bly, says Mr. Foster, go solid for Sherman. What will Mr. Foster individually do? Oh! ah! "I will, of course, support him in Ohio." "I think," remarked the Fostoria mercantile statesman, "a great majority of the intelligent people of the country would support him. It is true he has but little of the personal following that Blaine has, but he is strong with the right class." The interviewer probably did not quite "catch on" to the significance of that remark about the "right class," for Mr. Foster added explainingly, "He would bring more money from the East than any man that could be found." In other words, Mr. Sherman would be the ideal boodle candidate, and the Ohio Republican workers appreciate a boodle candidate. They have little affection for John Sherman and would do nothing for him on his personal account, but they would grow enthusiastic over the "money from the East" and so would "go solid for Sherman." "But," remarked Mr. Foster sadly, "as matters look now, Blaine will probably be nominated.”

Chicago Tribune (Rep.).

FORTUNATELY the disproportionate increase of Bourbonism as registered at the polls by young voters is about ended, and the next national election will give the Republican party a great accession of strength-an army of youthful Republicans springing from soldier sires and borne by loyal women in the years immediately following the war. In 1888 the patriotic women who wedded soldier lovers at the close of the war will be heard from, and their surviving male children born between 1865 and 1867 will be at the polls with Republican ballots in their hands. Nine out of ten of these young men are Republicans by force of blood, inheritance and early training. Like their sires they will be found battling for the party of nationality and progress. It is, we believe, an accepted law that the return of a soldier after a destructive war is followed by a great predominance of male births, and this fact also augurs most favorably for the Republican party, which cannot fail to gain immensely by the accession of young voters in the next two or three years. The party has passed the trying period wherein the loyal women were able to furnish it only a disproportionate number of recruits, but from this time on the election returns will tell another story.

Chicago Inter-Ocean (Rep.).

THE St. Louis Globe-Democrat of Thursday morning contained interviews with 113 Republicans of Minnesota on the Presidential question. Commenting on these interviews the Globe-Democrat says: "Our representatives report nearly everybody for Blaine in Minnesota. The Globe-Democrat has not been noticed as an ardent Blaine paper, but it will always be found an accurate recorder of current history." Turning to the interviews we find that of the 113 gentlemen expressing their preferences, forty named Logan as their first choice, and of the remaining seventy-three three-fourths named Logan as their second choice. To state the question more explicitly sixty of those interviewed named Blaine as first choice for President, forty named Logan, and the remainder are divided between Sherman, Evarts, Arthur, and Allison. On this showing the Globe-Democrat says editorially that nearly everybody is for Blaine. As an accurate recorder of current history that paper, on its own showing, has no standing.

Washington Dispatch to the Boston Journal (Rep.).

WILLIAM FALK, a prominent merchant of Charleston, passing through Washington on his way back to the stricken city, is not pleased with the President, although he claims to be a life-long Democrat. He says: "One thing seems also to have been pretty well demonstrated by the recent calamity, and that is that our President was not equal to the exigencies of the situation. It was reserved for Queen Victoria to set him the example which common humanity should have dictated, and while our people did not particularly desire pecuniary aid, they thought the President of the United States might have telegraphed his sympathy for their affliction. South Carolinians will not forget this slight in a hurry, and it would not surprise me to see a Cleveland delegation defeated at the primaries before the big convention takes place in 1888."

Cincinnati Post (Ind.).

WHATEVER may be true of the relative merits of Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Blaine the Mugwumps did the Nation a great service by proving that the voters who are willing to leave a party because of what they consider an improper nomination are numerous enough to play an important part in a national election. The result of the Greeley campaign led politicians to believe that independent movements must always be unimportant. The Cleveland campaign has put an end to that notion. Democratic and Republican politicians agree in ridiculing the Mugwump, but they will never forget the lesson that he has taught them. Hereafter the fear of an independent movement will be in the mind of every national convention, and the result must be a preference for unobjectionable candidates. In short, the Mugwump has killed and buried the ancient belief that every voter will accept any ticket that his party writes for him.

Washington Critic (Ind.).

THERE is no large element of the Republican party which will be willing to forego the possibilities of success for an indefinite period, as suggested by Mr. Blair, in order to secure the passage of a Constitutional amendment prohibiting the manufacture of liquors in the District of Columbia and the Territories, or even to bring about high license or local option in the States. The battle of 1888 is to be fought to win, liquor or no liquor. Mr. Blair and his associates will never succeed in so plugging up the nostrils of the politicians as to keep out the savor of the loaves and fishes. The spoils of 1888 are not to be risked upon any hypothesis of realizing a chimera in 1900.

New York Times (Ind.).

THE difference in the sentiment of the parties toward their two strongest men is that confidence in Mr. Cleveland as a man, as President, and as a prospective candidate is visibly increasing, while Mr. Blaine is losing some of his prestige through the growing feeling that after having twice unsuccessfully striven for the nomina

tion for the Presidency and having once been beaten after he had secured it, he has received all that he can reasonably ask at the hands of his party. And this is the feeling of many Republicans who regard all past, present, and future charges affecting Mr. Blaine's moral character as pure campaign invention.

Denver Tribune-Republican (Rep.).

THE Wisconsin Republicans begin to talk of Governor Jere Rusk as a candidate for President. In the convention the, sentiment which kindled most enthusiasm was: "Let us give them the gospel according to Jeremiah." They are half praying for another anarchist outbreak in Milwaukee just before the conventions assemble in 1888. They declare that in that case he would go in with a rush. The country might go further East and fare much worse than to have such a President as Governor Rusk would make. The West deserves the candidate.

Buffalo Courier (Dem.).

THE Democratic party is not numerically strong, certainly not for a party in control of public affairs. It has not carried more than four Northern States in any Presidential contest since 1860, and in the last election success was won by slender pluralities. In New York the party has not had a majority of the total popular vote since 1876, with the exception of the "phenomenal" election of 1882. This is certainly a reason, the force of which will be admitted by all Democrats, why new comers should be cordially welcomed.

