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against the monstrous tyranny of the Czar, which, in the name of Pansclavism, is ty's ships constantly gives trouble and that in many cases it is only after repeated attempting to subvert the glorious civilization of the Latin-Germanic race.

attempts that ships can be made, so to speak, to drag through full speed trials, all The Courrier des Etats-Unis, New York, September 17.

concerned knowing that once through the test they will not be submitted to

another like it for years, if ever.". This significant admission is made in an article [Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.1

describing the recent accident to the Phaeton, a steel cruiser with double screws, ENGLAND can indulge no longer in delusions as regards her absolute isolation in designed to have a speed of sixteen knots. On her first trial trip her piston-rod respect to the three empires of Central and Eastern Europe, but she is moreover broke, and the cylinder cracked under the racking strain. The necessary repairs forced to recognize that nothing is less stable than the ties by which Turkey is were made, and on August 23 she started from Spithead for a two hours' run on bound to her in the future. It has been seen that Turkey has good reasons to the ineasured mile. With eighty-five revolutions the mean speed obtained was distrust a protectress, whose rapacity is still more dangerous to her than the covet 14.8 knots per hour. It was found impossible to force the engines up to the full vus aspirations of the powers, which divide in advance her heritage amongst pressure of ninety-six revolutions, which might have given the sixteen knots rethemselves. Hence, she has strong temptations to throw herself into the arms of quired. During the progress of the trial trip a crack sour inches long appeared in Russia, and she has alrearly made a considerable advance in that direction, if it is the low-pressure cylinder of the port engine and the piston-rod was found to be true, as has been affirmed, that she is relying upon the support of the latter in her bent. The accident which had disabled the vessel on the previous trial was thus demand upon England to evacuate Egypt. The British government seems, more. repeated, disclosing the inherent weakness of the machinery under the tremendous over, to

anticipating the blow by which it is menaced in that quarter and is pre strain of working the engines up to the highest pressure in the attempt to make paring for the inevitable. The new combinations born of the Bulgarian incident sixteen knots. These facts, which we find dispassionately stated in Broad Arrow, cause her to foresee clearly—in a future that may be to-inorrow—the liquidation are confirmed by articles in the Engineer and the Admiralty and Horse Guards of the Turkish empire and, as its immediate consequence, the occupation of Con Gazette. The forced draught on these high-speed cruisers is said to be unbearable stantinople by Russia. Now Russia at Constantinople means the Czar at the gates for the stokers. The Curlew, with only one-third of her coal supply on board, of the Mediterranean, that is to say, on the threshold of the Suez canal, which would draws eight more inches of water than was contemplated in the design. In some be a deathblow to the free intercourse of Great Britain with her Indian empire instances the difference between the actual and the designed draught is twentyand with China. We do not believe the European powers are disposed to permit eight inches. When high speed is obtained, as in the case of the new dispatch England to possess herself definitely of Egypt, so much the more as we see an boats Iris and Mercury, the vibration of the machinery excites suspicion of structagreement almost established between the three empires for the definite settlement ural weakness of the frame. Indeed, the complaint is general among British naval of the Eastern question. The basis of this agreement has been carried to Gas engineers that nearly all the fast cruisers are unseaworthy, that their machinery is tein in the last few days by Count Kalnoky, Austrian minister for foreign affairs, constantly breaking down, and that not more than 75 per cent of their nominal in accord with M. ve Giers, the Russian prime minister, and it is very probable the speed is practically available. Such facts deserve serious consideration from the conditions have likewise been assented to by M. de Bisinarck. The maintenance Navy Department in Washington. Apparently in despair of having fast cruisers of the statu quo relative to the integrity of the Ottoman empire is certainly one designed by American naval architects, Secretary Whitney has appointed Mr. of these conditions, and, in consequence, an enterprise which would dispossess the White, chief of the British Board of Naval Construction, as his special agent and Sultan of Egypt would assuredly not be tolerated. A correspondence addressed designer. He is hoping to build from English models and designs a cruiser that to the New York Herald from Constantinople gives precise details upon this sub will have a speed of eighteen or nineteen knots. We sincerely trust that he will ject, and in it there are certain statements in reference to France to which we wish be successful; but from the ominous warnings of these engineering journals we to call attention. The author says that at the urgent desire of the Porte that a conclude that he cannot be too precise in insisting that the contractors shall guarprecise date be fixed for the withdrawal of the British troops from Egypt, the hand antee the results even if they do not design the ships or engines. This was what of Russia is not seen, but it is the influence of the French embassy which is at

the Secretary and the Attorney-General decided that Mr. Roach should have been work. It is very probable that French diplomacy has some hand in the pour par forced to do under Congressional legislation. Their theory should be put in lers whose object is the evacuation of Egypt by the English, but in this she would practice in building the English-American navy. have no need of seeking to please Russia. France has interests of her own which she intends to protect without being the puppet of any one.

The Ilerald corre

New York Star (Dem.), September 19. spondent makes use of the expression “ French vanity” in this connection. This Our sometimes hysterical contemporary, the Tribune, is moved to tears by the is perfectly ridiculous. Vanity has nothing to do with the policy of France rela report that Secretary Whitney has bought some designs for naval vessels srom Mr. W. tive to Egypt. IIer interests are opposed to those of England, and, at least, are H. White, director of naval construction in England. It declares that several of quite as respectable. She denies, especially, the independence and neutrality of the great war vessels that Mr. White has assisted in designing for the British navy the Suez canal, over which England assumes a dominion for her own exclusive have turned out badly. It seems to assume that Mr. White has learned nothing The difference is little other than this.

from such alleged failure, and that he will hand over to our Government precisely Financial Chronicle, N. Y., September 18.

the same designs that have proved faulty, and that Secretary Whitney will, with

similar obliviousness to facts, proceed to duplicate the vessels so severely criticised When we remember the stir and excitement of 1878, when the Berlin Conser

by the English newspaper quoted by our distressed contemporary. Now we are ence was convened 10 undo the treaty of San Stefano, we wonder at the apparent by no means ready to assume that American naval architects fall behind those of apathy and indifference of the powers in the present emergency.

