more. Let the good work go on until court expense and taxes are reduced to a minimum.

Brooklyn Times (Rep.).

Ir all the temperance men should leave the Republican party their withdrawal would place that party in a hopeless minority in every State in the Union. But the temperance or prohibition party so formed would be considerably smaller than the Republican remnant and the liquor interest would have unchallenged control. The anti-saloon men are wise enough to see this and they will remain where their influence can be exerted potentially in the cause of temperance legislation.

St. Louis Republican (Dem.).

THE Republican Philadelphia Press declares that the decrease in saloons in Missouri under the high-license system "will be regarded by sincere temperance reformers as a shining triumph of their views and methods." Yet this law was passed by Democrats, against the opposition of the same Republicans who now profess to be engaged in "an anti-saloon movement," the entire purpose of which is to prevent genuine temperance reformers from voting the Democratic ticket. Wilkes-Barre Union-Leader (Dem.).

THE experience of every State that has tried prohibition has fully demonstrated that it takes a bigger majority to enforce than it does to enact prohibition, and common sense teaches that where there is a majority big enough to enforce prohibition statutes, they can much more easily and surely make their community a temperance community, reduce the evils of intemperance within its limits to the lowest possible minimum by other means and without the statutes.

Christian Advocate (Methodist).

As to what measures are wisely adapted each individual member of the Meth odist church may and should be his own judge in the fear of God and the love o his country. Methodists are not committed to the Democratic party, the Republican party, the Prohibition party, the Female Suffrage party, the Greenback party, the Labor Reform party, but are entirely free to remain Methodists and vote according to their conscientious convictions.

Toledo Commercial (Rep.).

THE Prohibition leaders, in accepting the saloon campaign fund, know what is expected of them. They know that they are expected to aim their bows at the Republican party. They may injure the Republicans more than the Democrats in a particular campaign, but the general growth of the Prohibition party is drawn perhaps about equally from both parties.

Chicago News (Ind.).

We have not heard anybody say that, in response to the demand of the "anti-saloon" Republicans, the party bosses have done anything toward taking the saloon-keepers off the county ticket. If we should hear anything of the kind we will hasten to let the people know it. Meanwhile we think the bosses are not paying much attention to the demand.

Wisconsin Prohibitionist.

THE Republican anti-saloon zephyr has passed over the political water, and has gone where all good little breezes go. It was not a breeze directly astern of the good Republican schooner, neither was it dead ahead. It caused some of the crew to "swear a prayer or two." It is but a breath heralding the prohibition gale.

Pittsburgh Penny Press (Rep.).

JUDGE WHITE said to a prisoner in court yesterday that "nothing but the grace of God can save a confirmed drunkard." This is hard on the Prohibitionists, who offer to dispense with the "grace of God" by act of assembly, to cure drunken

ness.

Detroit Tribune (Rep.).

THE New York Independent has finally arrived at the conclusion, after much deliberation, that "the Prohibition party is not a serious factor in American polities," Two years ago the Independent supported St. John.

THE NEXT QUADRENNIAL CAMPAIGN. PUBLIC interest in the candidates and issues for 1888 shows no signs of abatement. Hundreds of pages could readily be filled with speculations on the next Presidential campaign from the columns of political newspapers. We give below our usual carefully-prepared digest of current comment.

COMMENTS ON MR. BLAINE.

Harper's Weekly (Ind.).

WHATEVER may be urged against the Democratic party the fact will be incontestible that the Democratic President has made a profound impression of honest purpose of good government in the interest of the people and not of the party. This fact, contrasted with the peculiar objection to Mr. Blaine, will be of the greatest popular weight. It will be increased by the perception that the President is very much stronger than his party, and has proved his ability to compel its halfreluctant and protesting support. This of itself answers the argument drawn from party, and presents the question for intelligent and patriotic Republicans whether, under the circumstances and against the renominated President, Mr. Blaine is the strongest candidate they can offer. Undoubtedly he will be warmly pressed as the most conspicuous leader, as a great party organizer, as the Republican of the largest and most devoted following, as the only Republican who can command an IrishDemocratic vote; and the strongest appeal of all in a party convention will be the declaration that in view of his defeat in '84 upon personal grounds, to set him aside in '88 will be to acquiesce tacitly in the personal charges against him. Yet that he will be really a stronger candidate in '88, or that the Cleveland administration will have been such as to make the party argument for him more decisive than in '84 can not be supposed. It will be a hundredfold easier to be an Independent in '88 than in '84. Every form of obloquy and blackguardism and falsehood against Mugwumps has been exhausted and it is demonstrated that to vote against an unfit Republican is not to vote for national disaster. Men and brethren, let us reflect upon these things.