Philadelphia Telegram (Ind.).

BECAUSE the people believe very generally that Mr. Cleveland is sincere in what he says regarding civil-service reform, he is now the most popular Democrat in the country, and if the choice of a Democratic candidate for President were to be made to-day, he would be nominated, not because the practical politicians of his party wished it, but because the rank and file of the Democrats would compel it. Mr. Cleveland has the sympathy or his countrymen only because they believe he has tried to do right in this great matter.

Augusta, Ga., Chronicle (Dem.).

We believe that the old Democratic party is in no more danger from St. John's prophecy of disaster than the South is from Wiggins' latest scare-crow. Long after St. John shall have been forgotten, the Democratic party will live and move and have victorious or combative being. Such speeches as St. John is now making ought to warn Senator Colquitt that he has drifted into questionable company, unless, indeed, he agree with Blair and Windom, on the one hand, and the Prohibition Wiggins on the other.

General Logan in an Interview.

DURING the years of 1862, 1863 and 1864 the loyal unmarried men of the country were in the army and at home they were breeding copperheads. These came of age and voted for Cleveland, as I expected. In 1864 and 1865 the soldiers came home, and within twelve months nearly all of them were married. Their boys will cast their first Presidential vote in 1888, and nine out of ten of them are, like their fathers, Republicans. We are as sure to carry the election as the sun is to rise.

Richmond Whig (Dem.).

WHEN the Republican party comes forward in 1888, as it is likely to do, presenting the same old issues, and possibly the same old candidates, and asks the people to reinstate them in the control of the Government, it will be in effect the same as asking them to set aside this policy of honesty and reform in public affairs and restore the regime of corruption, crookedness, and extravagance. Having a choice of a clean administration, can there be any question as to what this decision will be ?

Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (Rep.).

THE gigantic mistake of Logan arose, we believe, first, from an exaggerated idea of "Senatorial courtesy," fructified by a complacent appreciation of the Whitney-Payne social amenities at Washington; and, secondly, from an overheated brain, consequent on his inordinate conceit, which led him into the extraordinary error of supposing that in some darkly mysterious way the attack on the integrity of Payne's seat was a conspiracy against his ever-present Presidential ambition. St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

It seems probable that Mr. Cleveland will not have the support of the South Carolina delegation in the next National Democratic convention. His failure to manifest any concern for the earthquake sufferers has taken the wind out of his boom in the stricken section of country. * * * Those Republicans who want their old ticket in its original shape will have some trouble in converting Senator Logan to their view of the matter.

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.).

Gov. HILL, of New York, is sure of the vote of one State delegation in the next national Democratic convention, if reports be true. Kelly and Doran, the Democratic bosses of Minnesota, have pledged themselves to give the vote of the representatives of that State to Hill for President. As the ability of these individuals to deliver the goods is not questioned, Hill's canvass may be said to have begun promisingly.

Chicago Herald (Ind.).

GOVERNOR HILL only spoke at five fairs last week, and at none of them was there an attendance of less than twelve thousand. As a mixer there are points about David which the average politician will do well to study. He made no reference to politics in any of his orations, but devoted himself entirely to agricultural topics. The cultivation of a boom comes under that head in York State.

New York Herald (Ind.).

GENERAL LOGAN is stumping Pennsylvania for the Republican ticket with evi

THE Providence Journal speaks sneeringly of General Logan's speech before the Society of the Army of the Tennessee, in which he favored the "service pension," as "a characteristic plea." Now look out for the announcement that the Journal will not support Logan if he is nominated for the Presidency.-Providence Star (Rep.).

This is not because He had the luck to

DEMOCRATIC longheads already perceive that President Cleveland is first in the race for the nomination in 1888 and the rest are nowhere. Mr. Cleveland has developed a high order of statesmanship. get in and he has the national patronage to help him to stay in.- Wheeling Intelligencer (Rep.).

How about the boom of Senator Voorhees for the second place on the next National Democratic ticket? The Senator is an avowed protectionist, but as he finds authority for his faith in the Chicago platform, it is plain that the next National Democratic convention could easily shape things to suit him.-Illinois State Journal (Rep.).

IT IS said that Mr. Evarts and Mr. Conkling have determined that Mr. Blaine shall not be nominated a second time by their party. They will find this hard work; but if they succeed the Mugwumps will disappear like sora after a frost.Norfolk Landmark (Dem.).

CLEVELAND and Carlisle against Allison and Morton is the talk at Washington for 1888, according to the New York Commercial-Advertiser correspondent. It must be remembered, however, that the nominations are not made at Washington.-Troy Telegram (Rep.).

MR. MURAT HALSTED discovers that Mr. Cleveland is "sluggish and heavy." Mr. Halstead may have it his way, but he may as well make up his mind that if the present President is sluggish and heavy the next one will be also.-St. Louis Republican (Dem.).

MR. CLEVELAND's renomination would practically settle the question as to the party's endorsation of civil-service reform, and the Mugwump element of the Republicans would support him with increased zeal and vigor.-Petersburg IndexAppeal (Dem.).

"ONLY a bursted boom" is the title of a new song being composed jointly by Edmunds and Logan for the delectation of Jimmy Blaine during the melancholy days from this on until after the next Presidential election.-Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.).

SHERMAN'S friends are not weeping over the result, so far as Blaine is concerned, but while they smile on one side there is a puckering of that corner of the mouth on the side of the eye that looks out toward 1888.-Cambridge, Ohio, Jeffersonian (Dem.).

THE Democrats of Michigan indorse the Cleveland administration because it is in remarkable contrast to those that since 1861 preceded it, but they, nevertheless, are for Gov. Hill for next President of the United States.-Memphis Appeal (Dem.).