We wonder all England. It is true that the latter have, since the era of ironclads and iron shipthe more, when we consider that the distinctive feature of the treaty of Berlin, as building generally, had vastly more experience, but that does not conclusively de compared with the treaty of San Stefano, was the provision for the permanent re monstrate their superiority. We fail to see, however, how the inspection of the striction, by the latter treaty, of the influence of Russia south of the Danube, and

English plans can do the most brilliant and inspired American genius any real harm particularly in the Balkan region. Russia was compelled to forego the advantages and hence fail to follow our contemporary's reasoning when it declares that the Sec she had secured by the first-nained treaty; but it is quite clear from recent mani

retary of the Navy has, in purchasing these plans, “ deliberately discredited Amerifestations on her part that she yielded for temporary convenience, and that her pur can naval architects” and declared that they “ are incompetent to design either pose remained unchanged. If, indeed, she is left at liberty to revolutionize Bul

ships or engines that will yield.the highest attainable speed.” We beg leave to re garia at will, lo depose her princes and to dictate who shall and who shall not be

mind the Tribune that the ships about to be built by the United States are not their successors, it is difficult to arrive at any other conclusion than that she has al designed for exhibition in some world's fair, displaying the results of the peaceful ready practically made her purpose good.

arts and industries. Their comparative excellence is not to be judged by a specNew York Evening Post (Ind.), September 20.

tacled committee of experts. The object in building them is to enable them, ac

cording to their character, to either overcome in battle or else run away from the BULGARIA fears Russia, and may soon intensely hate her. This change of feel

great ironclad ships of other powers. If the present Administration were to fol. ing might be indifferent to the great Şlav Power is it had only moral bearings; but

low the advice given by its opponents in the fishery dispute, the first power will it mighlily strengthens the hand of Austria, the vanguard of Germany, in the affairs of the Balkan Peninsula, especially as the methods employed by the friends and

which our new navy might have to contend might be England. If, then, we can

secure any benefit from that nation's costly experiments, we ought to do so, and in tools of Russia in dethroning Alexander are radically estranging the kings of Ru

any event the better our naval constructors understand the plans of a possible mania and Servia from Russian guidance and influence. Russia has, perhaps, lit

enemy the better will they be prepared to improve uport those plans and to take lle to lose in Servia, for King Milan is even now almost a vassal of Austria-Hun

advantage of any faults in them. gary; but Rumania is wavering between opposite policies, and the fate which has overtaken a Ballenberg will weigh heavily in the decisions of the Hohenzollern. Whether the attempted assassination of the Rumanian l’remier, Bratiano, has also sprung from pro-Russian revolutionary motives or not must soon appear.

THE COLORED CONFERENCE IN BOSTON.

Boston Transcript (Ind.), September 16.

On the whole, the colored citizens in confereñce here yesterday over the reso BUYING ENGLISH NAVAL DESIGNS.

lutions “indorsing ” President Cleveland show political good sense in not folloiving New York Tribune (Rep.), September 18.

the venerable Mr. Downing's lead in the matter. The President is not a man who needs

indorsement from anybody to keep him straight in a course once. resolved The full speed power of modern ships-of-war is apparently nominal. Great

But the great point is that the colored citizen should begin to make an end efforts have been made by English naval designers to build armored and unar of arraying themselves, or permitting themselves to be arrayed, as a separate body, mored cruisers that will exceel sixteen knots in sea-speed, and at the same time cither to demand or sue for consideration as such. What they should strive for.is carry a formidable armament. It is only after repeated trials that the maximum to lose their class and

racial identity and become assimilated as individuals, polit speed can ever be obtaineel, and there are frequent accidents owing to the violent ically and socially. This will take many generations at the best, but it will be vibration of the machinery. The Engineer, a competent authority, asserts that much retarded by their holding together in politics as a race and emphasizing.com the speed of British war vessels, as given in Parliamentary reports and current sta tinually

their downtrodden and deprived"condition. Let them try to clear their tistics, is from 25 to 30 per cent higher than that at which the engines can be minds of cant, and look at things as they are.

To be respected, be respectable," There is evidence,” it says, “ that the machinery of her Majes sums up the whole practical philosophy of social standing in this Republic : While

use.

on.

66

safely worked.

the great majority of the blacks have been so lately steeped in the ignorance and have no direct connection with methods of appointment. Neither the Conservative moral degradation of slavery, the battle for those who aspire must be hard and leader nor any one else in England proposes to intersere with the civil service in pitiable. The whole will be carelessly judged by the largest number, and no the current American use of the term. To revert to the former methods of amount of legislation for their civil rights can practically prevent this. In Europe, appointment through favoritism and family influence, without regard to merit tests, in the brightest society of Paris or Berlin—the colored man is welcome on his per would be an impossible revolution in British government. Beyond doubt, our sonal merits as an individual, because he has not been identified with a servile methods of executing the civil-service appointment law can be and are being imclass. As the era of slavery grows distant it will undoubtedly be the same here, proved. But that these practices are susceptible of improvement, and need it, and the sooner the blacks refuse to play the role of professional political martyrs does not show that they are vicious and useless, but rather indicates that they are for or against any political party, the sooner will this class stigma be forgotten. salutary and useful, and capable of being made more so. It would be as logical The Republican party long ago did everything for them that law and government to condemn the elective system and constitutional government for the reason that can do; it can never legislate them into social equality. In Boston no more than bad men are sometimes elected to important offices and constitutions frequently in Charleston can they demand acceptance in ordinary fashionable society or ex need amendment. The attempted argument by analogy from what is going on in pect common marriage with whites; but every black man's or woman's individual England would be unsound, even were it not based upon gross confusion of terms abilities, character, wealth, and accomplishments will undoubtedly have due recog of similar sound but different meaning. If there is to be a fight for the abolition nition here, as in Europe, fifty years hence. The key of gold will unlock many a of our civil-service system, let it be an open and manly one, free from mere tricks barrier, and with the showing of the census statistics there must be a class of in the use of words. wealthy colored men arising even in the South. We have yet to witness in this country the social phenomena that would surround a colored millionaire in New York; and the effect of two or three generations of wealth and culture on a col

THE NEXT HOUSE. ored family is wholly unknown. It will only retard such developments to have the colored people continually depending on their mass and class rather than on

Special Dispatch to the Boston Journal (Rep.). individual personal manhood.

