two impressions: Either that Mr. Blaine's mental force is waning, or that he has no faith in his cause and no spirit for the fight that is before him. Wilkes-Barre Leader (Dem.).

MR. BLAINE has evidently worked out in his own mind and to his own entire satisfaction the problem of the next Presidential campaign. He is not a man to lack faith in his own resources. He has doubtless reached a complete understanding with himself as to the different classes or elements it will be needful to impress and as to the means whereby the impressing is to be done.

JAMES G. BLAINE will be nominated by the Republican party in 1888 as their candidate for the Presidency on the first ballot. See if the above prediction is not verified. Now, if Cleveland is nominated by the Democrats to oppose Blaine, Blaine will carry New York State by more than 50,000 majority.—Pomeroy's Democrat (Ind.).

MR. BLAINE opened the State campaign in Maine with an able speech which, rightly or wrongly, will be regarded by many men of all parties as the keynote of the next national campaign, although events may make Mr. Blaine and his personal views of less consequence then than now. Cincinnati Times-Star (Ind.).

SHOULD Blaine's Sebago Lake speech be the key-note of the policy of the Republican party for the campaign of 1888, the main issue will be a protective tariff. Although he discussed five other subjects, the theme through all the speech was the protective tariff.-Memphis Appeal (Dem.).

cuss.

THE dynamite conspiracy business is something Mr. Blaine does not care to disPatrick Ford might not like it, and Mr. Blaine knows that he might lose American votes if he said too much in favor of harboring dynamite refugees.Galveston News (Dem.).

IF Mr. Blaine is to be no more successful as a Presidential candidate in 1888 than his new hobby of Prohibition is in Maine there will be no need to keep a tally of the election returns. The other candidate will be elected by acclamation.-Louisville Commercial (Rep.).

IT IS fairly questionable whether Mr. Blaine, considering his attitude before the country as a prospective Presidential candidate, would not be as well pleased were the Maine election, with its peculiar issues, well off his hands.-Pittsburgh Times (Rep.).

THE Republicans of Ohio attached Gov. Foraker's little Vice-Presidential boom to the bounding chariot of Mr. Blaine. That was about the chief significance of their State convention.-New York World (Dem.).

THE Hon. John Sherman and Senator John Logan must smile sarcastic smiles at each other when they meet and discuss Mr. Blaine's latest bid for the Presidency.—Washington Sunday Herald (Dem.).

TRUE, 'tis pity, and pity 'tis, 'tis true, that probably Presidential candidates and

fearless, unhampered speech are never found in company. Mr. Blaine once more exemplifies the rule.-Boston Globe (Dem.).

MR. BLAINE'S speech opening the Republican campaign in Maine and incidentally his own for the Presidential nomination in 1888 is not of extraordinary brilliancy. Philadelphia Times (Ind.).

CONGRESSMAN BURROWS and ex-Congressman Lacey, of Michigan, say that State is enthusiastic for Blaine as the next Republican Presidential candidate.— Milwaukee Wisconsin (Rep.).

A WIDESPREAD belief obtains that Mr. Blaine will not strike a second time at the Presidential persimmons without carefully ascertaining the length of his pole.-St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

THE white plume of Navarre once more floats in the ranks of political warfare, and its presence means a rally for victory.-Providence Star (Rep.).

MR. BLAINE'S speech was good enough for a President's message. That, however, will come along in 1889.-Baltimore American (Rep.).

IF Jim Blaine carries Maine he will be the next Republican candidate for Presi dent of the United States.-Columbus Dispatch (Ind.).

JAMES G. BLAINE is one hundred thousand votes stronger to-day than he was in 1884.-The Republic (Ind.), Washington.

OTHER PRESIDENTIAL SPECULATIONS.
Baltimore Sun (Ind.).

SENATOR SHERMAN'S Presidential boom received a violent shock in the Ohio Républican convention at Columbus, Wednesday. It was, in fact, a regular Blaine assemblage, and there were prolonged and hearty cheers when the chairman of the State committee, in calling the convention to order, declared that "the Ohio Republicans regarded Mr. Blaine as the standard-bearer in 1888." It was expected that Senator Sherman would be chosen permanent chairman, but this honor was bestowed on Gov. Foraker, who is a warm friend of the Maine statesman. Indeed, the names of Blaine and Foraker were coupled together in the convention and about the lobbies of the hotels as the coming ticket. It is further said that Mr. Sherman demanded that strong resolutions be adopted denouncing the election of Senator Payne, and censuring those Republican Senators who spoke and voted against the investigation, but the committee on resolutions paid no attention to the demand. And to cap the climax, no reference whatever was made to Senator Sherman in the resolutions, as is customary. It was indeed a cold day for the Ohio Senator.