ALTHOUGH Grover and David do not speak as they pass by, it is understood that their private secretaries will continue to meet under a flag of truce whenever their chiefs happen to be in the same city, town, or village.-National Republican (Rep.).

GENERAL LOGAN is showing his statesmanship in more ways than one, and in a quiet manner is making a profound impression upon the minds of the people as the available man for President in 1888.-Bloomington, Ill., Leader (Rep.).

EX-SENATOR JOE MCDONALD is mentioned in connection with the Austrian mission, but it is safe to bet that "Old Saddle Bags" wouldn't take the position. He wants to see what will turn up about June, 1888,-St. Paul Press (Rep.).

A QUESTION OF POPULARITY.
Boston Herald (Ind.).

BOTH parties learned early to respect the President's individuality. Whatever might be the points in which he was lacking, it was soon apparent that he had ideas of his own-that he meant to start out in his administration with a policy and a purpose. This development of the kind of man that was to be dealt with gave the politicians of both sides anxiety. The Democrats feared that here was a President who was not to do for the party all that had been hoped for; the Republicans that we had got an Executive at the head of the Government who was to institute those reforms which they had endorsed, but really, so far as their poli ticians were concerned, had little heart to carry out. The one side saw a loss of party patronage threatened; the other saw a loss of party capital in a Democrat appearing as a civil-service reformer. Both sides found cause to change their opinion of the President's ability. It ceased to be the fashion in either quarter underestimate or to disparage this. But it could hardly be said that the President was more popular with the politicians as the result. The Republican politicians had few good words for him, even when they found him embarrassing the politi cians of his own party; the latter were annoyed, despondent, and some of them sulky, in view of his action. Such was the state of affairs throughout the most of the late session of Congress in Washington. Yet in spite of it-perhaps we should rather say because of it-the President was popular with the people. There had not been a week since he had been in office when he had failed to gain friends among the Republican voters of the land. With the average Republican voter, a Democrat is little better than an enemy of his country; but here had come up a Democrat who was proving in Republican eyes to be an exception to the rule. Republicans everywhere were saying that Mr. Cleveland was better than his party, and Republican politicians were reduced to the hope that his party would be strong enough to overcome him, and thus to offset the favor that he was gaining among Republican voters. Yet time went on, and the Democratic party did not overcome him. Nay, more, it began to appear to Democratic politicians that the Presi dent was gaining favor beyond themselves in their own party ranks. Having con. quered so many of the Republican rank and file, he was revolutionizing the Democratic rank and file also. It was developed that the Democrats cared for something besides holding the offices; that they respected the man who was acting out himself, and manfully striving to do his duty by the nation; that they were ready to come up enthusiastically to the support of their own President. The result of the Democratic conventions throughout the land has proved this, and the most obtuse Democratic politician now sees that the greatest strength of his party is in the man at the head of the Government. This is what we mean by the Presi dent's popularity. It is a popularity that is genuine, and rests on a sound basis, that has been abundantly earned by himself. We say this, not as a thick-and-thin indorser of all that Mr. Cleveland has done. He has made mistakes; he has com mitted inconsistencies; he has come short, at times, of the standard he has set for himself. This has afforded opportunities for the criticism of those opposed to him, of which they have made ample use, and in so doing, as might be expected, have exaggerated his shortcomings. The people see this, too, but the people take a broader view of the case. They look behind the mistakes of the man to the purpose that underlies his action, they penetrate his intentions and they appreciate the diffi culties that have attended the carrying of them out; they see in him a President who is honestly and earnestly striving to reform the Government. It is one of the satisfactory signs of the times, in which there are all too few signs that are satisfac tory, that we have a President who has touched the popular sense of manliness, and brought out from it a response to faithful and patriotic efforts on his part to improve the public policy. Politicians may carp at Mr. Cleveland, but they know he has established himself with the people. The respect and esteem in which he is held by Republicans is something which no observant man among them fails to see; the opposition from Democrats that was threatened has ended in unanimous indorsement in every convention held by that party. There has been no man in the Presidency so popular as President Cleveland since the days of Abraham Lin coln. President Lincoln's popularity came from the loyal spirit of the people rallying about the man who was defending the nation's existence. President Cleve land's arises from his sturdy and steadfast effort to follow his own convictions of right, and his statesmanlike appreciation of the need of reform in the government. Denver Tribune-Republican (Rep.).

THE Boston Herald of a recent date contains the following: There is one thing that the sagacious politician of the present period concedes, no heed what may be his political relations. It is the President's popularity with the people. This is one of those facts too apparent to be overlooked or denied.

We shall not presume to deny that this presents a correct view of the situation

in Massachusetts, and, possibly, in the rest of New England; but, whatever the truth may be with respect to New England, we are prepared to deny most emphatically that Mr. Cleveland is popular among the people of the West. Indeed, the very fact that he is popular in New England goes to show that in the West he is not so. We think we can speak with some knowledge of the feeling of Western Democrats toward the President. It is to be presumed that he is not popular among Republicans, because to them he stands as the representative of the Democratic party. But if we are not greatly mistaken he is anything but popular among the members of his own party in the West. The Herald admits that he is disliked by the Democratic party leaders, and it gives this as a reason for his alleged popularity among the people. However it may be in the East, where the Mugwumps are indigenous, this is not sound reasoning in Western politics. It is true of both of the great parties in the West that the rank and file are as strong partisans as are the so-called leaders. There are thousands of Democrats who are as much in sympathy with their party as an organization as the leaders are. Therefore, if it be admitted that the President is disliked by the leaders because he has refused to properly recognize the party, it must also be admitted that for the same reason he is unpopular with the rank and file. There are several reasons why Western Democrats dislike Mr. Cleveland. His policy with regard to silver is one cause of his unpopularity. Whatever Eastern bankers, bondholders, and journalists may think upon the silver question, the fact remains that in the West the people are in favor of the unlimited coinage of silver dollars. Another cause of the President's unpopularity is his autocratic, dictatorial manner of administering his office. IIe seems to be continually desirous of restricting the powers of Congress and of usurping legislative powers. This was shown by his vetoes, not only of pension bills, but also of bills for the erection of public buildings in the West. But probably the most potent reason of the President's unpopularity is his ignorance of the West and of Western interests. Possibly this is an ignorance which the Herald shares with him. That he is thus ignorant is not surprising, because he has never been as far West as Pittsburgh. But he is without excuse for not having visited the West. It is now nearly two years since he was elected President of the United States. In that time he has had ample opportunity of seeing the entire Union, and he received this year numerous invitations to spend his summer vacation on this side of the Allegheny mountains; but he would not come, choosing rather to fish for trout-and with worms-in the Adirondacks. The truth is that Mr. Cleveland is President of the East only, and he cares but little about the West or what may become of it.