WASHINGTON, Sept. 18.--Congressman W. W. Grout, of Vermont, writes to a friend in this city: “If the vote on Vermont and Reed's majority in Maine are

any guide for the rest of the country, we will easily have the next House; so mote NATIONAL INDEBTEDNESS.

it be.” On the other hand, shrewd political observers with a Democratic leaning

make this estimate: There is no special likelihood of any change in the delegaNew Orleans Times Democrat (Dem.).

tions from New Hampshire and Rhode Island; both Connecticut and MassachuTHE Argentine Republic is decidely the most prosperous country of South

setts have each one reliable Democratic district, and one only, but there are two America. It is securing more immigration and growing more rapidly in wealth and

in Connecticut and three in Massachusetts which are more or less close and population than any of the other States of that continent. The Argentines have

doubtsul. Two of these districts are now represented by Democrats and three by the utmost confidence in the future of their country, but they are trying a very

Republicans. The probabilities are, apparently, that the Democrats will at least rash experiment in testing how great is its credit. No country has ever possessed

hold their own in these States, and will, perhaps, make gains. In New York, a relatively greater debt than the Argentines to-day. The population of the terri New Jersey, and Pennsylvania there is some prospect of Democratic gains, unless tory is 3,000,000_less than the States of Illinois or Ohio—and yet its debt is interfered with by the labor vote, which is drawn mainly from the Democratic already $456,000,000, and growing rapidly. This is an investment of $152 a head.

party. In Ohio there will be Democratic losses in consequence of the redistricting It is equal to an indebtedness of $150,000,000 for Louisiana, nearly as much as its

or the Slate. In Indiana and Illinois the delegations, which now stand thirty total assessment, and to $9,000,000,000 for the United States—which this country

Democrats and twenty sour Republicans, may possibly be reversed. Michigan would consider a fearful burden. Rich as the republic is, its total wealth is barely

may show a gain of two Republican members, which will probably be offset by four times its indebtedness. Some of this, it is true, is invested in productive

corresponding losses in Wisconsin. In Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, and Nebraska, property, bul the fact still remains that the Argentines are paying an annual tribute .if there is any change, it will be in favor of the Democrats. In California there of $20,000,000 to the holders of bonds, living mainly in England. This is too

will be a Democratic gain. In the far Southern States of South Carolina, Georgia, great a drain upon the resources of any country, and while the republic is growing

Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas the Republicans or in consequence of immigration and a boom in business, any check to this progress

the opposition of all sorts can not lose much, for the very good reason that they have which is likely to come there, as in the United States, would precipitate an unsor

very little to lose, the delegations from those eight States being, with one exception, tunate crisis, and render this tribute a burden greater than the people of Argentina

solidly Democratic. The Republicans have one member from Maryland, two from can bear. This is an age of great national debts, but the Argentine Republic has

Virginia, one from West Virginia, one from North Carolina, three from Tennessee, tried the experiment on too grand a scale.

one from Kentucky, and two from Missouri, or eleven in all. Their strength in the next House, owing to the disorganization caused in the party in these States

by the loss of the Federal patronage, is likely to be diminished. From this review MR. TILDEN'S WARNING.

of the whole field it seems altogether unlikely that the Democratic party can lose

control of the next House. It may not have quite so large a majority, although New York Sun (Dem.), September 18.

the chances are quite good that it will have a still larger one. The warning letter which Mr. Tilden wrote concerning the necessity of fortisying our seaports was treated with indifference by the Administration at Washington. Its lesson, however, has not been lost upon the country. The Republicans

LIEBKNECHT AND HIS SOCIALISM. have been quick to avail themselves of the suggestions thrown out by the Democratic statesman.

Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.), September 16. In the platform of the Republican party in Connecticut for the present campaign is this little plank :

The arrival of Herr Liebknecht, one of the leaders of German socialism, in this

country, has evoked some expressions from the press to the effect that we have had "In the present condition of our coast fortifications the country stands practically defencoloss. It is incapable of conducting International controversies upon equal terms,

enough socialism here and that Liebknecht should be informed of it. Perhaps it and is liable to shameful humiliations. Prompt and energotic action is a high and im would have been wiser before expressing such opinions as that to have waited long mediate duty. We commend the Republican Senalo for its patriotic attempts to meot enough to find out what sort of socialism Liebknechts socialism is. An interview the emergency, and declare the Democratic House of Representatives without excuse or palliation for its refusal to co-operato.”

with that leader of the ideas which Bismarck is trying to suppress in Germany

affords some information on that point that people should study before classifying This is no negative utterance. It is the assertion of a positive, affirmative pol

him with the anarchist lunatics and incendiaries. After disclaiıning any “red icy on a subject of national importance—a policy which is certain to command

specter” in connection with his party, declaring that “in Europe anarchists are strong popular support, and in the end sure to prevail. A great public measure,

regarded as spies organized by the government,” and asserting that the proper proposed and formulated by the true leader of the Democratic party, is disre

place for Most is a lunatic asylum, Herr Liebknecht gives this view as to the need garded and neglected inówhat ought to be the house of its friends, and adequately

of social reform in this country: “Too much wealth on one side, too much povappreciated only by the political opponents of the statesman with whom it origin

erty on the other side, ruined the great republic of Rome. It will ruin this Reated. In thus treating Mr. Tilden's sagacious advice the Democrats responsi

public of the United States unless some check is put to it and a healthy middle ble for the conduct of national affairs are justly liable to unfavorable criticism, not

class encouraged and protected to hold the balance of peace, not of power, beonly as officers of the Government, but as members of a great political party.

tween the rich and the truly poor.” This may be destructive socialism but if it is They have supinely permitted the enemy to capture and carry off their biggest a good many thousands of thoughtful men in this country are full of the same sort guns.

of socialistic ideas. Going to another branch of the subject our German visitor says:

“ It is the duty of the state to give every child not only thorough moral but

physical training. The children are the nation's wards. We improve the welfare ATTACKS ON CIVIL SERVICE.

