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party in New York as in Richmond. It means further, in the light of the platform, that the socialistic and agrarian elements are in control of the new party there, and are running the machine upon principles contrary to ideas of right and justice, and contrary to the genius of our free institutions. This movement is but a symptom of the disorders which now afflict the body politic. The remedy is simple; let Democrats stand by their colors.

New York Graphic (Dem.), September 28.

MR. GEORGE ostensibly regards his prospects of success in the coming contest with the utmost satisfaction and complacency. In fact, he seems to think that he is already as good as elected. From one point of view it is sad to contemplate such a spectacle. It does not require any large knowledge of political affairs to foresee that he will not stand much chance of winning a campaign on such an ab surd and revolutionary platform as that upon which Mr. George bases his hopes of an election. Rank socialism and communism such as are enunciated in the plat form of the Labor party of this city can never command the support of the free American workingmen.

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New York Evening Post (Ind.), September 24.

THERE is nothing very serious, and, indeed, little that is very comprehensible, in the platform, except the proposal to abolish all taxes on "buildings and improveand tax the land only. The feeling throughout this State, however, especially among the farmers, that personal property is not taxed sufficiently, now is so strong that this plan of not only making buildings personal property, but exempting them from taxation, is not likely to get very much nearer to realization in our time. The rest of the document is given up to the general "arraignment" of wicked men and bad laws, in which all platform-makers delight.

New York News (Dem.), September 26.

-MR. GEORGE has written learnedly and well in behalf of the interest in behalf of labor, but it has not yet been demonstrated that he has administrative qualities. It is one thing to elaborate a theory on paper and another thing to give it beneficent practical demonstration. As a rule American workingmen do not embark impulsively upon political experiments, and the most of them in this city will, no doubt, abide with the partisan organizations with which they have been identified, unless induced to desertion by the discords of the factions, and by unworthy and unpopular nominations.

Chicago Times (Dem.), September 27.

MR. GEORGE and his supporters are doubtless doomed to disappointment whatever the result of the election. His candidacy is a mistake from whatever point of view it is regarded. It will do the trades-unions of New York no good to make him mayor, for he will be unable to do anything for them in that office. It will certainly not promote their "cause" to be beaten. The entire movement is based on false conceptions of the province of government, and erroneous ideas as to the relations of the citizen to the State, for the prevalence of which Mr. George himself is largely responsible.

Harrisburg Telegraph (Rep.), September 27.

It is just as well that Henry George should be a candidate for mayor of New York, because the vote he will receive will to some extent reveal the strength of the element in this county that believes in George's modification of the doctrine that "private property is robbery." According to George the Government should own all landed property, the private citizen none. By that means he would give every man a home whether he was worthy of one or not, we suppose. The idle and vicious would have like provision with the industrious and virtuous.

Boston Transcript (Ind.), September 24.

As Mr. George would not consent to run except the names of thirty thousand men pledged to his support could be obtained, his candidacy is no joke. In the present division of parties Mr. George's thirty thousand men, should they stick, might put him pretty near the mayoralty, as such a number would be a great temptation for some of the factions. Mr. George is an avowed, but purely theoretical, socialist, and but for that fact it might be a good thing to have all the other parties in the metropolis demoralized by a Workingmen's movement in his favor.

Washington Star (Ind.), September 24.

AS LONG as the workingmen of New York city feel that they must have a political party organization exclusively their own, they could not have found a name to head their ticket more acceptable in every respect and to all classes than that of Henry George. The vote yesterday on his nomination for mayor was significant and of good omen. If another great labor movement in local politics is to sweep through the country like that of 1877-'78 it is well that its beginnings should be so entirely creditable.

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Chicago News (Ind.), September 25.

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MR. GEORGE's nomination is an omen of the advent of a class of men in American politics such as the last few years has brought to the front in the English parliaThis country must also have its Broadhurts and Burts, its Liecesters and Crawfords, and Wilsons and Macdonalds-men who, from the loom and the pit, the quarry and the smithy, have taken their places in the councils of the nation, serving on commissions with princes and teaching them, and filling offices in the administration and gracing them.

Charleston News and Courier (Dem.), September 28.

Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.), September 27.

It is, of course, impossible to give any estimate of what Mr. George's vote will but it will prove a surprise to good judges if it shall fall short of twenty thou sand, and his friends claim twice that. If the two branches of the Democracy could get together upon one good candidate they ought to have no difficulty in winning, for they have a majority of fully thirty thousand votes to spare. If they can not do this, the election of the Republican nominee is more than probable. New York Star (Dem.), September 25.

IF Henry George be elected, New York will be free from danger of nepotism and corruption, so far as the mayor can control it; and, whether he be elected or not, it is a striking evidence of improvement and advancement in the conditions of the times that such a man as he so unselfish, so sincere, so stainless-should be taken up by the masses of the people as their champion in the fight with the classes, and should come near to winning the election, if he can not actually reach the goal.

THE nomination of Mr. Henry George as the Labor party's candidate for mayor offers a new and strong argument in favor of the union of the two Democratic factions on a candidate for that office. Of course Mr. George's strength is an unknown factor in the political problem of the present year, but it will probably be much greater than that of any previous labor candidate. The greater part of it will probably be drawn from the Democracy.

New York World (Dem.), September 26.

MEN vote for candidates for mayor for reasons which have nothing to do with the duties of the office. There are Republican and Democratic candidates, but neither Republicanism nor Democracy enters into the proper conduct of munici pal administration. Mr. George's theories will neither make him a bad officer nor a good one. Neither will the fact that a man understands the mercantile business make him a good or a bad mayor.