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Logan's strength has been supposed to be in the Grand Army, but that organi zation seems to have "turned him down." His luck at the Ohio convention was equally bad. Foraker has been substituted in the Ohio mind for Logan in the Presidential ticket for 1888. The General will have to take a place alongside of Evarts and Sherman as a sage. The party museum is filling up rapidly, but a place must be reserved for the picturesque figure of "Black Jack." The moral in his case seems to be that the pension craze has passed its climax.

New York Sun (Dem.).

TAKING it on the whole and with proper allowance for errors of judgment and misinformation, has Mr. Cleveland's Administration been such that it commends itself to the Democracy? That is the question which will be answered in 1888. To suppose, as Mr. Camden and others seem to suppose, that Mr. Cleveland or any other President can make as many and as great blunders as possible, and yet keep his strength with his party so long as he has the credit of acting conscientiously, is not complimentary to the intelligence of the American people. In Mr. Cleveand's case, indeed, it is conceivable that the margin of allowance for his mistakes should be unusually high, and yet there are questions, the silver question, the Morrison resolution, and competitive civil-service reform, for instance, on which his judgment is so opposed to the general judgment of his party that his renomination might be thought unwise, although his motives might be unquestioned; and there are some of his acts the motives of which are, perhaps, less entitled to consideration; for instance, the signing of the oleomargarine and river and harbor bills. But if he is renominated it will be because the Democrats are satisfied with his judgment and with his Democracy, and not simply because they merely think his motives are good. Honest men who are very wrongheaded are not uncommon. The Democrats will scarcely renominate Mr. Cleveland merely because he thinks he is right.

Washington Post (Dem.).

"EVERYTHING seems to point to the renomination of President Cleveland for another term," said Representative Dibble, of South Carolina, to a Post reporter. My State is solid for him, and the general sentiment favors his second term. Public men, who, some weeks ago, were against him, but who have since gone home to their constituents, tell me that the people are for Cleveland, and that they must "How sincere are the also support him if they want to continue in public life." indorsements of the President's Administration which are being adopted by the various conventions?" "Of course I can only speak for my own State; but I know that in South Carolina the expressions are genuine. In my speech accepting a renomination I said that I intended to support the present Administration, and my words were heartily applauded. The President has honesty of purpose, and he has pluck, and these two qualities command the admiration and respect of the people. Large numbers of the voters admire Mr. Cleveland, who do not agree with him in politics."

Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.).

It is rather painful to be informed that Senator Logan's trip to San Francisco was thrown away; but such is the information which leaks out from some of the

returned delegates to the G. A. R. meeting. There was a suspicion of it in the overwhelming vote which the body gave against the scheme of wholesale pensions and the honors showered upon Sherman, while Logan stood by compara tively unnoticed. But a few of the members of that body are candid enough to say that Logan actually made a nuisance of himself there, and that the indirect criticism of his course in the resolutions on the pension policy gained many votes from his efforts to push himself into notice. It is possible that this report is tinged by the fact that it comes from political opponents of the General; but it seems tolerably clear that he can not use the Grand Army to forward his Presidential aspirations. This may be good fortune both for Logan and the Republican party; but as far as he is concerned it is a blessing very much disguised.

New York Times (Ind.).

GEN. LOGAN, it is said, was not very enthusiastically received at San Francisco. This was in part due to his peculiar temperament, which tends to place him conspicuously in the front wherever he may be, and partly to a difference between his views and those of the veterans regarding pensions. Gen. Logan, in his headlong and headstrong advocacy of all sorts of pension measures, proved "more loyal than the king." The veterans prefer to discriminate. They are in favor of pensions for those who need and deserve them, but not for those who do not. The General discovered that his course was construed as not complimentary to the intelligence or the patriotism of the soldiers, and his personal bumptiousness did not improve matters. On the whole, his boom is not healthy.

Chicago News (Ind.).

MR. BLAINE'S staff, which only articulates when he works the bellows, has been given orders to blow Mr. Logan off the track. It dismisses him from the first place on the ticket by declaring that "the tendency of Mr. Blaine's mind now is to try it over again," and then takes out the tail-board and lets him drop entirely. In General Logan's stead Mr. Blaine's considerate friends are proposing Senator Allison. "Blaine and Allison" fills their notion of "a possible combination" for 1888. How this would sweep Maine and Iowa! It might lose a few doubtful States, but with a prohibition plank in the platform and a ringing declaration reaffirming the glory of the G. O. P. it would have a pine-tree and hawkeye majority that would overshadow the Washington monument.