of our people by making good citizens of them.” There is of course a wide differ

ence os opinion possible as to the measures to be adopted for the correction of the New York Star (Dem.), September 21.

tendencies which involves all the evils of a plutocracy on one hand and proletariat LORI) RANDOLPH CHURCHILL has recently proposed and carried a motion for a on the other. No doubt the condititions which Herr Liebknecht has studied in cominission to investigate and correct certain abuses in the civil service of Great Germany would lead him to advocate a policy that would be impracticable and unBritain. Whereupon some American politicians, who priile themselves on being necessary here. Indeed, he expressly states that he comes to this country as a very much more Democratic than Thomas Jefferson or Andrew Jackson, exclaim student and not as an apostle of socialisin, and declares that if he has any mission that this demonstration of the failure of the English civil service shows the utter it is to disabuse the public mind of the impression that there is any anarchy in folly of having a civil-service system in the United States. Such reasoning is not connection with his school of thought. Whatever criticisms may be made of Liebeven entitled to take respectable rank as a fallacy. The abuses in process of correc knecht's theories of governmental organization, there cannot be much doubt that tion in England relate to details of administration by officials already in place, and in its purposes his socialism will make pretty good American citizenship.

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ably bring him to grief. As the matter stands it is difficult to see how he can be THE NEXT PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN.

the candidate of the Republican party again unless that organization indorses pro

hibition. If words mean anything he is a prohibitionist. He cannot stand for MAINE AND BLAINE.

that policy in Maine and profess hostility to it in Ohio and Illinois, as he has been The issue of PUBLIC OPINION for the 18th inst. contained numerous press opin

in the habit of doing.

Boston Globe (Dem.). ions on the result of the Maine election, and its bearing on the assumed Presiden

We believe in looking the facts in the face, whether they are agreeable to us or tial candidacy of Mr. Blaine. The appended extracts are a continuation of the

not. There is no use in denying that Mr. Blaine has carried Maine by a majority same line of comment.

which, considering that it is an off year, is fully up to the vote given for him in New Orleans Times-Democrat (Dem.).

1884. The logical deduction of this is that Mr. Blaine is now as strong at least as

he ever was, and the inference may not unfairly be drawn that, as in Maine, so in What makes the Maine election at all interesting is the fact that the contest the country, he is still the most popular of all the Republican leaders, But there within the Republican party for the Presidential nomination depended largely on is another view of the Maine election even more favorable to Mr. Blaine's prosthe result there. It is Mr. Blaine's State, Mr. Blaine's campaign; and he hoped to demonstrate the fact that he is still the popular hero of the Republicans, to prove

pects of a renomination, and that is the plurality cast on Monday was by no means

We have said that it was fully up to the plurality of 1884, when due that he can carry Maine by an increased majority, and thus show that he is stronger allowance is made for the off year, but still a plurality of 14,000 out of a total of to-day than he was in the last campaign, and therefore entitled to the party nomi

nearly 130,000 is none too large a margin to speculate on for Presidential purposes, nation. It was for this purpose that Mr. Blaine opened the canvass in person and especially when it is remembered that twice within ten years the State has been carried it on earnestly and energetically. Has he won? The Associated Press,

carried by the opposition. Taking further into account that this 14,000 represents which in New England has always been ardently pro-Blaine, asserts that the Repub

the result of the canvass made by Mr. Blaine in person in a series of speeches that lican majority is the largest ever known in the State during an off-year, at the same

were quite up to his Presidential standard, backed by a whole corps of speakers time it can not quite conceal the fact that the party has not polled as large a vote

from other States, and it may well be questioned what would become of that as in 1884, which will probably be explained as due to the fact that Mr. Blaine was

plurality if any other candidate were running as the head of the Republican not on the ticket, and his magnetism was needed to draw out the entire Republi

Presidential ticket. Disappoint Maine by nominating any other man than the can vote. The general sentiment, however, is that the hero of the Mulligan let

plumed knight and the next Republican National Convention may well inquire ters has won a sufficient victory to make him decidedly the most promising Repub

whether the principal September State may not be classed among the doubtful, if lican candidate for the Presidential nomination, to render it certain, in the absence

not wholly removed from the Republican column. Mr. Blaine's partisans may of any other great leader, that he will be the standard-bearer of the party in 1888.

well claim that in more senses than one the results of Monday's election in Maine The Republican press is rapidly admitting this. Wherever interviews have been

make it absolutely essential to renominate their favorite in 1888. * held with Republicans a majority have expressed themselves as favorable to Blaine.

The Transcript says that with New York's electoral votes the Republican candiThe New York Times and other Mugwump papers see the prospect ahead and date can win without Maine's electoral votes. But the cold, hard fact of history are already republishing the letters to My Dear Fisher," in the hopes that they

is that Mr. Blaine came nearer to success without New York in 1884 than any will thereby frighten the party from making the mistake of renominating Blaine. other man is likely to do again, and if he had had New York's vote he could have It is early in the day for that gentleman to begin his campaign, but he believes in

spared Maine's, Vermont's and California's and still have succeeded. Beyond this the early worm. As things now stand, it is scarcely possible to imagine any event the Transcript cannot name any Republican who is at all likely to be able to carry that can defeat his renomination, exccpt his death or physical or mental decay. This renomination will be a bold stroke, and in the light of political history, a

New York in 1888, and hence all the more necessity this time to hold on to Maine and her favorite son, who alone can surely carry it, and, by a bare possibility

, great mistake. To choose a defeated candidate, a man repudiated by the coun. enough Western and Pacific States to make up for New York's loss. Mr. Blaine's try, whose shame and dishonor are known everywhere, seems a fatal error. Mr.

renomination two years hence is inevitable." At the finish he will be bealen as Blaine's friends are advocating his cause with the remarkable declaration that if

before if the Democratic party makes a wise and strong nomination. But any he is renominated, it will be impossible to say anything new against him; that the

other Republican candidate now in sight would be beaten- not at the finish, but country will know, from the start, the charges that will be brought. They say from the start. That is why they will take Blaine-because they must. that the Democrats spent their ammunition in 1884, and will have nothing but old stale powder for use in 1888. And while they do not openly say so, they insinuate