Washington Post (Dem.).

ON resuming his desk, the President may be sure of one thing-that his popularity has suffered no abatement during his absence, but that his reputation as a wise, independent and prudent Chief Magistrate, which was established by his treatment of public affairs last winter, has continued to gather momentum every week. He would have polled a larger vote last spring than when he was elected, and he would get a more general support to-day than last spring. And the Democratic candidates who are running for Congress in every State, whether spoilsmen or reformers, and whatever wing of the party they support, rely for election on the prestige of his success and the magic of his name.

New York Tribune (Rep.).

Is Mr. Cleveland popular with his party? Here is a straw showing how the wind sets in that quarter. In secret conference the other day the Democratic State committeemen resolved upon a resolution approving the Administration. But when they met in committee the resolution was not proposed. The truth seems to be that the Hill men, who are known as most astute politicians, finally decided that it would not do to approve Mr. Cleveland's work at Washington, especially in regard to civil service. Hence the words of praise for the dead Democratic statesmen, but none for the living Democratic President.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.).

NOTHING has occurred to impair the fact that the Democratic party is strong because of the Democratic President, and that he is stronger with the people than his party is. He will find every reason to continue his course of adhering in rule to the pledges he made and to the expectations which he aroused, as a reform Governor and as the reform candidate of the people for President. If he perseveres in being the President of the people, he will be the kind of President that all the savory influences in the Democratic party desire and regard with confidence and affection. He need not concern himself about the future. The future is assured so far as he is concerned, if he lives, and the future of his party is assured, if it has the sense to go on in his course. We hope Mr. Cleveland will persist "in being just like himself," only more so. He has the warrant to be and to do that from the response of the people and from the wish of the people. Just in proportion as he does so will he treat the insolence of spoilsmen, the importunities of self-styled organizations, and the greed and demands of professional almoners or self-constituted conduits of offices, from Brooklyn or elsewhere, as they deserve to be treated. Returned with strengthened health and unabated purpose of duty, the President may rest assured that his fellow-citizens esteem the administration which he is giving of his constitutional powers in precisely the degree to which its progressive Democratic quality and pronounced reform character are suffused with his wholesome, rugged, and earnest personality.

Detroit Tribune (Rep.).

SUMMED up, what has President Cleveland done to merit the favor of the people? Nothing, absolutely nothing. He has done nothing that any other sheriff could not do. He has not shown the first qualification of a statesman. Some of his acts have been stupid beyond compare. Some of them have been simply brutal. Under his administration there have been more strikes and more trouble at home and with neighboring powers than we have seen in many years. During the progress of the great strike in the southwest we actually had no President. During the terrible struggle with the Chicago anarchists we had no President. During the

recent trouble with Mexico we had no President. In fact this country is to-day without a President except in name. All Cleveland has done since his inauguration has been to his discredit, except his marriage with an estimable lady and his frequent departures from the White House. Whatever of success and glory may be achieved by him as the Chief Executive will be found in the channels of perfect dormancy. For him to attempt to become a real live President of force and convictions would be to credit himself with powers which he does not possess. If any Democratic organ can prove by his record that this is not a just and fair estimate of Grover Cleveland we invite the proof. If by his fruits we shall know him he is

not only a lamentable failure as a President but he is a gigantic fraud as a reformer, with no moral or political record that even his best friends dare ask their children to pattern after. He is an experiment without hope.

SUGGESTIONS FROM TENNESSEE.
New York Star (Dem.).

NOTHING more deliciously exhilarating than the present gubernatorial campaign in Tennessee has ever come within our political experiences. The manner in which the Taylor brothers are canvassing that State; their breezy way of going arm in arm to the various meetings; the innocent pride they take in each other; their punctilious niutual respect; the affectionate fury with which they assail one another's party convictions, and the jealous vigilance with which each watches for and resents the smallest indignity shown to the other-these are features quite without precedent in political contests of which we have any knowledge. It is no exaggeration to say that the whole country is looking on with an emotion composed equally of amusement and delight, and that the victorious gladiator in this unique combat will be hailed with unfeigned joy by men of all parties and factional subdivisions. But while these jocund brothers are thus conducting their own immediate rivalry, are they not at the same time setting the example of another and a better fashion for us all? Why should not every campaign be as kindly and as courteous as theirs has been? Why should not opposing candidates be just and generous toward each other? And why can not all this be achieved without abatement of earnestness or compromise of principle on either side? Why, indeed? It seems to us, in fact, that every useful end would be promoted by such means. The people would have presentations of public questions unclouded by passion, and they could form their estimates of public men with fairness and intelligence. Under such a system the tone of political contests would be elevated, the atmosphere would be cleared. And it would soon come to pass that no man of evil record and ignoble aims would dare to face the searching earnestness of popular inquiry; for nothing is more certain than that bad men are the beneficiaries and bad government the fruit of ignorance and prejudice and rancor in politics. Tennessee has offered a valuable suggestion in most joyous and attractive guise. Let us consider it.

