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CLEVELAND and Hill are working in harmony, it is said. Certainly, they are. Cleveland wants to be the next President and so does Hill. Their unanimity of the object ht is perfect.Baltimore American (Rep.).

PRESIDENT CLEVELAND will have no trouble to get a renomination in the same way that his henchmen and office-holders in this State forced a ticket through the convention last Wednesday.— Philadelphia Press (Rep.).

THE lines for the Presidential campaign of 1888 are about to be formed. The leaders in the field, on the Republican side, are Blaine and Sherman.Cincinnati Post (Rep.).

MR. BLAINE is running the anti-saloon movement for all it is worth in his own behalf—and that is all he cares for it.—Hartford Times (Dem.).


Boston Transcript (Ind.), August 20. It is noted that the band of thieving officials and contractors who have plundered New York for the past few years are very different men in appearance and bearing from their great predecessors of the Tweed ring. Tweed was a coarse, vulgar, low sellow, the kind of man to delight the “boys,” sensual, uninformed, but shrewd, sharp, and with the rough-and-ready courage that often passes for high spirit. He was fond of display and ostentatious of his wealth. Sweeney was supposed to be the one member of the ring capable of being the man for occasions demanding social tact and easy bearing. The new ring—that is, the ring New York is now breaking up, and which, doubtless, will be followed by another riog to be broken in its turn-is made up of men who dress handsomely, live well, and have the bearing of people used to society. They are men of the world, or aspire to be, whereas their predecessors were men of the ward. At least, such is the description of the new men. An observer would probably detect that members of the ring dress beyond the fashion; that their carriages are more showy than those of people long used to wealth; that they are perfumed up to the barber standard, and that their jewelry is not such as is usually worn by men of refined tastes. But at a distance they would pass for exquisites. Flynn is always represented as a man of striking appearance, though jusi a shade too dudish to be called well dressed. Squire must have changed greatly since his residence in New York, if he is any. thing but the big, loud-talking, showy man he was here, with an odd, boyish “bounce” in his manner. It was this latter peculiarity that made his appointment all the more

to those who had known liim in Boston, for he seemed the very last man that keen politicians would intrust with dangerous secrets or permit to conduct intrigues demanding caution. But when his Boston acquaintances read the letter in which he surrendered hiniself to Flynn, they recognized the same boyish shallowness that marked him here, and when they heard him testify that he considered the document as a sort of a joke, and believed he could outwit men of twice his brains, or, having signed away his freedom, could yet be free, they saw he was the same man as of old a strange mixture of credulousness and cunning, but possessing neither quality in sufficient degree to keep him safe or prevent him from being the despised tool of others.

two sections of Irishmen. It is not a fight about religion or an “ Irish row.” There are hundreds of Protestants in Ireland who, like the Protestant leader of the movement and his Protestant colleagues in the Parliamentary party, are heart and soul for national self-government—a fact which is abundantly attested by the existence of a flourishing Irish Protestant Home Rule Association. There is no « Irish row." All Irishmen are agreed on the great question of home rule. The riots are the work of the landlords, the Loyalists magistrates and office-holders, and the small handful of their followers, none of them Irish in blood or sympathy. They are, in short, as foreign an element in Ireland as the anarchists are in America. As to why the riots are not put down the reason is obvious. It is simply that the authorities do not desire and have not tried to put them down. Is any one so foolish as to believe that with a force of 25,000 soldiers (the present garrison in Ireland) and over 12,000 armed police, the government, if in earnest, could not restore order in Belfast in twenty-four hours ? If such riots were in Tipperary or Galway, we know from the history of the past that they would be speedily suppressed with rifle and bayonet. The true explanation of the continuance of the disturbance may be gleaned from the following extract from a cable dispatch this week to a New York daily paper :

“Over a month ago Belfast was proclaimed under the Arms Act, but not so much as a toy pistol has ever been surrendered, and the police have never been sent in search for arms into a single Protestant (Loyalist) house, though it is there where arms notoriously are kept. Then, again, to please the delicate susceptibilities of the Orangemen, no po. lice are allowed to go into the Shankhill (Orange) district. One (a policeman) ventured in last night because his house was there, and returned with his skull cracked. The Orange papors boast that it will be long months before a policeman again dares to show his head in that section. No magistrate rebukes tho threat. Ask yourselves in New York how long such a state of affairs would be tolerated there. We can imagine pretty well how long it would last in Dublin or Cork ; but in Belfast not only are the authori. ties entirely on the side of the rioters, but Irishmen are nightly allowed to fill their pockets with screws, bolts, and iron scraps from the yard of the Orange mayor's foundry before they start on their march home.

There is the secret of the continuance of the riots. The chief magistrate of Belfast—Mr. Harland, the mayor—and all the other local magistrates and authorities are on the side of the rioters. Mayor Harland allows the ruffians to carry away from his own shipbuilding yard the bolts, screws, and other pieces of iron which they use as deadly missiles in their murderous assaults on the Nationalists. They are also well supplied with rifles and ammunition, which they refuse to surrender in obedience to the proclamation, knowing as they well do that the authorities have no notion of compelling them to obey. The idea of the authorities is to make it appear that the Orangemen can not be conquered even by the British government, and that the British government being unable to keep the peace against the wishes of the Loyalists, an Irish government would be much less able to do it. Of course, everybody knows that this is a dishonest pretense. The whole trouble could be put an end to in a few hours if the will to do it was there. If the police were permitted to put down the rioting, they could and would do it in less than one day. As for what an Irish national government would do, it is the certain conviction that an Irish government would keep them in order and give them stern justice that inspires the ruffianly conduct of the rioters and their backers.