Boston Post (Dem.). that charges like those made against “ the plumed knight” lose their weight and “Oh! for one hour of James G. Blaine !" ejaculated the attorney-general of influence with time and are never so powerful as when first made. If renomi New Hampshire in his capacity as chairman of the Republican State Convention. nated, Mr. Blaine will go before the country again; there will be nothing new for There being no immediate prospect of realizing this fervid aspiration, he substihis opponents to say against him, and with the public tired of the reiteration of tuted one hour and a quarter of Tappan, which, after all, proved to be very much these charges; and finally, “as distance lends enchantment, time softens offenses,” the same thing. In fact, the New Hampshire Republicans have opened their Mr. Blaine's Little Rock deals will not present so criminal an appearance as two campaign with a servile imitation of Mr. Blaine's canvass in their neighboring Stale. years ago. It is a bold policy to pursue, but we have too much confidence in the

It does not need the assurance given by the chairman of their convention that "the judgment of the American people to believe that the bravado of the “plumed coming contest is but the forming of the skirmish like in the great national strug. knight” will ever win.

gle of 1888;" for if the candidate of 1884 had managed the affair himself he Chicago Herald (Ind.).

could not have given it a richer flavor of demagogy or set it ringing louder

with rant, with the same end in view. Chairman Tappan, indeed, was not alone Two years ago, when Mr. Blaine went to the polls in Augusta, he refused to

in his longing for Mr. Blaine. The whole convention, in its resolutions, cried aloud vote on the question of constitutional prohibition because it was “a local issue," and because, as he was then a candidate for the Presidency, he did not care to

for him in every paragraph. The chairman committed himself to the assertion

that “ the solid South refuses to let the colored people vote, and the North is out commit himself on the subject. That was called a “ dodge,” and such it was. This

voted and beaten and put down by fraud.” The resolutions « denounce as heart: year the same question came up in another way. The Prohibitionists, believing less and hostile those Presidential vetoes of nearly a hundred pension cases which that the law was not being enforced by the Republicans as it should be, put a separate ticket in the field, and, by making a vigorous canvass, they compelled the

Congress had found to be worthy." The chairman “ felt humiliated by the atti.

tude of the Administration on the fishery question.” The platform condemned gentleman from the Kennebec to define his position once for all. This he did in a

“ the purpose of the Democratic party to degrade labor and reduce wages," by a way which the result shows was reasonably satisfactory to the preponderating reform of the tariff. Together, it was a race between the chairman and the comprohibition sentiment of the State. He candidly

, admitted his belief, not only in mittee on resolutions as to which should go farthest on the road to folly which Mr The efficacy of prohibitory enactments, but in their wisdom. It was his confidence

Blaine pointed out in Maine. When the chairman had finished, no one else had that the Republican party was a better prohibition party than the Prohibitionists

anything to say. When

the platform had been adopted, nothing was left for the themselves which made him a Republican. To go outside of that party for tem

candidate to remark in addition. The ground had been fully covered. But it may perance legislation was, in his opinion, entirely unnecessary. It had given Maine,

be questioned whether intelligent Republicans in New Hampshire—for there are Kansas, Iowa, and Rhode Island prohibition, and it could be depended upon to such there-relish the dose which thus comes to them at second hand from Mr. enforce the laws which it had made. By these and many other utterances to the

Blaine. same effect Mr. Blaine committed himself as never before to the policy of prohibi

The approval of fraudulent pension claims, a high tariff on raw material, tion, so far as the State of Maine was concerned. As has been said, the result of hope to make much of a figure in the great national struggle of 1888. They

the bloody shirt and constitutional prohibition are not issues upon which they can the election there shows that his accession to the ranks of the cold water army was

are rather such as sensible men would choose to avoid ; but as they have been pro regarded by the people of Maine as final and unequivocal or they would not have given him the support which they did as against such men of undoubted sincerity Hampshire, there seems to be no escape from it.

claimed by Mr. Blaine himself and reiterated by the party organization in New às ex-Governor St. John and General Neal Dow. It has been proved on more than one occassion that two-thirds of the people of Maine are in favor of constitu

New Yorker Staats-Zeitung (Ind.). tional prohibition. How strong Mr. Blaine's advocacy of that policy must have

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.] been may be seen in the fact that with the great temperance leaders of the country How the Blaine organs can encourage themselves by the result of the votes. No man who was not himself believed by his utterances to be thoroughly nomination is almost incomprehensible. The old telegraph “ trick” of duping the

Maine election in respect to the prospects of their candidate for the Presidential in sympathy with the movement could have done that. The Blaine ticket wins in public through a puffing up of the intelligence of an election victory no longer Maine because it is regarded, as Mr. Blaine intended that it should be regarded, deceives

. In history this

practice has ceased from the epoch of the Franco-Ger as the one which represented the best temperance sentiment of the State. If Mr. man war, and in politics because the beliefs of the community in the trustworthiBlaine in earnest in the stand which he has taken he is to be commended for

ness of party organs is becoming weaker and weaker. The Blaine organs must his manliness and independence. If policy dictated his course in Maine the same consequently wait until the public can correct their fallacies, and then will that expediency will cause him to be an anti-prohibitionist in States where the temper class of the latter who are unusually susceptible to first impressions quietly recome ance sentiment is not so strong. This will involve more dodging and will inevit themselves and look in vain for the grand

triumph of Blaine in his State of Maine

As the Blaine prints have been so much occupied hitherto with boasting over the result, that they have not had time to analyze the vote, we do not yet know how they will try to embellish the defection of more than one-eighth of this vote. The attempt made by the press agency, which is friendly to Blaine, to coerce the public at present into a comparison with the result in 1882, in which the Democrats, in consequence of a fusion, were able to bring about considerable defection from the Republican party, proves that the Blaineites do not feel as well as they would like to make us believe. If Blaine arrives at a just conception of the truths which are contained in the figures that represent the present vote of parties, and does not suffer his head to be turned by the incense of a singulated triumph on the part of his organs, he will be compelled to exclaim: “One more such victory and I am lost!”

Der Deutsche Republican, Baltimore (Dem.).