Florida Times-Union (Dem.).

BEING asked as to who he thought would be the Republican nominee, Senator Voorhees said: "Mr. Blaine's failure to press his libel suit in Indiana has destroyed his hold on Republicans there." And he expresses the opinion that the Republican party has too much sagacity to nominate him again after his failure in 1884. He added: "For the interest of the Democratic party I hope they may. We will then put the finishing stroke to the Republican party with such effectiveness that you will never hear of it in power again as long as the Democratic party continues its present wise and sagacious policy. The Republicans have a good fighting chance in 1888 with a good nominee, but not with Blaine."

New York Evening Post (Ind.).

THE interesting question is, How far the Republican party in Massachusetts can be converted into a Blaine machine without losing power? The experiment tried two years ago indicated that the danger-point might soon be reached. In 1880 the Republican candidate for President polled 165,205 of the 282,512 votes, and would have had a majority of 47,898 if all the opposition had been concentrated on a single ticket. In 1884 the Republican candidate for President received only 146,724 of the 303,381 votes, and would have lacked 9,933 of a majority in case all who voted other tickets had been united upon one candidate.

Petersburg Index-Appeal (Dem.).

Kansas City Times (Dem.).

Portland Argus (Dem.).

Denver Tribune-Republican (Rep.).

Leavenworth Times (Rep).

Rutland Herald (Rep.).

We are not in the habit of going to the Democratic party for advice, but Democrats are quite in the habit of giving it. They generally advise us to nominate Mr. Blaine for, they say, or "frankly admit" is the way they put it, that no other man can draw out the popular enthusiasm like him.

New York Star (Dem.).

AN enterprising Western journalist polled the Massachusetts Republican Convention yesterday, and discovered that nine-tenths of the delegates favored Mr. Blaine's nomination in 1888. We would like to ask what the Post thinks of the common-school system of Massachusetts now.--New York Mail-Express (Rep.). THE Herald believes that the Democratic candidate can defeat any man our opponents may put in nomination, but nevertheless it would prefer a candidate our ability to beat whom rests, not on faith, but on demonstration. Blaine is that man.-Toledo Democratic Herald (Dem.).

man.

THERE is a vague rumor that the Republicans expect to bring Blaine and Logan to canvass in Tennessee. So far as the Democrats are concerned they will be glad to see them, to hear them, and to vote against their views.-Memphis Ava. lanche (Dem.).

ON the whole, the Portsmouth effort was a better Republican performance than the speech at Sabago lake. Mr. Blaine is not going to get rid of John Sherman as easily as he thinks.--Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.).

SOME time ago the Mugwumps tried to show that James G. Blaine was masquerading in a lion's skin. Their efforts have less weight since he shook his Maine.Washington Hatchet (Ind.).

AS SOON as the Apache Indians register as citizens of Florida, Mr. Blaine should discover a streak of Indian blood in his veins and angle for their votes.-St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

IF Mr. Blaine desires the nomination he can have it. The grand old party everywhere would rally enthusiastically to his support.-Jay A. Hubbell (Rep.).

COMMENTS ON MR. CLEVELAND.

New York Evening Post (Ind.).

Two years hence the Republican and Democratic parties will again appeal to the business men of the metropolis for support, and if the Democrats again nominate Mr. Cleveland, the most powerful argument in his behalf will be the fact that he has placed the custom-house and the post-office upon a business basis. Not only will the men who voted for him in 1884 do so again with enthusiasm, but thousands upon thousands who two years ago doubted either his purpose or his ability to carry out his pledges, will join his original supporters. Apart altogether from the question of honesty involved, and viewed solely as a means of vote getting, no shrewder course could be pursued by a President than that followed by Mr. Cleve land in this matter.

Detroit Tribune (Rep.).