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Brooklyn Times (Rep.), September 24. THE workingmen evidently mean business, and politicians of every kind will watch their movements with intense and anxious interest. They have numbers and influence enough to elect their candidate if they hang together, but the poli ticians are adroit and alert, and will leave no effort untried to break the ranks of labor. The count of the votes on election day will determine how far they have been successful.

New York Commercial-Advertiser (Rep.), September 28. WHAT perfectly fit man shall we have for mayor? That is the one question of largest concern in politics this year, and it is time for earnest work toward finding the right answer. If any one of the factions, Republican or Democratic, will nominate such a man and support him in good faith they will have such help as never before in electing him.

Brooklyn Union (Ind.), September 27.

IT is noteworthy that though the Prohibitionists are much more prominent as a political force in many communities and prominent in more communities than the labor unions, the Prohitionists candidate for mayor of New York has hardly been heard of, while the talk about the George campaign increases in volume every day.

Troy Telegram (Rep.), September 27.

HENRY GEORGE says he would not be surprised if he received 90,000 votes for mayor of New York. The politicians all say, however, they will be surprised if he gets 20,000 votes; but it looks just at present as if the politicians and not Mr. George will experience the greatest surprise.

Providence Journal (Rep.), September 27.

As a candidate, Henry George does not represent the theories he has championed in his books, but simply that general dissatisfaction with life's conditions which the poor man always feels when the rich man's carriage spatters mud over him as it rolls by.

Boston Post (Dem.), September 25.

Ir may be said that no man ever ran for mayor of New York city on so queer a platform. But as there will probably be four other well-supported candidates in the field, his chances are not bad to make a considerable showing at the polls.

ECHOES FROM SALT LAKE.

Atlanta Constitution (Dem.).

them for some time to come.

Ir is charged that under the present governor of Utah the Mormons have been allowed to continue their immoral practices without interruption. The "saints" are no longer arrested, imprisoned, and fined, and their religion is again in a flourishing condition. Within the past six months the Mormon immigration to this country has undoubtedly increased, and it is a fact that the Mormon elders and missionaries have been actively at work in several Southern States, making proselytes and sending converts to Utah and Arizona. Perhaps the present generation will not see the end of this cruel and monstrous fraud. The problem is a difficult one to deal with. How to abolish Mormonism without resorting to a degree of inhuman severity has puzzled our wisest statesmen, and is likely to puzzle No one desires to lay Utah waste with fire and sword, and yet it would seem that no milder measures have any effect. Salt Lake Herald (Dem.). EVIDENTLY the editor of the Constitution hasn't kept posted on Utah matters or he would know better than to say, "The saints' are no longer arrested, im prisoned, and fined." It was only a few days since the Herald published a list of eighty-five cases of alleged violations of the Edmunds law now pending before the third district court of this Territory. The marshal and deputy marshals, United States commissioners and judges are busy in prosecuting these cases. If there has been any breathing spell granted to the Saints, they haven't been so fortunate as to find it out yet. Perhaps their perceptive powers are not so acute in this matter as those of the editor of the Constitution. However, the Constitution says true

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when it says the Mormon problem is a difficult one to handle, and intimates that the present generation will not see the end of it. We might suggest to our Southern friends that one of the reasons that the Mormon question is so difficult to solve is, that Mormonism, as it actually exists in the partially informed minds of editors who write about it, and in the minds of pseudo ministers of Christ, who, more ambitious to gain notoriety than to save mankind, or teach the wretched how to rise, preach about it, is not cruel or monstrous. If so, its solution would have occurred long ago. A system of religion among as enlightened a community as the people of Utah are, if it had nothing in it but that which is beastial, cruel and monstrous could not continue in Utah under any circumstances, much less in the face of such opposition as the Mormons contend against. Somehow or other the Mormon religion has taken a firm hold of its converts. It induces them to lead lives of selfdenial, incur the displeasure of their fellow man, endure long and vexatious family separations, wander as exiles from their homes, sacrifice business interests, bear patiently the insolence of carpet-bag Federal officials, and the insults of Federal judges; nerves them to brave the scorn of the unbeliever, fines, and imprisonment in the Utah penitentiary, and when the end of these things will come, they know not. When a religion will lead men to endure all this, it may be depended upon that somewhere in its composition there is a spark of virtue, an element of divinity in it that is chaining its devotees to it in bands stronger than falsehood and wickedness can entwine about her followers. Supposed religious heretics, under a moral conviction that they were right in the stand they took, have always been too strong to be prevailed against by the persecutions that bigotry incited against them. Their powers of endurance in bearing the infliction of cruelties have ever been superior to the powers of their enemies to maltreat them. It will be so with the Mormons. If the world did but know it, the Mormon question is a religious controversy, and the Mormons bring into it that wonderful power to endure. what they esteem persecution, that has characterized the race in every age of the world. The Mormons may be in error in their social, political, and religious views, but if they are, the harsh treatment now practiced toward them is not the means that will convert them from their errors. It will only exasperate and outrage their feelings and postpone the day that shall solve the problem. Ought not some other method to be tried than that which breathes of cruelty, or of fire and sword?

Salt Lake Tribune (Rep.).