Washington Star (Ind.).

THE suggestion that the next national Democratic ticket be composed of Cleveland and Voorhees is not altogether pleasing to the friends of the Indiana Senator, who propose to put him up for first place. One of his friends, a prominent Democrat in Indiana politics for years, said to-day: "And Voorhees will get the nonination, too, if it goes West. He will have the solid and enthusiastic support of Indiana, the banner Democratic State of the West, and our folks want a Western man to head the ticket next time. Why, when Voorhees made his canvass for re-election to the Senate, he carried a legislature with forty-four majority on joint ballot, and the Democratic majority on the legislative ticket was 45,000 in the State."

Youngstown Telegram (Rep.).

THE President has confessed that purely partisan reasons dictated the removal of Recorder Fred Douglass and the appointment of Matthews. He praises Matthews's intelligence and education, by way of justification, but uses no word of laudation that could not, with increased weight, be uttered of Douglass. Matthews was appointed solely because the Executive thought colored men might thereby be induced to vote the Democratic ticket. The President does not even pretend he had other reasons. The campaign of 1888 is near at hand, and Mr. Cleveland has begun to doubt the efficacy of vaunted civil-service reform as a lever of strength. He is working for Cleveland.

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.).

In his letter accepting the Presidential nomination in 1884, Mr. Cleveland declared, it will be remembered, that there ought to be a constitutional amendment prohibiting a second term. That was understood to imply that he would not be a candidate for re-election; but it seems that such was not his meaning. It is now pointed out by one of his organs that he reserved his opinion as to the propriety of accepting a second term, "the law being what it is." Thus we are again admonished that we should be very careful about taking Mr. Cleveland at his word in any matter involving the idea of reform.

IF the Republican party would win next time, it must cease calling names, come up to its old-time high standards, merit the confidence of the best men, and thus make impossible for bad men in shining garments to mislead any considerable number. Rutland, Vermont, Herald (Rep.).

THOSE who accept without question the report that General Logan's visit to California has destroyed his chances for the Republican nomination in 1888 are too precipitate. They don't make sufficient allowance for the resources of Mrs. Logan.-Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.).

It is a singular fact that no American President has ever been re-elected unless he was a successful general or belonged to a war party during his administration, or had a hand in the extension of our territory.-Atlanta Constitution (Dem.). IF Cleveland shall be renominated it is quite likely that Senator Voorhees will

have the second place on the ticket. Mr. Cleveland is said to desire such a ticket. -Denver Tribune-Republican (Rep.).

THE David B. Hill boom for President has a shrunken appearance. There is a remote fear that Rollicking M. Squire has punctured it with his poetic pen.-Philadelphia Press (Rep.).

THE PROTECTION OF WOMANHOOD.

The Woman's Tribune for September.

Of late years there has been a growing feeling among women that it was a horrible wrong for any class of women to be sacrificed to the Moloch of lust and vice, and when the Pall Mall Gazette showed that there existed an organized traffic in the virtue of young girls a cry of horror went up from the civilized world. Before the echoes died away, Mrs. Harbert sought to bring a feeling of responsibility home to American women by her leaflet, "Mothers to the Rescue." Various influences have united to direct attention to the matter, and silently a great revolution has taken place. It will be seen that women will never let the question rest again until this traffic in virtue ceases. Not long since petitions from temperance and suffrage societies were sent to Congress asking that an investigation be had into an alleged traffic in young girls between Chicago and Canada. Congress was too busy with the bogus-butter bill to spend any time over it, but a Chicago paper proceeded to make investigations, with results that were published in the Sunday Telegram of August 8, under the title of "Save the Girls." This traffic has been going on for years, with the cognizance of at least some of the police force, and unmolested by all. It is found that Canadian girls are induced to come to Chicago by promise of employment at dressmaking, at good pay; that they tearfully bid good-by to their poor and inexperienced parents, with only the thought that they will soon be able to do more for their relatives. On reaching Chicago they are conveyed to the houses of ill-fame and robbed of even their clothing, while they are carefully guarded from escape until weeks of degradation and despair have convinced them that return to home and friends is impossible. But it is not only Canadian girls that are made the object of traffic. There seems to be an organized agency, by which, from rural districts and other cities, honest girls are lured to Chicago with expectation of work, and are then lost forever to friends, honor, and hope. It is impossible to feel any additional horror at the added tortures which are inflicted on these victims; the mere fact of the forcible detention of innocent girls in these places is the greatest conceivable infamy. On the other hand, the girls of Chicago are picked up and sent off to dens of vice elsewhere, and many anguished parents, if a magic mirror could show them their petted darlings, would see them the prey of human brutes in the low dives of the northern pineries. Mr. Clark, secretary of the Humane Society of Chicago, says they have rescued seventy-five girls from the horrors of prostitution, but the business still thrives in spite of them. He also says that every day weeping mothers visit his office with their tale of woe. One grows heartsick to think of the horrible wrongs that are suffered while we are happy. But no woman can say it is no concern of hers, for in one shape or another the demon of lust lies in wait at every door. Every woman should place her daughters and employes on their guard against confiding in strangers who seek by plausible errands or specious promises to play upon their noblest sentiments, and lead them, all unsuspecting, to their ruin. And more than this, every woman should seek to gain that political power which will enable her to demand with authority the passage and enforcement of laws for the protection of womanhood. How can any woman fold her hands and say she has all the rights she wants when she has not the right to be counted among those who can cast a ballot in favor of a righteous law, a just and incorruptible official, or the popular expenditure of the public funds to secure the safety and honor of their children? The spirit in which women should consider their rights and their duties is that which says