GEN. BEAUREGARD, who is the figure-head of a lottery in Louisiana that is said to have contributed largely to Mr. Cleveland's campaign fund in 1884, informs the public that the President is very popular all over the country and will be re-elected without serious opposition. Beauregard also has original views on civil-service reform. He says the reform is "all right," but the Democrats ought not to be expected to put it into practice until one-half the people who are in are turned out. He evidently appreciates the force of the well-known principle in economics that

"half a loaf is better than no bread."

Chief Clerk Youmans (Dem.) in interview.

THERE has been a wonderful change since the first few months of the adminis tration. I hear nothing but praise for Mr. Cleveland. Among business men, irrespective of party-I don't say irrespective of politics, but irrespective of party. Business men of all shades of politics say that if he will run Mr. Cleveland will, beyond doubt, get another four years at the White House. They say that there is a steady increase in business prosperity, and they feel safe, knowing that no act of the administration will bring about any disturbance of their business.

something which a statesman of the opposition could have afforded to admit. Perhaps, if Mr. Sherman had not been a candidate for the Presidency, he might have done this, and not substituted for it the slang of the stump. He develops the weakness of his cause in the style in which he uses the latter.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.).

If there are two sentiments now among New York Democratic politicians in regard to the renomination of Grover Cleveland there will be only one line of action when the time comes to cast the vote of this State in the next national Democratic convention. The bull that undertook to butt the locomotive off the track did not survive to improve the lesson of its experience, but the lesson remains for the benefit of all intelligent bulls and politicians.

Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (Rep.).

THE President evidently feels that he was specially measured for the official shoes he now has on, and proposes wearing them another four years, unless some bold and ambitious statesman should venture to cut the strings. It is singular how many old Democrats who would pawn their souls to gain the Presidency are being whipped in to announce with apparent enthusiasm that Mr. Cleveland is their man for the next term, and that he is bound to be nominated.

Pittsburgh Chronicle-Telegraph (Rep.).

THE Presidential bee has been buzzing in Hill's bonnet ever since Cleveland's election, and if he sees the ghost of a chance to knock out his corpulent Excellency you can wager he will not hesitate to strike the blow. Cleveland is not going to have a walk-over in 1888, even in the preliminary campaign, and it will require the careful use of all the power and machinery at his command even to secure the nomination.

Washington Gazette (Rep.).

THERE is no discord in the Democratic ranks in New York, except here and there in purely local affairs, and absolutely no opposition to President Cleveland's policy. And the most ridiculous idea that has been advanced for some time is that any other Democrat in New York can get the nomination for the Presidency in a convention when Grover Cleveland will allow his name to be presented as a candidate.

Senator Voorhees (Dem.) in interview.

It was a new departure from to the superior wisdom of the Mr. Cleveland will be renomi

THERE may have been dissatisfaction in the beginning, because the far-seeing policy of the President was not fully appreciated. old-time party methods, but the party now yields President's policy, and is willing to be led by it. nated and will be re-elected.

Henry Watterson in letter to Courier-Journal (Dem.).

ON the whole, the President has made and is making a fairly good record. He is conservative and honest. Without pleasing anybody very much, he appears to have acquired a certain kind of general confidence among the people. If we can elect a Democrat at all in 1888, he would seem, at this present moment, to hold most of the winning cards.

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.). NOTWITHSTANDING Cleveland's present strength with his party, as attested by the expressions gathered from delegates to Democratic State Conventions by GlobeDemocrat representatives, the history of his party's discrimination against Northern Democrats makes it unsafe for him to be oversanguine of success in the next national convention, at least until another year and a half have elapsed.

Springfield Republican (Ind.).

OUT of 300 delegates to the Democratic convention who expressed their Presidential preferences, 236, or about four-fifths, were for Cleveland, 45 were for Hill and the rest were scattering. This shows pretty well what truth there is in the Boston Journal's charge that the majority of the convention had no confidence in the President's Democracy and denounce him in private.

Toledo Blade (Rep.).

THE St. Louis Globe-Democrat's correspondent made an effort to interview one hundred of the leading delegates to the Democratic State Convention of New Jersey, held at Trenton, on September 28, as to their preferences for Presidential nominee in 1888. Over half declined to talk and among the remainder there was a strong current of opposition to Cleveland.