IT IS a lasting pity that every member of Congress can not be made to read the Salt Lake Herald and Deseret News every day for six months, to learn the true spirit which animates the chiefs of this kingdom. They would find that though a mountebank, all at once, by a bungling jugglery sprang into notice by claiming to be a prophet, and assumed the right to rule the world, though, from the start, his career was full of contention, through his antagonism to the laws; though, to his assumption of a divine right to rule mankind, he, to cover up his own licentiousness, pretended, by authority of God, to establish on this continent a form of polygamy more revolting and more steeped with excesses than the Mohammedan system; still the followers and abettors of all this blasphemy, treason, and nastiness now assert that the officers of the United States have no right to enforce laws which interfere with institutions founded on fraud and crime; that the only redress for social evils must come through a change of heart of the evil doers. They would, moreover, discover that these sheets indorse any order made by the Mormon chiefs and excuse or deny any Mormon crime. Further, they would obtain dimly an idea of all the wretchedness which can but follow when men, thus misguided, load themselves with wives and children, and are so poor that they can barely secure the coarser necessities of life. Over all, they would hear that in Utah for an officer to perform his duty under his oath, causes him to be advertised as an unfeeling desperado and a would-be robber, and hear the defiance hurled back every day, that this people never can be made, by force, to obey the laws of the land. Surely one of two things should be done. Over this alien host the sovereignty of the Republic should be stretched, or the Government should be candid enough to admit that it is not wise and powerful enough to deal with the fanatics who are entrenched here behind these mountains, and who advertise their determination to be a law unto themselves, and every one of whom is bound in perpetual enmity to this Republic, and to all free governments, by an oath as dreadful and sinister as ever bound conspirators in any land. Surely it is time here for an advance which can not be resisted, or time for a swift and final and ignominious retreat.

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THE intelligence from Spain, following upon what we have already published, confirm the suppression of the military revolt, but at the same time attribute to the movement greater gravity than at first appeared. Thus we learn that the insurgents have taken possession of Morata, a neighboring locality to Madrid, and that troops had been sent to dislodge them. All that we have heard proves that the insurrection was not confined to Madrid, and that it had ramifications beyond; and as the telegraphic news, the only intelligence as yet received, is really of gov ernmental origin, it is probable that it will be necessary to wait for some days longer in order that the whole truth may be known. Meanwhile, it is beyond doubt that the revolt has been crushed, and that the government has, for this occasion, been saved from overthrow. It is also probable that the penalty will be severe, for it is already announced that all the officers implicated in the affair will be condemned to death. This intelligence is probably premature, but it is not to be doubted that examples will be made in accordance with the usage as constant as that of military insurrections in Spain. The time is not remote, in which there was no appreciable interval between two pronunciamentos; at a certain period in the reign of Isabella I, one day it was announced that a revolt had been suppressed, and the following another had broken out. That of last Sunday is

the first since the death of King Alphonsus, and the debut is sufficiently spirited to cause a presentiment that it will not remain isolated. The New York Times attributes the failure of the plot, not to an insufficiency of insurrectional elements in the population, but to the fact that the moment was ill-chosen, at a time when no subject of discontent predisposed the public mind to insurrection. In despite of circumstances which are certainly unpropitious, it considers the relative gravity which the movement possessed, inopportune and badly arranged as it was, can not fail to inspire serious anxiety in the ministry of the Regency; and it is evident that clouds are accumulating over Spain. The plan might not have been maladroit that Don Carlos is in the breach, and it is not altogether improbable. But as this is purely hypothetical, it suffices to indicate, as a sign of possible complications in the midst of the obscurities which hover over the political situation in Spain.

Las Novedades, New York (Ind.), September 23.
[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

THERE has rarely been seen in the history of military revolutions in our country a revolt so blindly concocted and so rashly attempted as the last reported from Madrid. Never before has an outrage so criminal been committed as the odious scheme of rebellion at whose head General Villacampa, the night before last, placed himself. At the cry of "Long live the Republic!" violating all their oaths and forgetting the honored uniform they wore, a general and other subordinate officers attempted the impossible enterprise of dragging the army and people into revolution, of overthrowing institutions which to day give us order and a government, of acclaiming a Republic in a country where there are no Republicans, and where the majority remember only with shame and horror the series of humiliations which swept over Spain in the brief experiment of that form of government-if, indeed, it merit the name-the state of anarchy to which a handful of political montebanks, and the turbulent passions of the populace subjected our country. The attempt has failed, as failed those of Badajos, Carthagenia, and San Domingo de la Calzado, without other result than to alarm the country for an instant, to realize, perhaps, some projected by-play, to make a sacrifice of fresh victims to the ambition of certain men, and to augment the popular indignation against the instigators of the sedition. The people of Madrid viewed with indifference the absurd demonstration. It was sufficient for the troops to march against insurgents to put them to flight; and the soldiers were convinced of the deception of which they had been made the victims, whilst its chiefs and instigators repented of having committed themselves to an enterprise which, without satisfying the cravings of their ambition, subjects them to a responsibility of the gravest possible character. The present political situation of our country, the popularity and the approved utility for the people of the liberal government, which now rules its destinies, and the sad and recognized history of Republicanism in Spain-thamenace to the country which serves as a banner to conspirators, sufficed to demont strate the impotency of whatever forces may be employed against that which the bulk of the nation accepts, respects, and defends. The intelligence of to-day from Madrid confirms what we said yesterday relative to the complete fiasco of the projected insurrection. Unfortunately, the vigorous repression of an outrage so serious against military discipline and public order can not be carried into effect without resulting in a claim for fresh victims and the shedding of Spanish blood, so profuse in all fratricidal conflicts. The speedy termination of the outburst demonstrates its extreme insignificance. We leave the unworthy office of exaggerating its proportions to the enemies of Spain and to short-sighted publicists like those of the Courrier des Etats-Unis, who behold "the dawn afresh of the era of revolutions in Spain," a vision which united to the dark clouds, trials, and catastrophes, which are accumulating over our country, reveals the real sentiments which the French republic entertains for the Spanish monarchy, and which so inopportunely converts itself into a prophet of woe.

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MR. PARNELL'S APPEAL.

New York Tribune (Rep.), September 29.