Boston Transcript (Ind.).

THE red lily was the crest of Florence, the violet was the badge of the Bonapartists, and now the white rose, which was once the flower of the exiled house of Stuart, is the emblem chosen by the Tennessee Democrats. The Republicans, have retorted by adopting the red rose, and the scene at one of the meetings where the Taylor brothers speak reminds one of a benefit night at a theater when the star has bought up all the flowers in the city for unsolicited testimonials and spontaneous tributes. At one of the meetings fifty-three young ladies, clad in white, and wearing wreaths of white roses, greeted Bob Taylor, and there were red robes and red roses to delight the eyes of Alf. The campaign is a war of the roses, and the lines drawn are no longer between the black and the white, but between the white and the red. A Republican partisan might say that the Tennessee Democrats were in accord with traditions in choosing the color of the Bourbons for their distinguishing badge, and that the restoration of the party to power was like that of the house of Stuart, who wore the white rose, and was destined to be of as brief and troubled duration. But historical parallels are often loaded, and are not carlessly to be handled. Whichever is elected in Tennessee, the other brother can say, in the language of Matthew Arnold-slightly altered for the

occasion

"Strew on him roses, roses,

And never a spray of yew; In quiet he reposes,

And serves him rightly, too."

A CONSERVATIVE COMMUNITY.

Atlanta Constitution (Dem.).

Of the five congressional districts in the city of Philadelphia the Republicans control four and the Democrats one. The city Republican conventions last Wednesday nominated for the Fiftieth Congress Henry H. Bingham, Charles O'Neill, William D. Kelley, and Alfred C. Harmer. The Democrats in Mr. Randall's district have as yet taken no formal action, but his renomination and election are foregone conclusions. The entire congressional delegation from Philadelphia will thus remain unchanged. These gentlemen who have already served remarkably long terms are assured of at least two years more in the harness. At the end of that time Judge Kelley will have been in Congress twenty-six years; Mr. O'Neill, twenty-four years; Mr. Randall, twenty-four years; Mr. Harmer, sixteen years, and General Bingham, ten years, making a total of just one hundred years in Congress for these five members, or an average of twenty years each. This record is unparalleled in the history of any community in the United States. A seat in Congress is seldom held as long as ten years, and the spectacle of five men in a bunch whose average tenure is twenty years is indeed remarkable. Philadelphia is a conservative city even in politics. Philadelphia is also a smart city, and knows when it has a good thing.

MISCELLANEOUS.

THE UNITED STATES FISH COMMISSION.-The work of Professor S. F. Baird as United States Commissioner of Fish and Fisheries is popularly thought of mainly as one of propagation and the restocking of vacant streams with fish, but at the beginning the commission did not mean to undertake any such labor. The duties of the commissioner were defined by the law of February 9, 1874, creating his office, to be an investigation whether any and what diminution of food fishes of the coasts and lakes of the Union had taken place, and to inform Congress what ought to be done about it.

Only a short time had elapsed, however, after the appointment of the commissioner before a proposition was made by the American Fish-Cultural Society, which resulted in an appropriation by Congress, and instructions requiring Baird to begin the introduction and propagation of useful fishes throughout the country. The inland streams and the Great Lakes received the earliest attention in this direction, carp, trout, salmon, and white-fish being raised in Government hatcheries and distributed. Such hatcheries now exist in all parts of the country, and the most beneficial results have followed in the restocking of depleted waters. Parallel with this, and necessary to its success, went constant study into the characteristics and habits of the fresh-water fishes, the earlier reports teeming with this kind of information. Professor Baird had been a student of fishes for many years, and for ten years anterior to his appointment as commissioner had spent each summer in scientific study on the northern coast. He well knew, therefore, the bulk and value of the sea fisheries of New England, and had been watchful of their decrease in some directions. To these the commission therefore turned early and earnest attention. At Gloucester and other fishing ports statistics and information were gathered at all seasons. In addition, the commission each summer established itself at some shore station, and by spade, net, and dredge, dissecting knife, microscope, and experiment, made itself thoroughly acquainted with the whole life of the ocean adjacent to the shores, seeking to discover the breeding, migratory, or feeding habits, the subsistence, enemies, or associates, and the influences generally which affected the presence or absence, plenty or paucity, of all the cetaceans, fishes, mollusks, and crustaceans useful to us. An enormous quantity of specimens of marine life were gathered-hundreds of novel forms every year. These were all properly preserved for the National Museum, while any duplicates obtained were distributed to prominent institutions of learning throughout the country, thus bringing to the assistance of teachers and learners everywhere (and especially in the interior) specimens of many classes of animal life wholly inaccessible to the ordinary collector. Probably half a million specimens have thus been sent out by the National Museum-a fact not generally known.

At each summer station a temporary laboratory would be fitted up, where the staff of naturalists and experimenters could work. This staff includes not only those few in pay of the commission, but many volunteers-special students or teachers in colleges who were glad to contribute their help in order to get sight of the pelagic zoology and profit by it. This volunteer contingent increases from year to year, to the advantage of the Government work, as well as to those who embrace the opportunities offered by the operations of the commission; and as the latter are principally teachers, the good they get is passed on to their classes in better and better instruction. This is another important educational influence exerted by this bureau.

A third flows from the elaborate publications of the commission. The annual reports since 1871 number twelve illustrated volumes averaging 1,000 pages each; since 1881 five illustrated volumes of bulletins-publications distributed at frequent intervals to persons specially interested, a signature at a time-each containing 500 pages. There are other publications. In these pages is contained a vast quantity of exact scientific and thoroughly practical information, written by specialists or translated from investigators abroad, which forms the basis not only, but almost the entirety, of what is known in regard to the fisheries and deep-sea life of our Atlantic and inland waters.

any ocean.