Philadelphia Enquirer (Rep.).

THE lines of the 1888 campaign are being drawn. Candidate Hill has already canvassed the New York county fairs, and Candidate Cleveland will visit the Solid South this month. Inasmuch as he is already pretty solid in New York, this seems to put Mr. Cleveland one move ahead of Mr. Hill.

MR. CLEVELAND is expecting a renomination and is looking to the Mugwumps for it. In other words he believes that the way to secure a renomination is to keep in with the Mugwumps. He relies on the Democrats to keep step to their music. -Pittsburgh Times (Rep.).

It is more than probable, notwithstanding Mugwump opinion to the contrary, that the President will conclude that it is expedient to pay more attention than he has thus far done to the wishes of a majority of his party.-Omaha Bee (Rep.).

CONSIDERING the Presidential possibilities as a Democrat and the conclusion is palpable that the Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson could carry Illinois, and Cleveland and Stevenson would carry the country in 1888.-Illinois State Register (Dem.).

PRESIDENT CLEVELAND is the only politician who uses the barbed-wire enclo

As

AMBITION, the sin by which angels fell, appears to have a firm, enduring grip on the New York Democracy, although they are not peculiarly liable to a suspicion of resemblance to angelic beings, albeit they have "two wings." In the six Presidential campaigns since 1860 New York has furnished the Democratic candidates-McClellan, Seymour, Greeley, Tilden, Hancock, and Cleveland. It is true that McClellan and Hancock were not generally credited to New York, but they were New York men to all intents and purposes. Of these six candidates five were defeated, while the sixth, although backed by the criminally constructed and revolutionary solidity of the South, barely escaped defeat by the votes of a squad of disaffected Republicans and the refusal of the New York postmaster to allow his employes the usual facilities for going to the polls. Undismayed by this gloomy record, the Empire State Democracy proposes to continue business at the old stand, and it is insolently defiant of anything like a hint of competition in furnishing Presidential timber. Mr. Cleveland is booked for '88, and Hill is induced to support him by a pledge, actual or implied, that his turn shall come in '92. regards '96 and 1900 the speculations, not yet made public, are believed to be satisfactory to the New York management generally. New York is a great State, but her ambition is more than commensurate with her greatness in other respects. Although her chief city is the commercial emporium of the country, the monetary center of the republic, the headquarters of importation, and the dictator as to transportation by rail; although the State holds one-tenth of our national popula tion and is equally grand in wealth and wealth-producing industries, her cool assumption of imperial sway in the Federal Government is not viewed with serene satisfaction by the Northwest, the Southwest or the Pacific slope. A careful perusal of the Democratic press of those sections shows that there is vigorous “kicking" against the "undue prominence" of New York in the present administration both as to policies and personnel. Having the Presidency, the Treasury, the Navy, the Public Printer, and many other positions of great power in all branches of the public service, New York is virtually in control of national affairs; her interests are served, her wishes prevail, whether such interests and wishes harmonize or conflict with those of other sections. This is the line of complaint adopted by Democratic organs and the independent Democratic press, and the chorus is becoming loud and strong. But the malcontents, however much they may grumble, whine, and scold at this time and until the summer of '88, will quietly bow their necks to the yoke when the crucial test is applied. The inexorable logic of figures will be as potential two years hence, or four years hence, as it was two or four years ago. "What, though we carry the South and have Indiana for a tail, if we lose New York!" That will be the thought in every Democratic mind. "We must have New York or we are lost." The Empire State will go into the Democratic convention in '88 with its demand for a second nomination for Cleveland, and will be able to show that all the strength which Federal patronage and the prestige of the Federal administration can give are in its possession to be used in the campaign. The Empire State will be emperor in that convention, and its faithful subjects, the South, the West, the far West, and the Slope will humbly bow to the imperial decree. Tammany will grasp the bloody hand of Mississippi, and the Mugwumps will sing psalms, the Democratic procession will move on whether to victory or defeat depends on the capacity of the people of the North to enjoy being humbugged.

SHERMAN AND THE ISSUES OF 1888.
Cincinnati Post (Ind.).