[Translated for PUBLIO OPINION. In the Blaine Republican prints throughout the country there has reigned great jubilation since the 13th inst. on account of the result of the Maine election, since the candidacy of Mr. Blaine has thereby obtained a solid foundation, which is quite agreeable to us, and generally to all good Democrats. Blaine is not altogether the weakest of all the candidates which the Republicans could bring forward, but he is a weak candidate even though he should succeed in entrapping more Irish votes than he received in the last election. That he carries Maine in his «breeches pocket” signifies little. Maine is a small State, and her motto “ Dirigo," I lead—does not express a truth. But the victory of last Monday even is not so notable as the partizans of Blaine assume. It is not to be forgotten that the Republican vote shows a considerable falling-off, that in comparison with the last Presidential election amounts to 27 per cent. The Democrats, it is true, have also fallen off, but not so considerably. Besides, the fact should not be overlooked that ihe Republicans made the greatest efforts, whilst the Democrats were not at all organized. The Prohibitionists only have reason to be proud, for they have increased their vote 150 per cent., and that in spite of the fact that Blaine promised them everything that is good and beautiful, and that the Republicans of Maine, in all time past, have been good temperance men.

The Prohibitionists will be far more zealous in the next Presidential election there than they were two years ago, and will draw off far more votes from the Republicans than they will obtain through Irish accessions.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.). It turns out that there were but a few thousands of the dissatisfied extremists, and that, as usual, the solidarity of Republicanism and prohibition remained unshaken and mustered a majority large enough to put Blaine well forward as the candidate for the combination of 1888. It encourages the prohibitionists everywhere to cling to the Republican party as a good enough Prohibition party for State or National purposes, and as their only hope in politics. It also encourages the Republicans of such prohibition States as Kansas and Iowa to cling to prohibition, and to again insist on the nomination of Blaine as the only Republican who can come any way near getting the full Prohibition vote in spite of St. John and Neal Dow. Thus is Logan practically shelved and Blaine once more put in a position to bestow the Republican nomination on whom he pleases, if unable to grab it himself. Whether he will get it, or give it to Sherman of Ohio, or Allison of Iowa, is to be determined by the bargains and complications yet to grow out of his struggle. Henceforward it will be amusing to watch Logan fighting him and the other aspirants courting the Maine man, anxious to inherit his convention vote yet fearing that it may be strong enough to nominate him. Perhaps it was this situation of affairs the Maine Democrats hoped for. They were unusually quiet in this contest. It was said they were sullen and inert because they resented the failure of the President to “turn the rascals out.” But if the Maine election had shelved Blaine, the Democrats everywhere would have felt that they had lessened their own chances by thus unloading the other party.

Cincinnati Post (Ind.). MR. BLAINE threw the event of his personal campaign for the Presidential nomination in 1888 into the issue of this fight in Maine. He entered the campaign with a full understanding that a Republican defeat in Maine this fall would put an eternal quietus on all his hopes for a Presidential nomination. Now that the Republicans of the Pine Tree State have been brilliantly successful it must be conceded by all that Blaine is to-day the Republican choice for the Presidency by so overwhelming a majority that the nomination, if made to-day, would be scarcely more than a formal ratification. While the Republicans have scored a brilliant success in Maine' against unusual opposition, the fact must not by any means be overlooked that the Prohibs of that State have at least trebled and probably quadrupled their vote of two years ago, which was that of a Presidential year, and it is therefore taken as a fair measure of the full party strength. This triple increase in the voting strength of the Prohibs in two years presents a familiar but always interesting and instructive problem in geometric progression. If the voting strength of the Prohibs in Maine trebles in two years, and is to-day in round numbers 3,000 votes, what will its strength be six years from now? The answer is a sum nearly equal to the total poll of the State.

Galveston News (Dem.). MR. BLAINE is a great politician, and others may study his methods, but they are not original, and probably he has in a very simple manner copied the characteristic methods of politicians who went before. His strength is in an unblushing confidence that old and transparent arts will still serve the purpose for which they are intended. The people will want to be flattered, to be promised prosperity, good crops and good trade, and to hear their political opponents roundly denounced. Though tainted with fraud, he came within an ace of being elected President, and there is not a citizen of the United States who knows anything of national politics who does not know that Mr. Blaine is seeking to have the Republican nomination enthusiastically hurled at his devoted head. But he does not solicit the nomina

tion, because the man who solicits anything is very likely to arouse desires to deny it to him, because anxiety is a sign of weakness; and because assurance shows confidence, and confidence is an indication, sometimes, of strength, though not invariably of knowledge. Mr. Blaine's political maneuvers ought to go far to explode the remarkable confidence which the people have in political professions, so transparent are his pretenses.

Washington Critic (Ind.). “MR. BLAINE is very much elated at the result of the election in Maine," said one of his staunchest supporters, “and in a letter received by me this morning he acknowledges the receipt of a congratulatory telegram as to the outcome of Monday. Nothing will prevent the Maine statesman from going before the nominating convention in 1888, and I believe he will be stronger than ever.

There is no question that he can command the undivided labor vote, this fact having been demonstrated in Monday's contest. Of course it is problematical as to the balance of the country, but in the next campaign, as in the one that preceded it, the battleground will be New York State. From the best sources I have it that Mr. Blaine, whether nominated or not, will make a most active canvass in the Empire State for the benefit of the party of which he is a foremost leader."

The election in Maine, it is true, indicates that Blaine is still the favorite in his own State, tariff and all, but it practically amounts to little more than an offset to the verdict rendered against him in Vermont. There ought to be, by good rights, some new men and new issues developed between now and the national convention of 1888.

Chicago News (Ind.). The cold figures of the returns are as blighting to Mr. Blaine's hopes for 1888 as were the fateful 1,149 which told in 1884, that he had then lost all in losing New York. He has deliberately and even ostentatiously invited the result of this State election as a criterion of his strength; and to the end that it should be a sweeping victory~not for the Republican candidates, whose election was a foregone conclusion under any circumstances—he has vigorously participated in the campaign himself and invited assistance from every available quarter. It may be noted, parenthetically, that the failure of this invited assistance to respond is not the least significant feature of the whole affair. Logan, Sherman and Evarts, who were especially solicited, were conspicuous by their absence, and of all the other eminent speakers announced only Senator Allison, of Iowa, and John D Long, of Massachusetts, responded. The dispatch from his own home, announcing that while “both the Republican and the Democratic vote show a falling off from that cast in 1884, yet the Republicans have suffered far more than the Democrats," ought to sound the knell of the Blaine candidacy.