"Wherever wrong is done

To the humblest or the weakest 'neath the all-beholding sun, That wrong is also done to us, and they are slaves most base Whose love of right is for themselves, and not for all the race."

OFFICIAL SALARIES IN ENGLAND.

The Hour, August 28.

LABOUCHERE has been analyzing the list of ministerial appointments, and found forty-seven members, either of the peerage or of the families of peers, or of the untitled landocracy, have received places, carrying with them fat salaries. It is not so very surprising that the privileged classes should wish to clutch at office, in view of the booty which, under such circumstances,accrues to them. Besides these appointments, a number of peers are given an addition to their incomes by their wives receiving salaries for being lay figures in court tomfooleries. This is the apportionment of the spoil to peers and peers' sons:

Lord Salisbury, £5,000 per annum; Lord Halsbury, £10,000; Lord Ashbourne, £8,000; Lord Cranbrook, £2,000; Lord Iddesleigh, £5,000; the Hon. E. Stanhope, £5,000; Lord Randolph Churchill, £5,000; Lord George Hamilton, £5,000; Lord John Manners, £2,000; Sir R. Cross (with a peerage), £5,000; the Hon. F. Stanley, £5,000; Lord Londonderry, £20,000; Lord Dunraven, £2,000; the Hon. W. Broderick, £1,200; the Hon. H. Northcote, £1,200; Lord Charles Beresford, £1,200; Lord Lathom, £2,000; Duke of Portland, £2,500; Lord Mount-Edgcumb, £2,000; Lord Arthur Hill, £1,000; Lord Lewisham, £1,000; Lord Folkestone, £1,000; Lord Onslow, £700; Lord Limerick, £1,000; Lord Henniker, £700; Lord Hopetoun, £700; Lord Elphinstone, £700; Lord de Ros, £700; Earl Waldegrave, £700; Lord Beauchamp, £1,000; Lord Harris, £2,000; Hon. S. Herbert, £1,200; Lord Coventry, £1,700; Lord Barrington, £1,200; Lord Kintore, £1,000.

Total, £110,000 to peers and sons of peers. Besides this, the Duchess of Buccleuch receives £500 as Mistress of the Robes, and eight peeresses £500 each as Ladies of the Bedchamber. "The more," says John Bright, "you examine this matter, the more you will come to the conclusion which I have arrived at, that this is neither more nor less than a gigantic system of out-door relief for the aristocracy of Great Britain."

honest people. They hold more closely together than the Germans, and are more docile than the Irish. Most of them devote themselves to agriculture, but there are Scandinavian sailors on the great lakes, and several thousand mechanics of this race are employed on shore as carpenters and masons. In a Scandinavian family everybody works. Even well-to-do farmers send their daughters to town as maidservants. Thousands of these girls have good reputations in Chicago as domestics on account of their usefulness. One of the peculiarities of the Scandinavians consists in the fact that the Swedes and Norwegians here hate each other bitterly, even upon neutral ground. One can not offend a young Swedish woman more than to inquire if she comes from Norway. She is then capable, despite her usual sang froid, of replying by a rude retort. The Swedes, as a rule, are more slender and tall than the Norwegians, who, like the Danes, are, on the average, of a shorter and more thick-set stature. It is remarkable how quickly these children of the North master the English language. In a short time they make considerable progress in the knowledge of this tongue. From their pronunciation it can not be at all discovered that one is conversing with people who have learned English here, and, possibly, not earlier than from two to four years back.—Translated from the German for Public Opinion.