THE speech of Senator Sherman at Portsmouth, O., Tuesday evening, will attract national attention, partly because of Mr. Sherman's prominence as a Republican leader and candidate for the Presidential nomination, partly from the importance of the approaching Ohio election, which will both elect twenty-one members of the next National House, and also indicate to some extent the political condition of the three great parties, and partly because it clearly reveals the line upon which one great section of the Republican party would conduct the next Presidential campaign. In this speech of Senator Sherman six things are very significant: 1. The disfranchisement of the negroes in the Southern States is practically ignored. The inference is clear that Mr. Sherman regards it as an abandoned and valueless piece of campaign ordnance. 2. He attacks the policy of the National Administration in hoarding money in the United States Treasury that, according to promise of the National Democratic Convention, should have been applied to the payment of the public debt. This is the strongest point that can be made against the Administration. It is a two-edged sword. One edge is bad financial policy, and the other edge is a broken pledge and promise. 3. He descends to the ad captandum poppycock about President Cleveland's vetoes of exceptional and unrighteous pension bills. This is unworthy of Senator Sherman's history and fame. 4. He declares that in his judgment the tariff will be the predominant issue in the next one and possibly two Presidential campaigns, which means, of course, that Senator Sherman would fain make it so. The fates are against him. Prohibition will be the issue in the next Presidential campaign. 5. He announces as the currency policy he would adopt the increase of the weight of the silver dollar to make it worth intrinsically as much as the gold dollar. This, again, is bad policy. The true policy is to go into the market of the world and bull silver till the present dollar shall be worth as much for the silver in it as the gold dollar is worth for the gold in it. 6. He utterly ignores the prohibition issue. He does

not even refer to it in his speech. He does, indeed, mention in five words the desirability of "wise and effective temperance laws;" but he goes no further. It is this very timidity, this hiding of the ostrich's head under its wing in the presence of inevitable danger, that will prevent Mr. Sherman from ever becoming more than a leader of the Republican party. It is instructive, in conclusion, to notice the difference in the line of political battle Mr. Sherman has indicated and that outlined by Mr. Blaine. They agree that the Administration should be attacked (1) on the weakness of its foreign policy; (2) on its hoarding of money in the Treasury, contrary to sound financial policy and contrary to solemn promise; (3) on its policy with reference to private pension bills. They also agree that the Democratic party should be attacked on its anti-protective policy with reference to the tariff. They disagree as to the course to be pursued with reference to the treatment of the practical disfranchisement of the negroes in the South, and prohibition. Mr. Sherman would deftly lead the campaign away from those positions. He would even yield them to the enemy if necessary. Mr. Blaine would make them the very front and center of the fight. The rank and file of the Republican party would prefer Mr. Blaine's campaign line to that of Mr. Sherman..

MR. BLAINE'S STRENGTH.

The Irish World (Rep.).

Ir is very amusing to notice the way in which the Democratic and Mugwump organs speak of Mr. Blaine. They all insist that there is not the slightest chance of his ever being renominated in 1888. They never tire of telling us that he is out of the Presidential race. Anything against Mr. Blaine that is printed in the most obscure sheet published in some remote corner of the West is eagerly seized upon and paraded as proof positive that Mr. Blaine is politically dead. If the Mugwumps and their allies, the Democrats, would stop and consider for a moment they would see that their vicious attacks on the foremost leader of the Republican party are calculated to produce an effect quite contrary to the one they desire to produce. Recall the names of the defeated Presidential candidates of the last thirty years. Was there one of them who, after his defeat, was attacked by the victorious party in the way Mr. Blaine has been attacked? Whatever might be said against him in the heat of the campaign the defeated candidate was not assailed after the battle at the polls had been fought out. The only exception to this treatment of defeated Presidential candidates is the man who, two years ago, was the standard-bearer of the Republican party. Here the question suggests itself, Why is not Mr. Blaine treated like other defeated Presidential candidates? The reason is plain enough. It is because Mr. Blaine, unlike other defeated candidates, is as strong politically as he was when he was leading the Republican hosts in a campaign that was lost by the merest chance. The Democratic and Mugwump press know this very well. Hence their persistent attacks on Mr. Blaine. They hope to be able in this way to diminish his influence. The glorious victory in Maine shows that they are hoping in vain. The man they have done their best to injure is more popular to-day than he ever was. If he were not so popular the Democrats and Mugwumps would undoubtedly leave him alone. But they know that so long as he is alive he will be a formidable foe whom they cannot afford to ignore. If he had been badly beaten two years ago he would not now be the target at which the Mugwumps and their Democratic allies are directing their venomous shafts.