Chicago Tribune (Rep.). From the perusal of a piece of expert blackguardism one may form some sort of an idea as to what sort of a person a professional blackguard is. From the perusal of the following piece of mugwumpism one may form some sort of an idea of what a political Mugwump is. It has come at last, as might have been expected, and here it is :

That marriage of Blaino's son to a Roman Catholic girl by a Catholic priest will do much to kill of his father's national reputation in the convention of 1888. It is nearly time, at any rate, that the Blaine family should cease to masquerade as a Protestant family.

What hảs Mr. Blaine's religion or politics to do with the secret marriage of his son—a boy or 18 years of age ? And why should Mr. Plaine's family be dragged into the controversy? As between blackguardism and mugwumpism the former would appear to be the more reasonable and infinitely the more respectable.

Detroit Free Press (Dem.). The entire Maine campaign was conducted, so far as the Republicans were concerned, in the interests of Blaine's reappearance as a Presidential candidate. They knew from the start that the State could be carried without any serious effort. They had a safe if not large plurality in spite of prohibition hostility. But a safe plurality was not sufficient for Blaine. Something had to be done to show his strength-not to the Democracy, but to the Republicans in other States, and notably in Illinois and Ohio. That something was not done. The Republicans have carried Maine, but they have not so carried it as to advance Blaine's prospects a hair's breadth. On the contrary, his prospects are distinctly worse now than they were before the election. The discussion as to the Maine result may, therefore, be safely left to the Blaine Republicans and the Republicans who have other candidates in grooming for the race of 1888.

Der Cincinnati Volks-Freund (Dem.).

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.) The Republican majority, as compared with that of 1884, has been considerably reduced. This involves naturally a portentious defeat for Blaine, who considered the affair as a personal struggle, and employed every expedient to assist the Republicans to a brilliant success. The election returns prove that Mr. Blaine is pretty well “played-out,” and his Presidential star is rapidly setting—more rapidly, indeed, than was assumed before the elections in Vermont and Maine. If it be considered that in the latter State the Democrats made no canvass, and did not give themselves the slightest trouble to effect an organization, that, moreover, the Prohibitionists did not aim at a poll which they believe themselves capable of recording, Blaine's fiasco is still more radical and complete.

The Anzeiger des Westens (Dem.).

[Translated for PUBLIO OPINION.) THE victory of the Republicans in Maine strengthens Blaine's prospects of being nominated as the Republican Presidential candidate in the year 1888, or at least of being in a position to prescribe who shall be the candidate. The increase of the “out and out” Prohibition vote under Neal Dow, it is true, is very considerable in itself, but not great enough to wreck Blaine's chances as a compromise candidate of the moderate Prohibitionists and the anti-Prohibition Republicans,

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ing outlook the gentleman with a smirch on his coat tail stands out more promi

To the Republicans of Kansas, Iowa, &c., he continues to be the “ Man from intended to be a Blaine revival. It was to be a formal entry of Mr. Blaine for the
Maine"—the State which is the cradle of prohibition. The German adversaries Presidential race in 1888. A“ glorious victory” in Maine was to put the man of.
of prohibition will now, as heretofore, content themselves with the story that Maine at the head of the Republican party and compel his being placed at the
Blaine's son drank wine out of the Heidelberg tun.

head of the Republican ticket in two years' time. The Leader says it was a glo

rious victory, and so Mr. Blaine goes to the front,
Brooklyn Times (Rep.).
The Hon. Seth Milliken, of Maine, is quoted as saying of Mr. Blaine : “Nothing

Richmond State (Dem.).
will prevent the Maine statesman from going before the nominating convention in As Blaine evidently did not believe that Maine was a doubtful State, and was
1888, and I believe he will be stronger than ever. In the next campaign, as in equally sure that no exigency would arise requiring his assistance, the idea natur-
the one that preceded it, the battle-ground will be New York State. From the ally prevails that his late bloody-shirt speech-making tour through that State was
best sources I have it that Mr. Blaine, whether nominated or not, will make a most simply one of his methods of keeping himself before the people as a candidate for
active canvass in the Empire State for the benefit of the party.” This is probably the Presidency in 1888. In addition to being a man of very little, if any moral
straight. Mr. Blaine is not the man to force himself upon the convention, but the principle, he is also a regular “ Artful Dodger.”
indications now are that it will demand his nomination with a voice not to be drowned
and a strength not to be resisted or denied. What other candidate is mentioned ?

Kansas City Times (Dem.).
Who else stands the ghost of a show before the convention if Mr. Blaine lives and

WHEN all the returns are in from Maine, and Republican leaders have made a retains his health ?

proper estimate of Mr. Blaine's work there during the campaign just closed, it may Louisville Commercial (Rep.).

act as a wet blanket upon their desire to see him the national standard bearer of The success of James G. Blaine's efforts in that election had been conceded in

his party in 1888. Mr. Blaine may be utterly shelved by his party by the time the advance to mean his prominence as a candidate for the Presidency two years hence.

next campaign rolls round and the Republicans are fighting under fresher leaders

and issues. The widespread attention given to his lately-published speeches attested the strong

Richmond Whig (Dem.).
grasp which his personality has upon the American people. No other man in the
country not in a public position, and especially no other man after having been The outcome of the Maine election has a national significance, it is true, but it
defeated for the Presidency, could hope to have his speeches read and discussed is clearly not the sort of significance that Mr. Blaine would like to attach to it.
so widely. The people of both parties must now recognize his strength and recog All the flattering constructions he may put upon it will not disguise the startling
nize him as a man to be defeated by whoever steps next into the White House. slip in the Republican majority, and while it may not defeat his second nomination
More than this, his late speeches may be regarded as embodying the principles of for the Presidency, it will not strengthen his chances of occupying the White
which the next Republican platform will be formed.