MR. PARNELL'S appeal to Irish-Americans gives warning of a crisis now immiThe great majority in Parliament against the tenant's relief bill leaves the unfortunate occupiers of the soil at the mercy of the landlords. The government may have hesitated at the outset, but it has now sternly entered upon the path of repression. Assured of the unwavering support of the Liberal-Unionists it has resolved to reject every concession that may be demanded by four-fifths of the Irish representatives. Between landlord and tenant, its sympathies are to be actively enlisted on the side of the privileged classes. Evictions are to be invested with the full authority of the crown. Process-servers are to have a regiment behind them if armed force be required. The landlords are to be protected in all suits for ejectment. The tenants are to pay the judicial rents or take the consequences of their poverty and despair. The power of the government is to be arrayed against poverty-stricken and helpless tenants during the approaching winter of famine and misery. In this emergency Mr. Parnell appeals once more to the American friends of unhappy Ireland. He asks for material and moral support for tenants who may be threatened with or exposed to eviction. If their rents are oppressively high they must be encouraged to stand out against the landlords, and if they are ejected from their holdings they must be shielded from starvation and despair. The approaching crisis will test to the uttermost their powers of selfrestraint. Injustice and a merciless execution of the law will stimulate evil passion and desire for revenge. Agrarian outbreaks and riots will compromise the peaceable character of the Nationalist movement, and for this reason Mr. Parnell considers it a matter of vital importance that there should be a large fund raised in America for the relief of the evicted tenants. He warns those whose generous impulses have been so often stirred that the perils with which the home rule cause is now beset have seldom been equalled in the troubled history of the island. The aid for which he eloquently pleads will not, we are confident, be withheld.

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CANDIDATES AND ISSUES FOR 1888.

FROM an almost exhaustless mass of speculation and opinion upon the next quadrennial campaign the following fairly representative extracts have been carefully selected. Should the reader note the fact that comment on the gentlemen who are assumed to be "in the field" is largely devoted to one person, he will please remember that it is the office of this journal to make a fair record of opinion from week to week, not to shape it.

CONCERNING MR. BLAINE.

Portland Oregonian (Ind.).

Two things are equally notable. One is the steadfast devotion to Blaine of very large numbers of persons all over the country; the other is the peculiar bitterness of his opponents. To fair and independent minds the conduct of both sorts is altogether ludicrous. Blaine is not a great statesman; he is a politician of multifarious resources, with an inclination to sensational expedients; and his greatest fault is that he acts upon these expedients rather than upon the dictates of solid judgment. He has a facility of expression and power of adapting his expression

to time and occasion that are truly remarkable. Even in his best work there is always a touch of demagogy, but it is seldom so pronounced as to be offensive except to persons who are natural critics; while on the other hand it is the secret of much of his remarkable popularity. On the whole, his intellectual make-up renders him attractive to superficial minds rather than to persons of critical judgment, and, therefore, the very same qualities that give him a multitude of followers also bring against him many vigorous and extremely bitter opponents. And as on the one hand his followers are unreasonable in their ardent devotion, so on the other his adversaries are unreasonable and not seldom unjust in their violent and frantic opposition. As another Presidential contest approaches the frenzy of those who opposed Blaine in the last one--the Mugwumps-increases. In all the history of It is the protest

our politics there has been nothing like this extreme animosity. of the "remnant" against the rule of the "multitude," and should Blaine actually be elected to the Presidency there would seem to be nothing left for the Mugwumps, as represented by Harper's Weekly, the New York Times, and the Evening Post, but self-expatriation and despair of the Republic.

Boston Globe (Dem.).

THE esteemed Transcript is laboring under the erroneous impression that we underrate the political potency of the Mugwumps. Far be it from us to do any such thing. We believe the Mugwumps have already had a marked influence on the political history of the country. We credit them with cutting down the natural Democratic majority of New York in 1884 to 1,100, and thus almost electing Blaine, and also with making Massachusetts, which might have been good fighting ground that year but for them, a sure Blaine State. This is their undoubted work in the past. That their future influence may be even greater we are not at all disposed to regard as impossible. The Mugwumps may finally elect Blaine if they keep on. Their capacity for reducing the regular Democratic vote has not yet been fully ascertained. There certainly is not another Republican President in the bloody shirt, but there may be one in the Mugwump. We hope not, but we have our fears. Maine returns do not augur well for the popularity of the Mugwumpized Democracy.

Detroit Tribune (Rep.).

THE New York Times prints with ill-concealed glee a story that the marriage of Mr. Blaine's son to a Catholic girl by a Catholic priest has caused a great many Republicans to abandon all connection with Mr. Blaine and his political future. The story goes that they have been apprehensive of the tendency to Roman Catholicism of members of the Blaine family, and this latest instance has convinced them that the Protestants of this country will never permit Mr. Blaine to be President. This absurd reasoning is on a par with the Times' generally imbecile logic where Mr. Blaine's alleged political ambition and purposes is concerned, and is manifestly put forth at this time in an effort to offset whatever new prestige has accrued to him through the splendid victory in Maine. It is plain that the Times in its malice will not hesitate to pursue the Maine statesman with all the disreputable materials and methods at its command.

Atlanta Constitution (Dem.).

THEY say that Hon. Jim Blaine means to run for President next time. He has not said so in as many words but he has made signs to that effect. Colonel Caldwell, a New York politician, has been to see Mr. Blaine, and in the course of an interview the Colonel said Mr. Blaine's visit to Elmira, New York, during the last campaign was a mistake. "But," said the Colonel, "I trust the year 1888 will have corrected those mistakes when you are again the popular candidate of the great Republican party." In acknowledgment of this pointed prophecy, Mr. Blaine stepped back, then deliberately and gracefully lifted his hat, and in an impressive manner bowed courteously. In the conversation that followed Mr. Blaine showed in every way that he expected and was willing to be the candidate of the Republican party in 1888. Colonel Caldwell considers this the most significant incident yet made public.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.).