A WATCHMAKER'S EPITAPH.-As one of the "Curiosities of Literature" connected with watches, we may cite the following, which can be seen in the churchyard at Lydford, Devonshire, England:

"Here lies in a horizontal position
The outside case of

George Routledge, Watchmaker. Integrity was the main-spring and prudence the regulator of all the actions of his life; Humane, generous and liberal, His hand never stopped till he had relieved distress;

So nicely regulated were his movements that he never went wrong,

Except when set a-going by people who did not know his key;

Even then he was easily set right again. He had the art of disposing of his time so well

That his hours glided away in one continued round of pleasure,

Till in an unlucky moment his pulse
stopped beating.

He ran down Nov. 14, 1801, aged 57,
In hopes of being taken in hand by his

Maker,

Thoroughly cleaned, repaired, wound up and set a-going,

In the world to come, when time shall be

no more."

-Exchange. ENGLISH, IRISH, AND SCOTCH.-Looking at the population of the three kingdoms, it may easily be perceived that there is considerable difference among them as to temperament. The Irish are gay, ardent; the Scotch are comparatively cool, steady, and cautious; the English are, perhaps, a fair average between the We remember that it was not inelegantly observed by a friend that an Englishman thinks and speaks; a Scotchman thinks twice before he speaks; and an Irishman speaks before he thinks.

two.

A lady present added, "A Scotchman thinks with his head, an Irishman with his heart." This allusion to impulse operating more rapidly than deliberation is akin to Miss Edgeworth's remark that an Irishman may err with his head, never with his heart; one truth, however, being that he obeys his heart, not always waiting for the dictates of his head.

Some years ago there was a caricature very graphically portraying these grades of difference in the ardor of the three nations. An Englishman, an Irishman, and a Scotchman were represented as looking through a confectioner's window at a beautiful young woman who was serving in the shop. "Oh!" exclaims Mr. Patrick, "do let us be spending a half-crown with the dear crayture, that we may look at her convaniently and have a bit of a chat with her." "You extravagant dog," said Mr. George, "I'm sure one-half the money would do quite as well. But let us go in by all means; she is a charming girl." "Ah! wait a wee!" interposed Mr. Andrew; "dinna ye ken it'll serve aur purpose equally weel to ask the bonnie lasssie to gie us twa sixpence for a shilling, and inquire where's Mr. Thompson's house, and sic like? We're no hungry, and may as well save the siller. London Quarterly.

WASHINGTON BY MOONLIGHT.-Washington by moonlight is wonderfully beautiful. The moon tints to mellowness the rare old marble of the public buildings. It takes away the rustiness of the tomb-like Treasury and puts life into the statues. The White House looks like a fairy palace under the rays of the moon, back in among those old forest trees. And the State Department grows bigger and more wonderful with its hundreds of columns when the electric light or the moon takes off its newness. One of the prettiest buildings of Washington at night is the old Smithsonian, and it does not take a bright imagination while looking at it to transport one's self to the medieval days of chivalry, and to wonder whether, after all, he is looking at a structure made by new America, or at one of the well-preserved ruins of France, or on the hills along the Rhine or the Danube. No matter what your mood or your thought, you can find buildings here to suit it in your moonlight walks. If you are fond of the classics and delight in old Athens, let me take you to the front of the Patent Office and I can show you an exact reproduction of the noted Parthenon there. If you want the old colonial days, stroll over to the Van Ness mansion, where Marcia Burns used to entertain Aaron Burr and Thomas

Jefferson; and if you prefer a rural ruin, I can show you the cottage where Tom Moore slept when he came to visit Washington city and made poetry about the Americans. If you love Dame Nature more than ruins, a moonlight drive will take you into the most romantic of nature's scenery, and there are views all about the District of Columbia which would be considered great sights if they were located in Europe, and which people in Switzerland would think beautiful.—Cleveland Leader.

RELIGIOUS.