Dredging and net-towing were at first done by hand from row-boats or hired sail-boats. Then the Navy Department loaned a little steamer or two, and deeper water could be traversed. Finally the commission got money to build or buy steamers of its own, of which it now has four. One of them-the Albatross--is a splendid sea-going vessel of a thousand tons, fitted with every modern appliance for the dredging, sounding, and experimental fishing in the profoundest parts of Her work has been mainly in the Gulf Stream, and in the deep waters surrounding the Antilles, and has been highly successful. To do the oceanic work of the commission, and take care of its steamers and property, it became necessary to fix upon a settled sea-shore station, and Wood's Holl, at the heel of Cape Cod, was chosen as the best point. The water there is of remarkable clearness and salinity-qualities needful in hatching the delicate eggs of fishes like the cod, which is carried on there; it is comparatively warm, since the southerly currents are drifted in, while the arctic current is fended off by the Cape, and the sea fauna and flora are remarkably rich in consequence. The abundance of aquatic life in Vineyard Sound is amazing. The excellence of the harbor and easy accessibility of the station are also advantages. The expenditures of the Fish Commission since its organization have amounted to about $3,000,000, and no waste, much less any fraud, has been charged in regard to a dollar. It is doubtful whether even the "private business man," of whom one hears so much nowadays, could have set up this station for what it has cost the Government (less than $75,000, all told, if I am not mistaken); and it is certain that no one could manage it more economically, and that no investment of an equal sum by the Government is productive of greater or more wide-spread benefit.-Ernest Ingersoll, in Harper's Weekly.

THE MORPHINE MANIA IN PARIS.-Count Bethleu, a Hungarian nobleman residing in Paris, but who during the summer months sojourns in Hungary, not long ago related to a Pesth journalist the following particulars: It is no secret that

very many Parisian women carry about them a small ivory syringe; in this deli cate toy is contained morphia, and it may often be remarked how ladies avail themselves at convenient opportunities, altogether without gene, to take out this little trinket, and give themselves a prick in the arm or wrist with it. But ere long these little pricks no longer suffice to stimulate the nerves of the votaries of the habit the dose is too small. Then it is necessary to have recourse to recently established morphine institutes, where old women, under the name of "Morphineuses," carry on their profession, and give the Parisian dames pricks in the the arm and breast, according to all the rules of the art. Not long since, a wellknown lady invited me to accompany her to one of these establishments. I complied with the invitation and saw there some fearful revelations. We drove to a distant quarter of the city, at the corner of a gloomy street the lady made the coachman stop, we got out and continued our way on foot. On the expiration of about ten minutes we reached an unobtrusive house, and after a loud ring at the bell we were admitted. At the door, however, the lady was obliged to present her card of introduction. At length the apartments of the "Morphineuse" were thrown open to us. We traversed a long, narrow corridor and entered a spacious reception-room. In the middle of the room stood a large iron stove, whose ruddy glow constituted the only illumination of the apartment. Around and against the walls were placed well-cushioned couches; I observed several women sitting or reclining upon them. They presented, generally, a repulsive appearance to me. Their eyes were hollow, their complexions wan and cadaverous; they looked at each other listlessly and without a smile, and most of them were agitated by convulsive movements, which I could not explain to myself. One had an extinguished cigarette in her mouth, and swung her arms about her impatiently, while others murmured to themselves unintelligible words; and, now and then, screamed out so loudly as almost to stop the course of my blood through my veins. A blonde, richly dressed, had the upper portion of her corsage open, and was pressing her hand upon a white, emaciated bosom. Suddenly a side door opened, a brilliant light streamed from the next room into the dismal apartment, and an extremely beautiful woman passed with hurried and elastic step through it. Her lips were red and pulpy, her eyes flashed and beamed. "Another of these ladies, in a few minutes," whispered my companion to me, "will be just as beautiful." All the ladies arose and rushed like furies to the threshold of the adjacent room, upon which an old woman appeared, with a lamp in her hand. She was enveloped in an old Indian shawl, and she gazed with satisfaction at the retreating form of the beautiful woman who was hurrying off. My turn! my turn!" screamed the ladies, pushing and elbowing each other aside. At length the old woman took one of the ladies by the hand and led her into the next room. As the door closed behind them, I heard the latter exclaim, "At least, Madame Claire, at the very least, three pricks on the arm and bosom!"-Translated from the Buda-Pesth (Hungary) Zeitung for Public Opinion.

THE MONARCHS OF THE SEA.-Ocean travel is rapidly changing, and the steamboat is improving as fast as the railroad train. The first ocean steamer was built near New York in 1819, and she made a trip across the Atlantic one year later. She was named the Savannah; she was of 380 tons burden, and when she came into Liverpool, after a passage of twenty-five days, she was the wonder of all the world. The big ocean steamship of to-day is of from 4,000 to 8,000 tons, and she makes her passage from New York to Queenstown in from six days and a few hours to twelve or thirteen days. Some shipowners now assert that the passage across the Atlantic will soon be made in four days, and the engineer of this vessel tells me that fast ocean travel is fully as safe, though more expensive, than slow travel. The coal consumed by the seven days' steamers is nearly three times as much as that consumed by the ten days' steamers, and fuel is one of the largest items in the cost of steamship travel. Some of the fast Cunard steamers burn 340 tons of coal a day, whereas the City of Richmond, of about the same size, but a ten days' steamer, requires only from 100 to 110 tons per day. It costs about $5 a ton to buy this coal and put it in the furnances of the ship's engines, so that the difference between the seven days' and the ten days' steamers in the cost of coal alone is over $1,000 per day. Can you appreciate how much 300 tons of coal a day means? Fifteen tons of coal is a yearly allowance for a small family in an eight-room house. The daily consumption of the Etruria would keep twenty such families for a year, and the 1,300 tons which this ship carries on each trip would more than supply a village of eighty families for that time. The coal used here is slack. It is stored in great vaults, and fifty-four men are required to put it in the furnaces. The ship has twenty-seven furnaces, each of which is as big around as a ton of hay on a farmer's wagon and about twice as long. They are away down in the bottom of the ship, and as I crept in and out among them, by the aid of the chief engineer and his lantern, and saw the blaze of their entrances, felt the consuming heat of their surroundings, and talked with the sweaty, sooty men who were kept at them all day shoveling coal, Dante's Inferno did not seem very far off, and Hades was personified before me. The faster steamers have 100 men to attend to their furnaces. They must be kept going night and day, and the labor is very hard. The furnaces are so hot that the men must drink great quantities of water, and here they mix the water with oatmeal, and each man consumes gallons daily. This is necessary to keep up the perspiration. In such a heat if a man cannot sweat he will die. * * * Last year over 280,000 steerage passengers were brought to America, which, at $20, would make $5,600,000 paid out by emigrants to the steamship companies. Of these 68,000, in round numbers, came by the North German Lloyd from Bremen, and twenty odd thousand each by the Red Star, White Star, and Inman lines. The Cunard carried only 16,000, and the other great lines less. The North German Lloyd leads the ships of the world as an American emigrant line, but this is probably due to the fact that the bulk of emigrants come from the German countries. Frank G. Carpenter, in Foreign Letter.