IF Mr. Blaine is disposed to try conclusions with the American people at the ballot box again, certainly no Democrat will object. They admire pluck even in the allopathic form of audacity and Mr. Blaine is nothing if not audacious. There is that about him which would make the lovers of "fun" in politics feel like wearing the usual badge of mourning if he were to permanently quit the field. Patriots who think that no shock is powerful enough to disturb the pillars of the Re. public, who look forward to each Presidential contest for a halcyon and vociferous

time, and who remember that Ben Butler is old, find solace in the thought that Mr. Blaine is comparatively young. His retirement would not eclipse the gaiety of our politics, but it would take off a good deal of the "bead."

Alta California (Ind.).

THE champion of the knights in Maine, Mr. Beaumont, seems a tart-tongued gentleman, who had faith in the strength of merely personal attacks upon Mr. Blaine. That sort of politics has run its course in this country. Hereafter the man who is attacked will have the sympathy of the people. Mr. Beaumont deemed it overpowering argument to show that Mr. Blaine voted for land grants to the Pacific roads, "stealing" the lands of the people. What he should have done was to show that those roads ought never to have been built, since their construction was impossible without the public aid which they received. So, throughout his campaign, Mr. Beaumont heroically kicked and struck at Mr. Blaine's personality with the most inconsequential results.

Cambridge, Ohio, Jeffersonian (Dem.).

THERE was no lack of funds to carry forward a most thorough canvass in Maine, yet the result is a beggarly and a decidedly decreased majority. This is significant from the fact that the distinguished candidate for the Presidency was on trial as a It is significant in another preliminary jog before the great race soon to be run. sense and in another direction, viz, Democratic administration is on trial before the people. This administration was fiercely assailed in the most studied manner by Mr. Blaine. The campaign was conducted on that issue mainly, yet the result sustains Mr. Cleveland and condemns Mr. Blaine.

Richmond State (Dem.).

BLAINE always receives intimations that he will be the Republican standard. bearer in 1888 with a pleased smile and a gracious and elaborate acknowledgment He covets, evidently, a duplication of the honor of two years ago. With his superior knowledge of Republican methods and men he will, no doubt, get there and thereafter the general disgust of the American people will manifest itself in a grander national bounce than he ever before realized or dreamed of. Evidently his Presidential pole will never be elongated sufficiently to knock off the coveted persimmon.

St. Paul Special to St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.). THE Republicans of Minnesota have not forgotten their late battle-cry: "Blaine! Blaine! James G. Blaine!" and are anxious to enter the lists in support of the magnetic man from Maine. The meeting of the State Republican Convention here to day brought together all of the prominent representatives of that party. Interviewed as to their first and second choice for President in 1888 they almost unanimously favored the nomination of the old ticket, hardly any other name being suggested.

Pittsburgh Times (Rep.).

BEFORE the Maine campaign opened Mr. Blaine put to his friends in New York and some other States, but New York especially, if he carried Maine by declaring for the prohibitory law, what would it profit him? Before the election it was foreseen that what would be meat in Maine might be poison in other States. How it is Mr. Blaine is doubtless informing himself, if he has not already done so, Out of the canvass of the question may grow the reports referred to, one being that he is for Senator Allison in 1888, himself waiting till 1892.

Kansas City Times (Dem.).

THE Chicago Tribune is not impressed with the intentions of the anti-saloon conference. It insists that the point at issue is to quench thirst, and that until the demand for liquor can be abolished paper prohibition of selling will accomplish precious little for temperance. The Tribune thus goes ahead of its candidate, Mr. Blaine, who believes that while a State thirst may be overcome a National thirst is unquenchable. It is to be hoped that these elements may be reconciled before

the next National convention.

Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.).

THE Philadelphia Times has learned that Messrs. Edmunds and Conkling are to join forces to defeat Mr. Blaine for the Republican nomination in 1888. Mr. Conkling is about as far out of politics as a man well could be, and Senator Edmunds has few forces to speak of out of his own little State. But it is not unlikely that a greater power than either or both will accomplish the result mentioned the general knowledge that Mr. Blaine would be overwhelmingly beaten. Rutland Herald (Rep.).

THE question will be, not who can carry Maine or Vermont, or any other assuredly Republican State, but who can carry New York, Ohio and Indiana. Ifit appears probable that Mr. Blaine can, he will have a long lead; if not he will be out of the question. The party has no votes to spare and must put its best foot forward. We do not doubt that Mr. Blaine desires Republican success, regardless of personal

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THE party did not jump at one bound from the Lincoln height to the Blaine depth. The descent took twenty years, and was so gradual that only a small fraction of the party understood what happened when it landed on the Blaine platform.-Rhode Island Democrat (Dem.).

A NEW YORK "Veteran in politics" and " temperance Republican," who is also a personal friend of James G. Blaine, breathlessly announces the startling discovery that Mr. Blaine wants the nomination to the Presidency in 1888. Is it possible?-Cleveland Plain Dealer (Dem.).

MR. BLAINE may read in the tariff resolution of the Republican State Convention of Minnesota a warning that he will run against a very considerable snag in the upper waters of the Mississippi should he become a candidate for President in 1888. Philadelphia Record (Ind.).

THE nomination of another man than Mr. Blaine by the Republican convention of 1888, whether the nominee will be successful in the election or not, must be the end of Blaine's Presidential candidacy that has extended over a period of twelve years.-Buffalo Courier (Dem.).

THE New York Herald says: "The best thing for the Republicans to do in i888 will be to nominate Mr. Blaine for President-that is, it would be the best thing for the Democratic party and also for the country." That is about the size of it. Richmond Whig (Dem.).