House.
Boston Herald (Ind.).

New York Mail and Express (Rep.).
A DEMOCRATIC contemporary, which is in the role of exalting Mr. Blaine at

THE Mugwumps naturally show the most irritation over the fact that Mr. Blaine present, makes the remarkable assertion that, “obviously, if Mr. Blaine had not not only “still lives,” but successfully leads a solid Republican party in Maine

made the great effort [in the late election], Maine would have gone Democratic.” through a campaign which the Mugwumps inwardly believed would end disas. ..

Here is truly a back-handed compliment to the Democratic party of that State. It trously for the Republicans and fatally for Mr. Blaine, as a State and national rests with Mr. Blaine only to arise and enter the field to take from the Democrats

leader. Hence their exasperation and nice derangement of epitaphs.”
!
7,000 voters and transfer them to the other side. Of course, this is all nonsense,

Philadelphia Times (Ind.).
but a party is in a poor way, indeed, when this is the opinion its own organs have
of the men who compose it.

WHILE the result in Maine gives no special boom to Blaine for 1888, the fact
New York Herald (Ind.).

that he has reasonably held his own against an avowed effort to break him down

by a greatly reduced Republican majority, makes him a substantial victor. It The national Republican party has a concern of its own in the great shrinkage won't make him President, but it leaves the sunshine hope to brighten the of the majority on which it has been accustomed to rely in an important State, in a thorny path he treads to follow the Presidential will-o'-the-wisp. campaign conducted under Mr. Blaine's personal leadership upon issues selected by himself and proclaimed as those on which he desires the party to stake its for

Atlanta Constitution (Dem.). tunes in the Presidential election of 1888. As the result of his six weeks' canvass Mr.

THE Prohibitionists of Maine, as in other States, are not fully ready for their Blaine has not only alienated the West, but his grip upon the East has slackened

third-party movement. They are organizing and preparing for '88. In the next also, and the Democrats are praying for his renomination.

national campaign they will be more likely to give the Republicans trouble than

was the case in 84, although they smashed things then with a heavy hand. So Minneapolis Tribune (Rep.).

the Republican victory in Maine is not worth talking about
MR. BLAINE's prominence in the campaign gives this victory some of the
elements of a personal triumph. His own home, the city of Augusta, gave the

Leavenworth, Kansas, Times (Rep.).
largest Republican majority in its history. The fishermen evidently appreciated monwealth, have rallied

again under the banner of the grand old party so proudly

The Republicans of the Pine Tree State, true to the best interests of their comhis arraignment of Mr. Bayard's foreign policy, and the strong vote in Lewiston and the manufacturing region may be attributed to some extent to Mr. Blaine's

borne by that matchless leader, James G. Blaine, and achieved a victory that will arguments on labor and the tariff. It cannot be doubted that this election will inspire and enthuse every patriotic Republican throughout the United States the strengthen Mr. Blaine for 1888.

first gun in the great battle of 1888.
Washington Hatchet (Ind.).

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.).
MR. BLAINE's entrance into the struggle was an audacious experiment. Upon

The Maine contest indicates that the Republican line remains unbroken. So the result all his prospects as a Presidential aspirant depended. "If he had been far from being discouraged by the accidental combination of circumstances which defeated he would have been taken clearly out of the race. It would have been

gave the victory to the Democrats two years ago, the Republican party stands ready accepted as finis of his ambition. As it is, he is before the country and his party

for the victorious battle which it is destined to wage against the forces of darknes,
in a more pronounced way than ever and the problem of Blaine continues to be deviltry and Democracy in 1888..
the most serious one which Republicans anxious only for victory in 1888 have to

Washington Republic (Rep.).
solve.
Pittsburgh Press (Rep.).

The only reason why the Republic prefers Blaine is that it believes him to be

the strongest man in the party. " If it shall be shown at any time between this and AFTER Maine, this year, the country will watch with interest and listen atten

the assembling of the nominating convention in 1888 that any other man is stronger tively to Mr. Blaine's appearance and voice in the gaseous atmosphere of Pittsburgh, with the Republican voters of the country than James G. Blaine, then the Republic where he has promised to appear in October. Gen. Logan's coming on the 25th

will be for that man.
inst. will not be without interest also, but the great event of the campaign will be

New York Evening Post (Ind.).
Blaine's appearance in this city. There is no doubt of Pennsylvania's feeling

If the Republican leaders have all made up their minds to the renomination of toward Blaine. He is her “ favorite son,” and first choice for the Presidency.

Plaine, they are pursuing a wise course in not embarrassing him with any entang Nashville American (Dem.).

the interest of the people, they can not too soon do something indicative of this MR. BLAINE made most desperate efforts to capture Maine and succeeded. It would have ruined him if he hadn't, but it doesn't help him or his party, now that purpose. he bas. In view of the fact that Grover Cleveland was elected without any help

Oshkosh Times (Dem.).
from Maine, we trust that Democrats will not suffer themselves to be discouraged.

Maine
has again been carried by the Republicans

, and it is believed that Penn It is only necessary now for them to unite in a strong and determined effort to

sylvania may be safely counted on by the grand old party. And with this promis carry Texas to counteract the effect of the reverse in Maine, Toledo Blade (Rep.).

nently than ever before for 1888. THE Blaine contest shows that Republicanism depends for its strength upon the

Springfield, Ohio, Globe-Republic (Rep.). honest convictions of the voters and not upon the possession of national power, We hear of certain Republicans who think that Mr. Blaine ought to be ki laid, he that the party is

the shelf.” Practical questions in connection with this are who is there in the nificantly shows that James G. Blaine is still a power with the people and that the

enough to hold him?
defeat of 1884 has not weakened him in their estimation.

Youngstown Telegram (Rep.).
Cleveland Plain Dealer (Dem.).

MR. BLAINE was not afraid to fight the Prohibitionists in Maine. Mr. Blaineis
It was Blaine who ran the campaign, and ran it in his own interest. never afraid to do the brave and "manly thing, and election-day rains, blundering

and hidasturbing et rikan before they accidentally dropped into power, and it also sig country robust enough ao execute the jobtion and where is the shelf substantial

It was

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