ARE WOMEN FAIRLY PAID?-In 1880, in the United States, 14,744,942 males and 2,647,157 females were working for gain out of a total of about 26,000,000 persons of each sex. About 1 in 10 females and 3 in 5 males are toilers for hire or profit. In New York, out of 2,031,369 females over ten years of age, there were

* * *

360,381 money makers, while a male population of 1,950,059 contained 1,524,264 toiling for gain. There were therefore 1,670,988 women and 425,795 men not productively employed or whose toil was not for sale. In professional and personal service-the life nearest like that of a wife or daughter in the household, as it involves no risk and little heavy toil, and gives wide room for personal favor in selection-the women rise to 205,829 and the men to 332,068. How closely women in their choice of work adhere to the family order, even when out of the family, is shown by the fact that in the United States 12,294 women to only 1,189 males find work as nurses, 108,198 women to 13,774 men work as launderers, 938,910 women to 136,745 men work as domestic servants, 1,615 women to 781 men work in charitable institutions, 12,313 women to 6,475 men keep boarding-houses, and 13,182 women to 17,295 men teach or live by music. On the other hand, in trade and transportation in New York, there are 324,304 males and 15,215 females. In manufactures, mechanics and mining there are 492,674 males and 137,190 females. Thus women seeking employment gravitate toward the family type in their selection, and virtually say: "If we can not have households of our own we will toil as nearly in the household as we can." The industrial question is, therefore, How many women outside the family can be employed in a manner essentially like employment in the family? Woman's offer of labor in the market is not free as is that of a man-"I will do all work," but is encumbered by this condition: My work must be womanly work, i. e., it must resemble as nearly as possible that which woman performs in the family." But woman in the family is a gratuitous worker, i. e., she works for love, affection and favor, and takes her pay in kindness, generosity and assiduous sex-worship and indulgence, and not in wages. Hence the 360,381 women in New York who offer to toil for hire really offer to compete with and underbid the 1,670,988 women who ask no wages, and who can at a pinch do the same things for affection or "to help along," as these toilers offer to do for hire only. This arises from the limitation set by the women seeking employment saying "Our employment must be womanly," meaning it must be like in kind and quality to that which the 1,670,988 women who work for, affection can do or are doing. But all workers know how depressing on wages it is to work against a vast force of gratuitous labor. A disfranchised class. is always an oppressed class, and the fact that women have no political power is no doubt a constant factor in the problem. Work that is properly remunerated is a blessing, not a martyrdom. As woman has entered the arena of competitive toil, she ought to be allowed proper preparation for the contest, equality of protection, and adequate weapons for the warfare.-Lillie Devereux Blake in The Forum. PROF. ELY ON ARBITRATION.-Prof. Richard T. Ely gives a critical and historical summary of abitration in the October North American Review. He regards the labor problem "as many-sided. "Viewed from one standpoint, it is the temperance question; from another, the family question; from a third, the personal purity question; from a fourth, the wages question; from a fifth, the educational question; from a sixth, the international-peace question; from a seventh, the protective-tariff question; from an eighth, the municipal administration question--and so on through an entire list of questions which concern the welfare of human society." Prof. Ely thinks there is no cure-all for the evils of industrial society, but that there are many things which may be done to prevent disaster and promote sound development, and that one of them is arbitration. He says: "Its purpose is to do away with certain facts in industrial life, indicated by the words strikes and lockouts, or a suspension of production on account of differences between employer and employed. Strikes and lockouts have played a role in the regulation of the supply and demand of the commodity, labor. The situation is this: Capital and labor are indispensable factors in production, but they are supplied by different parties whose interests are parallel only to a certain point-namely, such a management and utilization of economic power as will secure, other things being equal, the largest possible product-after which they diverge more or less sharply-namely, when the product must be divided between those who furnish capital and those who furnish labor. If laborers demand a larger share than capitalists will grant, and refuse to supply labor under less favorable conditions, the result is a strike. When capitalists refuse to grant so large a proportion of the product for labor as the laborers have heretofore received, and will not continue to supply capital on any terms which laborers will accept, the result is a lockout. * If honest employers and honest workingmen are brought nearer together, we may hope that both classes will learn that their interests really run parallel in many respects—even if they are not always identical—and that they will learn that it will accrue to the decided advantage of both to unite all their forces and turn them against the enemies of society; the robbers of all degrees; the pirates of every rank who prey alike upon labor and capital; the theoretical anarchists, in the lower walks of life, who would overthrow our institutions and demolish the accumulations of centuries; the yet more dangerous practical anarchists in the higher ranks, who actually do trample the laws and constitutions under their feet, and defile the purity of justice at its very source."