BULKELEY to receive the nomination for Governor in 1888, and Blaine to be given the Connecticut delegation of that year, are among the points said to have been lately determined upon by the Republican bosses.-Bridgeport, Conn., Farmer (Neutral).

MR. BLAINE is reported as doubtful whether he would care to contest the field again with Mr. Cleveland in 1888. The Republican party is beginning to be doubtful whether they would care to have him-Omaha Bee (Rep.).

MURAT HALSTEAD says that Blaine will yet sweep the country. If this means that the voters will again wipe up the ground with him, there may be some truth in it. St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

MR. BLAINE'S overpowering influence in his own State seems to have kept the "third party "" practically out of the field, and so far he had a great victory.— Petersburg Index-Appeal (Dem.).

WE Submit that this kind of "going down hill on Mr. Blaine's part would come mighty near making Mr. Blaine President in 1888, by a large majority.Minneapolis Tribune (Rep.).

THE voice of Maine is for the old ticket, with Bodwell's barrel, Steve Elkins, the Indianapolis libel suit and the Mulligan letters thrown in.-Little Rock, Arkansas, Gazette (Deu.).

THIS election is a triumph for Blaine, and brings him again to the front as the strongest man in his party for the next Presidential contest.-Sacramento Bee (Rep.).

THE only lesson taught by that election seems to be that Maine has had enough prohibition and enough of Jim Blaine.—Oshkosh Times (Dem.).

SPEAKING of "laying Blaine on the shelf," where is the shelf that would hold him?—Youngstown Telegram (Rep.).

THE Republicans are sure winners, and Blaine has the pole at the start.—GlobeRepublic, Springfield, Ohio, (Rep.).

EXIT the Blaine Presidential boom. It dies unwept, unhonored, and unsung.Florida Times-Union (Dem.).

"MR. BLAINE'S GREAT VICTORY."

The Irish World (Rep.).

We use the expression," Mr. Blaine's great victory," advisedly. It was generally acknowledged that the result of the Maine election this year would be regarded everywhere as an indication of Mr. Blaine's availability as the Republican standardbearer in 1888. If the Pine Tree State had been carried by the Democrats, or if the Republicans had come out of the fight with a reduced majority, the Democratic and Mugwump organs would have sent up a shout of joy. They would have told us that James G. Blaine was politically dead. But they have "heard the news from Maine" and it has given them but small comfort as they are obliged to confess that Mr. Blaine has lost none of his popularity. To-day he is stronger with his party than he ever was before, and if the Republican National Convention were to be held to morrow he would be renominated unanimously. The Mugwumps know this very well. They had a faint hope that the Maine election would afford them an opportunity of proclaiming that the popularity of the man whom they hate for his pronounced Americanism was on the wane. If the Prohibitionists had reduced the Republican majority the Mugwumps would have declared that the falling off in the Republican vote was a sign that the Republicans of Maine shared their views in regard to Mr. Blaine. But, to their utter confusion, the unanimous voice of the American press proclaims that the glorious victory in Maine is largely due to the statesman whom they have tried to kill politically. The importance of the Maine victory cannot be overrated. The election in that State this year took on a sort of national character. The voters felt that they were doing something more than voting for State officers. They knew that every ballot cast would affect national politics two years hence. A Republican defeat would have presaged defeat for the Republican party in 1888. For this reason the election assumed an importance that it otherwise would not have had. Few outside of Maine knew the names of the gentlemen who were the candidates for the State offices, but every one knew that Mr. Blaine was a commanding figure in the campaign just closed, and that his political future largely depended upon the result of the election. The victory, therefore, is all the more welcome as it will be everywhere construed as meaning that Mr. Blaine is still the foremost leader in the Republican party. The belief that under his leadership the party two years hence can win a decided victory has been considerably strengthened. Even so pronounced a Democratic organ as the Boston Globe is compelled to acknowledge this. Commenting on the Maine election it says: "There is no use in denying that Mr. Blaine has carried Maine by a majority which, considering that it is an off year, is fully up to the vote given for him in 1884. The logical deduction of this is that Mr. Blaine is now as strong, at least, as he ever was, and the inference may not be unfairly drawn that, as in Maine, so in the country, he is still the most popular of all Republican leaders. Mr. Blaine's partisans may well claim that in more senses than one the result of Monday's election in Maine makes it absolutely essential to renominate their favorite in 1888." It is not at all likely that any one will question this testimony of Mr. Blaine's strength, coming as it does from a Democratic organ. We sincerely believe that the Boston Globe expresses the opinion of the overwhelming majority of the Republican party.

EDMUNDS ON BLAINE.

Richmond Whig (Dem.).