THE TARIFF IN 1888.

Brooklyn Times (Rep.).

BLAINE, LOGAN, SHERMAN.

New York Sun (Dem.).

"WILL MARCH WITH A NEW NAME."
Memphis Avalanche (Dem.).

DAN VOORHEES is quoted in Republican papers as saying that Blaine will not be nominated and that Sherman is a man who can unite the Republican party. He is quoted as saying that the stalwarts can take him, the Mugwump will not object, the Blaine men could not object, and he would be strong in the doubtful States of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut. That Blaine will not be nominated is almost certain. He occupies an excellent position from which to dictate the nomination but he can hardly ever grasp it again himself. But Senator Sherman has a record which Republicans will examine by candlelight and by daylight and in all lights many times before they will put him up before the people of the United States. Without going into the campaign slanders which seem to be inevitable and yet do not affect results, there is enough in the very contrast between his refunding of the public debt and the refunding of Windom and in the favoritism of the one and the absence of it in the operations of the other to do him deadly injury at this day, when the public is slowly but surely returning to loftier standards in public life than the "business" standards of the Sherman day in politics. Allowing that there was no personal wrong in it the mere favoritism which gave the bulk of deposits and enormous profits to a single New York bank would shock the sensi tive public of to-day. Besides, Sherman has too clearly and too closely identified himself with the plutocracy. Thousands who will insist on preserving to millionaires as to every man his right to do as he pleases with his own have grown tired of undue privileges to great wealth and the man who, as the "business" man of the Republican party was always the close friend of monopoly, and privilege, and of shoddy, and of plutocracy in America, will lose thousands of Republican votes, gaining from the Democratic party only such as the Standard Oil and Payne class of Democrats might perhaps command if they should follow their natural bent. Mr. Sherman is a very able man. He is the best business man, in many respects, among our public men of to-day. Nobody questions his personal integrity. He will not be nominated. The Republican party will march with a new name on its ticket. It will remember how an obscure man named Hayes led it to victory unlikely that Governor Foraker, a man very much Hayes' superior in every rewhen it had despaired, and then relapsed into merited obscurity. It is not at all spect, will be its nominee.

SHERMAN AND BLAINE.

Boston Post (Dem.).

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WHAT Mr. Blaine did for himself at Sebago Lake, Senator Sherman did for himself in his speech at Portsmouth, O., Tuesday evening. And now that the two rivals for the Republican nomination in 1888 have placed themselves before the public and declared the issues for which they stand, it is not difficult to pass judg ment in favor of Mr. Blaine as the more proficient in political posturing. Senator Sherman, indeed, follows in a fatalistic way the motions described by Mr. Blaine, and is only original when he becomes tedious. He certainly adds nothing to the Sebago Lake proclamation of a high tariff and protection for everybody when he goes on to say that raw material must be taxed as well as manufactured products, for the reason that otherwise "the farmer and the miner would be denied the same degree of protection." Nor does he increase the force of Mr. Blaine's rheto ric with reference to a "strong foreign policy" when he suggests for the better protection of our fisheries the employment of "fewer Confederate brigadiers and more American patriots to represent the administration abroad." regard to what may be called public issues that Mr. Sherman adds in Ohio any thing to that which Mr. Blaine has spoken in Maine. When, however, he comes to embroider his speech with abuse of the administration and with reminiscences of the war of the rebellion, he produces certain points which Mr. Blaine omitted. It has, perhaps, never occurred to any une except Mr. Sherman to sneer at Mr. Cleveland as one who "lived all these years in Buffalo without showing a parti cle of feeling or sympathy for the Union cause, without a name or a record as a citizen or soldier, until he was recently elected sheriff of his county." Nor has it before been stated on such high authority that "Mr. Cleveland has appointed to office rascals without number, more jail-birds, convicts, and defaulters in a year than were appointed by his predecessors in twenty years." These assertions, which can hardly be called criticisms, harmonize with the further declaration that "the restoration to power of the Democratic party is the restoration to power of all