66

*

*

FAMILY LIFE AND NATIONAL LIFE.-There are at the present time very few intelligent well-wishers of the community who desire to ignore or abolish family life. The few abortive attempts that have been made in this direction have ended with such utter discomfiture that most of both leaders and adherents have retired from the contest, convinced at least of its present inefficiency, if not of its intrinsic banefulness. Yet, while the importance of the family for the work of training children and its power as a promoter of human happiness are generally admitted, its value to the State, in establishing good government and promoting loyal allegiance to it, is not always fully understood or appreciated. The nation is a collection of groups, more or less numerous, each of which is subdivided, the smallest and primary one being the family. It is not too much to say that this smallest group gives the tone to all the rest. It is of all the most important, for it deals with the very beginnings of life, forming habits and inculcating principles which are to be handed down from generation to generation. The organization, the methods, the -ends and aims of a good family are largely analagous to those of a good government. In both, those who are supposed by their superior age or wisdom to be the most capable are directors; the others are directed. In both, authority is only ex

erted for the good of the whole, and the largest freedom compatible with just dealings is vested in each individual. In both, the aims are protection, education, justice, peace, and order. The best son-he who has learned to pay loving filial obedience where it is due, to control himself, and to render services of good-will and affection in the home, will make the best citizen, for just the qualifications that his home training has developed are those most needed in his relations with the larger community. So the best father-he who governs his children only for their good, and not for any desire of domination, who unites wisdom with love, and gentleness with firmness, will, other things being equal, always make the best director in public affairs, for the same characteristics are needed in the smaller and the larger sphere. And as a good son has in him the elements of a good father, and he who has learned to obey is best fitted to command, so the private citizen who most perfectly fulfils the duties he owes to his family will in general be best fitted to wield power or to administer justice in public affairs.—Philadelphia Public Ledger.

A REMARKABLE WOMAN.-—-A woman with a remarkable career has lately died in Cochin China. She was known as Madame Dr. Ribart, and was a surgeon of considerable skill, while her experience was one that no other woman has ever had. Beginning as a waitress in a little drinking shop of the Quartier Latin of Paris, she passed, while still very young, through the usual experiences of a Parisian grisette and became connected with a medical student who frequented the shop. Her instinct was irresistible. No sooner did she come in contact with his books and instruments than she fell upon them and literally devoured the knowledge they contained. She availed herself of his teaching, too, and drew from him everything that he learned, so that by the time she had reached the age of twenty-six she presented herself for examination as a surgeon and passed the ordeal brilliantly and triumphantly. She soon recognized the field that lay open before her in the Egyptian harems, to which male surgeons were not admitted, and where women suffered unspeakable torments for the lack of proper attendance. At Cairo she speedily established a large practice and had every prospect of doing well, but her early-formed habits of dissipation had become rooted and were unconquerable. She plunged into inconceivable debaucheries. Her career of vice brought her to an Egyptian mad house. After six months of this severe but sanitary regimen she recovered her mind. She made her way out to the French colony in Cochin China. Here her talents and her beauty won her instant recognition. The old Queen Mother of Annam had been blind for years and hailed with delight the prospect of relief held out to her by the French physician. Madame Ribart, however, died suddenly the day before the operation was to be performed. Probably no European woman ever knew so much of the inner life of the harem in the East and its dark side as this ex-grisette.—European Mail.

SCIENTIFIC.

-METEORS OR SHOOTING-STARS.-I. The luminous meteor-tracks are in the upper part of the earth's atmosphere. Few, if any, appear at a height greater than one hundred miles, and few are seen below a height of thirty miles from the earth's surface, except in rare cases, when stones or irons fall to the ground. All these meteor-tracks are caused by bodies which come into the air from without.

2. The velocities of the meteors in the air are comparable with that of the earth in its orbit about the sun. It is not easy to determine the exact values of those velocities, yet they may be roughly stated as from fifty to two hundred and fifty times the velocity of sound in the air, or of a cannon-ball.

3. It is a necessary consequence of these velocities that the meteors move about the sun and not about the earth as the controlling body.

4. There are four comets relating to four periodic star-showers that have occurred on the dates of April 20th, August 10th, November 14th, and November 27th. The meteroids which have given us any one of these star-showers constitute a group, each individual of which moves in a path which is like that of the corresponding comet. The bodies are, however, now too far from one another to influence appreciably each other's motions.

5. The ordinary shooting-stars in their appearance and phenomena do not differ essentially from the individuals in star-showers.

6. The meteorites of different falls differ from one another in their chemical compositions, in their mineral forms, and in their tenacity. Yet through all these differences they have peculiar common properties which distinguish them entirely from all terrestrial rocks.

7. The most delicate researches have failed to detect any trace of organic life in meteorites.

These propositions have practically universal acceptance among scientific men. We go on to consider others which have been received with hesitation, or in some cases have been denied.

With a great degree of confidence we may believe that shooting-stars are solid bodies. As we see them they are discrete bodies, separated even in prolific starshowers by large distances one from another.-Hubert A. Newton, LL.D., in the Popular Science Monthly (October).

VOTING BY ELECTRICITY.—At the mechanical exhibition at the Palais de l'Industrie in Paris, there is exhibited a machine for registering votes, which will, it is said, be shortly installed in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. Its object is to obviate mistakes, the loss of time, and the necessity of the members leaving their desks to record their votes. The machine, which is the invention of M. Debayeux, is worked by electricity, and the vote of a full house, it is said, may be made known by this means in less than five minutes. The arrangement of the apparatus is as follows: In front of each seat three contact makers are placed, the knobs being marked "Yes," "No," and "Abstention." Only one of the pushes can be depressed at one time, and neither of them can be used more than once, until they