SENATOR EDMUNDS has squared his conscience by explaining his refusal to make speeches in support of Mr. Blaine in 1884. He says that he could not bring himself to defend the record of such a man. The Petersburg Index-Appeal, referring to this explanation, and also to ex-Senator Roscoe Conkling's sarcastic bon mot, “I am not engaged in criminal practice," when appealed to to come to the rescue of the "Plumed Knight," makes the point that neither of the distinguished gentlemen has any room to fling mud on the Maine statesman. We disagree with our Petersburg contemporary as to Mr. Conkling. The great New Yorker was proud, egotistic, dictatorial, over-bearing, and carried measures with a high hand, but he was open and candid in what he did, however partisan and selfish it might be. His bitterest opponents never suspected him of crooked or underhand practices. Notwithstanding his personal unpopularity in Congress, his character as a representative was above reproach, and no official scandal ever clung to his skirts. So far as the public service was concerned he went out of Congress with as clean hands as when he entered it. As between Mr. Edmunds and Mr. Blaine the difference in their public standing, as measured by a purely moral standard, is not so wide as the former would have it appear. It is true, so far as is known, that Mr. Edmunds never, in his official capacity, undertook to bolster such an undertaking as the Fort Smith railway by working up national legislation and procuring a land grant for the purpose. He never, so far as is known, "cast an anchor to windward," in behalf of such a scheme, and certainly, whether he has secretly done these things or not, he has been far too prudent to give himself away by writing confidential letters to a Mulligan or any other partner in iniquity. But Mr. Edmunds is the paid attorney of land-grant railways, the affairs of which may at any time involve Congressional action. It is for this reason that he is employed. He, perhaps, receives a larger salary as a retainer from the railway companies than his salary as Senator. Now, if the interests of these railways ever come in conflict with the public interests, as they are likely to do at any time, does any one doubt --can any one doubt-on which side of the scale Senator Edmunds' influence will be cast? So, when the latter explains his refusal to support Mr. Blaine by saying that his conscience would not permit him to defend the record of such a man, does it not sound somewhat pharisaical, to say the least? If Mr. Edmunds were nominated in 1888, could not Mr. Blaine, with just as good grace, declare that his conscience would not permit him to defend the record of such a man-a man who, while receiving a salary from the Government with one hand, pockets a railroad retainer with the other? Assuredly he could. It is well to add that Senator Edmunds is not alone in this fee-taking business. Ten or twelve other Republican Senators are likewise employed, and the people should constantly bear in mind

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that their interests will never be safe in the United States Senate until these Senators, with duplicate salaries, are placed in an impotent minority.

BLAINE, SHERMAN AND INDIANA.

Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.).

Ir is noised abroad by those who profess to know, and who are quite close to the parent source from which such information should come, that if Mr. Blaine concludes that he does not desire or can not, with safety to the party, obtain the Republican nomination for the Presidency in 1888, he will then concentrate his forces toward securing the prize for ex-Senator Allison, of Iowa. Perhaps this information is a trifle premature. Though Mr. Blaine's brilliant strategy, even in a campaign for his own benefit, always contemplates and arranges for the contingency of having to yield to a friend rather than elect an enemy, yet it is very early in the race for 1888 for him to have reached any fixed conclusion upon this important point. The story floats, however, well accredited, and it suggests two interesting thoughts. It is a sad case of ingratitude to the Hon. John Sherman. When Mr. Blaine saw himself beaten at Chicago in 1880, he called despairingly for help to defeat Grant. He got it from Sherman. That was the central combination which, by a hair's breadth, threw out the "Old Commander" and put in Mr. Garfield. Together, in the same room at Washington, Mr. Blaine and Mr. Sherman used the same private wire that led to the room of Mr. Blaine's lieutenants at Chicago. Upon this wire-so slender is the thread which supports history-the Grant combination broke. It was a sweet revenge to Blaine, but a costly one. Nor has it been productive of political profit to Sherman. To the former it cost defeat in 1884. To the latter it is likely to lose the nomination in 1888. Blaine is against him, horse and foot. All his wires are laid, all his plans perfected. He will divide the Ohio delegation next time as he did last, and our distinguished Senator, left without the support of his own State, will pass through the same humiliating experiences that befell him in 1880 and in 1884-that is, he will if James G. Blaine can accomplish it. But the second thought which this report suggests is one of far greater interest and far higher importance to the Democratic party than the first. It is a well-known fact-indeed, he has himself repeatedly stated it-that if Mr. Blaine had failed at Chicago in 1884 he would have concentrated his whole efforts to secure the nomination for Senator Harrison, of Indiana. And why has he cooled on Harrison now? They are as great friends as ever. The Indianian is as much his abject tool as ever. They work in unison as closely as of old. The reason is very simple. He knows that Harrison is doomed to defeat this fall; that a Democrat will succeed him in the Senate, and that he will stand before the country as a man out of politics for the rest of his life. He knows that it would be a hopeless effort to attempt the nomination of such a man. The loss of Indiana to the Republican party is indeed a certainty already "discounted" by Republicans of intelligence. The "pocket borough," as an esteemed contemporary calls it, will never again be in the pocket of the Republican party. It is well that Mr. Blaine sees it. But we weep for Harrison; that is, we should weep but for the knowledge that he will live in the future, as he has always lived in the past, on the greatness of his grandfather.

THE PRESIDENT AND GOVERNOR HILL.

Pittsburgh Commercial-Gazette (Rep.).

STUDIED efforts are being made to keep up the impression that there is really no coldness between the President and Governor Hill, and that the Administration is quite indifferent to the political aspirations of the dashing Executive. There are some things connected with the recent failure of the Democratic State Committee to nominate a candidate for judge of the court of appeals which go to show that there is a growing feeling of hostility between the friends of the President and the supporters of Mr. Hill, and that the blunder of President Arthur in interfering with State politics is likely to be repeated by Mr. Cleveland. Although both factions are anxious to make it appear that there are no antagonisms between the State and National administrations, it is asserted that the friends of the Governor were astonished at the move made by the Manning men to defeat the Governor's plans. Prominent Federal office-holders had their agents on the ground working to thwart the scheme which was supported by the friends of Hill. The fact could not be disguised that the influence of the Administration was clearly in favor of Peckham. On the other hand, those who were dissatisfied with or opposed to the Administration were arrayed on the side of Hill on all questions which came before the committee. It is a significant fact that when the conference was held to select a chairman, it was agreed at the same time that a resolution should be passed approving the course of the national Administration, and that, while the other resolutions were all presented, this one was suppressed. It is said that if the matter had been pressed to a vote Mr. Peckham would have been nominated, but the adjournment to next Wednesday will give the Governor a chance to try his hand at bring. ing about a change in the minds of some of the State Committee. If he does not succeed his friends will proclaim Peckham as the candidate of the Federal Administration and prepare to slaughter him after the fashion of the Folger slaughter in Arthur's time. Such a result would not be without its effect in deciding the fate of Presidential aspirants in 1888.