CLERICAL ABSENTEEISM.—The worst feature of the custom is that all the churches close and the ministers absent themselves at about precisely the same time. Were ministerial absences divided throughout the year, and were churches, whose summer attendance was diminished, to double up for the vacation months, with one or two ministers always on hand, the evil would be less apparent. Yet even then the trouble would not be wholly obviated. It is a strange interpretation of Scripture doctrine to suppose that there can ever be a truce in Christian warfare. Tired sentinels may be temporarily relieved, but the watch on the walls of Zion must be kept without ceasing. Dropping metaphor, it is certain that no other profession allows the protracted and simultaneous absence of its representatives. There certainly is no reason why the ministers of small and healthful country charges should annually run away from their people, most of whom stay at home, because some fashionable city church is denuded of its congregation. But the city sets the fashion to the country, and we fear that fashion, rather than necessity, the love of recreation and physical exhaustion, drive the clergy to the haunts of pleasure-seeking. As a class, they certainly do not work as hard as lawyers, physicians, or merchants. Yet not one of these last, who has any regard for his good name or business prospects, ever dreams of letting his affairs "slide" for weeks. Is not the soul as important as worldly prosperity? Should there not be equal common sense, saying nothing of conscience, among men who have professedly responded to a divine call, and declared their life's work to be the rousing of the unconcerned to the consideration of a better life; the encouragement of self-sacrifice and the abandonment of self-indulgence? We hear much of the materialism of the present age, but, assuredly, many of those who are fighting it do not display exceptional ardor or emulate the zeal of their predecessors. The pioneers of Methodism took no long vacations, and, going back to the beginning, we do not hear that the Apostles were given to recreating. St. Paul's enumeration of his experiences includes strifes and shipwrecks, but makes no mention of "muchneeded rest," except to suggest that he could not take it. Christ, it is true, called the twelve to a desert place apart, but only to feed the multitudes. In short, whether we study the Apostolic Church or the work of evangelists, missionaries, and reformers in all ages, we find a masculine energy, and an unconquerable zeal strangely and sadly in contrast with the prevalent modern usage.

The ministers are not altogether to blame, for their flocks have often set them an example and encouraged their adoption of it. But who are to be the leaders and guides, the shepherds or the sheep? Some religious statistics of Vermont, presumably one of the most quiet and unconventional of States, have just been taken. It turns out that the Catholic priests in its borders do at least the same amount of work as five times their number of Congregational pastors. They are not given to vacation-taking; at all events, their churches are never closed. Yet we hear of no excessive mortality in their ranks. Is there not here an example worthy of imitation? Cincinnatians need not travel as far as Vermont to learn the lesson thus imparted. There has been a general stampede of their Presbyterian ministers, and, we presume, of other Protestant pastors, also, while not a Catholic church has been shut, even for repairs. There may be a difference in the situation, for Catholic churches may have more priests to call upon than the independent Protestant congregations, but the worldwide difference in efficiency ought not to exist. Any secular business, carried on as ecclesiastical affairs are often conducted, would soon end in bankruptcy. If our churches are weak, thinly attended, and slow of increase, the fault often lies much more with themselves than with the community. The outside world may be careless and positively wicked, but its moral level is certainly far above that of the heathenism conquered by the Apostles and their successors.

The real trouble with pastors and people is their lack of earnestness. It is easy to apologize for their ways, for they are only following the fashion. If this is to be the rule of conduct, Paul should not have made a disturbance by preaching against the shrine-makers at Ephesus. He should rather have adapted himself to his surroundings and cried, "Great is Diana of the Ephesians!" We read of George Whitefield thinking himself a wretched invalid because he could preach only four times a day; we follow Xavier and Judson in their toilsome labors in the far east; we recall the sufferings of Covenanters and Plymouth Pilgrims, and are sure they were thoroughly in earnest. Even when we dissent from their tenets we can not avoid recognizing their thorough integrity. When we contrast with them the modern pastor sight-seeing in Europe, or gossiping on the hotel piazza with women whose husbands are hard at work in the hot and crowded city, we are tempted to echo the mockery that proclaims "modern Christianity a civilized heathenism." The verdict would be unjust, for the clergy of to-day, as a class, are morally and intellectually above their predecessors. Unfortunately, in losing their bigotry they have lost their zeal also. As Hannibal's soldiers, while more than a match for the Romans on the battle-field, yielded to the delights of Capua, so our modern pastors, in dropping their sectarian intolerance, have succumbed too much to the fashion of the world, which, we are told, passeth away. It is full time that playing at church opening were at an end; that pastors should remember that their vows are more than mere forms, and that our leading city churches especially should remember that the thousands and tens of thousands who can not take summer vacations have moral, if not legal claims upon them. Eighteen centuries ago