New York Star (Dem.).

A NUMBER of our contemporaries appear to have just learned, through a Wash

ington Sunday paper, that there is no quarrel or jealous rivalry between the Democratic Governor of this State and the Democratic President of the United States. But one comment is necessary. Our contemporaries have gone a long way around to get some very stale news. If they had depended on their own observation instead of on their wishes in forming their opinions, they would never have given credence to the rumors of hot hostility between Messrs. Cleveland and Hill. The Star has always laughed at these stories. It does not claim to be the personal confident of

either of the gentlemen, but it has always accorded to both too much good sense and sound Democracy to permit such a condition of affairs to grow up. Neither of them was born yesterday, and they both know that such a contest as the Republicans have imagined would do nothing to advance the interests of either. A division of the New York Democracy in 1886 into two warring personal factions would be a very poor policy by any man in this State seeking a Democratic nomination for President in 1888. The belief that the President and the Governor are engaged in a bitter rivalry of this kind is doubtless very pleasant to our op ponents, and it may have attractions for a few disgruntled Democrats, but it would annoy and alarm Democrats in general, and be even more distasteful to the two distinguished gentlemen supposed to be engaged in the quarrel. We fear that in these troubled days of earthquakes, third parties, anti-saloonists and so on, our opponents will have to abandon the comfortable assurance that Cleveland and Hill are at daggers drawn politically.

AN OPINION FROM UTAH.

Salt Lake Herald (Dem.).

THE death of Mr. Hendricks has put about somewhat those Democratic politicians who were counting on trying to boom the ticket of 1884 for 1888, and now they are looking about for somebody who will come nearest to filling the shoes of the dead Vice-President. It is recognized by all that New York and Indiana are the States in which the Democratic hopes must center; that the loss of either of them will be equivalent to the loss of the election. Hence, the ticket must be made up from New York and Indiana. It is argued that Cleveland will carry his State, and if there is a man in Indiana who can arouse the State pride and patriotism as Hendricks did, all will be well. It is said that Voorhees has been approached on the matter, and that he emphatically refuses the place. If he has any position on the ticket it must be the top one, and that is out of the question, Ex-Senator McDonald has not yet been spoken to on the subject, but he would undoubtedly be as loth as Voorhees to accept a nomination to the Vice-Presidency on a ticket with Cleveland. If Hendricks himself had lived, nothing could have induced him to again take the second place with Cleveland. He was too good a Democrat, and had too much self-respect and too high a regard for his party principles to place himself in a position to be snubbed, and where he must see the President work against the best interests of Democracy. There are not many Democrats with national reputation in Indiana, and it is doubtful if any of them could carry the State on a ticket headed by a man who completely ignored the idol of the Democratic Hoosiers, Mr. Hendricks, and who has done nothing to save the State which was rescued by so hard a struggle. However, it is idle to talk about Cleveland being the next nominee of the party. The dudes, the Mugwumps, and the sentimentalists, fortunately, are in the insignificant minority, and their voice will carry with it little weight either in convention or with the people. The man the Democrats nominate will be one of whose Democracy there will be no doubt. If they can't find him in New York they will seek him elsewhere, and if they elect him they'll have a Democratic administration.

OTHER PRESIDENTIAL SPECULATIONS.
Memphis Avalanche (Dem.).

SEVERAL persons are beginning to look to Gov. Foraker, of Ohio, as a possible Republican candidate for the Presidency. The Avalanche about three months ago nominated Gov. Foraker for this position. It wishes it understood that he is the Avalanche's candidate for the Republican nomination. We know of no man who accepts defeat more gracefully. He would never make such speech as came from Blaine's disappointment after his defeat. There is one claim made on behalf of Gov. Foraker which must be abated. One ardent admirer says that he is the "greatest American" of them all. Gov. Foraker is not great. He is a man of fair average ability, of excellent moral character, of well proportioned qualities, not towering high at any one point, but well averaged up. He is in many respects full of narrow views and ancient prejudices, but he is also a man of sterling worth and personally popular with all who know him whether they be of one party or another. His chief defect is that he is Northern and not National. Not above narrow views of his own and prejudices, and especially sectional prejudices and abundant misinformation engendering prejudices, he is yet tolerant of the prejudices of others, and that is a mark of a certain breadth rare in such men. His personal quali fications lie in the fact that he is a well-balanced man morally, intellectually, and, if we may say so, sentimentally. Therefore, as the Governor of Ohio, after the defeat of all the old fogy timber, his personal qualities, his public character and his position are likely to recommend him to a dying party as one of the very best and likeliest to be popular, of the younger generation of bourbon Republicanism. It is like drawing a prize in a lottery to predict the nominee, where not less than fifty names, of old and young, of generals, old politicians, of young and progres sive, and of young and bourbon Republicans, will be scanned before a final choice is made. Take the field as it is, and we would rather take Gov. Foraker's chances for it than to single out and take the chance of any other man who can be named

in that connection.

Cleveland Plain Dealer (Dem.).

On the Presidential question, Mr. Foster becomes interesting. He is decidedly of the opinion, as matters look now, that Blaine will be nominated. We call the special attention of the editor of the Leader to that opinion. It will probably grieve him, but the fact remains that Mr. Foster thinks Blaine will be the man the editor of the Leader will unwillingly have to support as he now unwillingly sup ports Uncle Amos Townsend for Congress. Logan has lost his grip on Ohio, of on the Republican managers here, according to Foster, because of his course in the Payne business. "Under the circumstances it is hardly probable he will take any part in the campaign in Ohio." The delegation from Ohio in '88 will proba

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