The Irish World, August 21. BELFAST is the only town in Ireland in which there is a Loyalist majority, and it is the only place in Ireland where there is or has been in recent times either riot or disturbance. In all other towns of Ireland and in all rural districts outside the counties of Antrim, Derry, and a portion of Down, the Nationalists are largely in the majority, and in those districts there is not now nor has there been for years any disturbances bearing a religious or party aspect. What section of the population of Ireland is it, then, against which the charge of intolerance and of rowdyism holds good ? The answer is to be found in the facts just stated. Nowhere else in Ireland except in Belfast and a few other places in which the Loyalists have a majority do we hear of organized, murderous assaults on the minority. In DubJin and Cork and Limerick, and every other city, town, and district outside of a small corner in Ulster, toleration is not only the theory but the fact. Where the Nationalists are in the majority no man is subjected to outrage because of his religion or politics. In the south and west Catholic constituencies have elected Protestants to represent them in Parliament, and Catholic towns have chosen Protestant mayors. Every public office and honor in the gift of the people in the Nationalist districts has been given to Protestants as freely as to Catholics, while in the small corner of Ireland where the Loyalists predominate not a single Catholic is permitted to hold any public office or representative position. On which side, then, is the intolerance ? Mr. Chamberlain objected to the Gladstone home-rule measure on the ground that if passed it would have the effect, as he pretended to believe, of “ handing over the Protestants of Ireland, bound hand and foot, to the Roman Catholics." Do the murderous outrages of the Loyalist majority in Belsast and the universal toleration by the Nationalist majority throughout all the rest of Ireland afford any justification for the affected scar or Mr. Chamber: lain? Is it not, in short, pateni to all the world that there is intolerance nowhere in Ireland but the intolerance so brutally manisested by the murderous colonies of aliens of whose impudent claim to rule the Irish people Mr. Chamberlain has become the champion? As we have repeatedly asserted, the riots in Belfast were begun and are being continued, not by Irishmen either Catholic or Protestant, but by an insignificant handsul of foreigners whose object is to hold in the future the position they have long held, viz., that of masters of the country and monopolizers of all the good things in it.

The disturbance, we repeat, is not between Protestant and Catholic, nor between


New York Sun (Dem.), August 22. CONSUL BERTHOLD GREENBAUM, one of the earliest of President Cleveland's appointees, has got himself into hot water through the vigor of his diplomacy. A clothing dealer of San Francisco before his appointment, without international fame, he had no sooner secured the dazzling prize of $1,500 a year attached to his office as consul than he seems to have given rein to ambition, and within a year became, if not a king, at least a king-maker, the Warwick of the Samoan archipelago. It was Consul Greenbaum to whom King Malietoa appealed for protection last May, when the rival king, Tamasese, sought to overthrow him; and it was Greenbaum who thereupon at once hoisted the American flag above the Samoan and issued his proclamation ordering all persons within the kingdom to be at peace, particularly directing sundry rebellious subjects favoring the pretensions of one Tamasese to the throne to forth with disperse to their homes. Then he astonished Mr. Bayard by informing him that he had established a temporary protectorate over certain disputed regions.

But this was by no means Consul Greenbaum's first appearance in a prominent international character. Last December, when Dr. Steubel, the German consul, caused the ejectment of King Malietoa from his seat of gevernment at Mulinu Point, in Apia, and by the aid of the German gunboat Albatross also pulled down the royal standard from the place at the other end of Apia, in which the dispossessed monarch had taken refuge, it was Consul Greenbaum who, backed by the English consul, made a strong protest and championed the cause of Malietoa.

There, however, another complication occurred in the case. Charges were made against Greenbaum that he had plotted to make Samoa an intermerlinte station so: overrunning Calisornia with Chinese; that he collected extortionate sees; that he voted for an incompetent native magistrate, and that he was habitually intemperate. His relatives in San Francisco, however, learning that a petition for his removal was in circulation at Apia, based on these charges, and was on its way to Secretary Bayard, anticipated it by counter-statements on all these points. They declared that he was upholding American interests against German, and also that of the signers of the petition one had unsuccessfully tried to clear a cargo on false invoices, a second kept a dive, a third was a murderer, and a fourth, one Gunn, who made the charge of intemperance, had himself been discharged from employ. ment for drunkenness. With matters in this confusion, Consul Greenbaum launched his bold stroke of the protectorate.

Exactly what will be the upshot of this trouble can not be known until the three special commissioners, sent by the three countries interested to Apia, have complcted their investigation, and, if possible, their joint action, and made their reports.


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spite, and that for this one unnecessarily demonstrative personage there are twenty-nine serious, earnest, silent men impressed with the fact that the time is a critical one in the history of their country, and sturdily ready to submit their will to the control of the judgment of the man they accept as their leader.

Chicago Times (Ind.). It is unlikely that the English people will be greatly deceived by this demonstration, or that they will fail to recognize the fact that not to the platform, but to the utterances of the leaders of the convention, must they look for a faithful reflection of its actual spirit. As to the “men in the gap,” they will hardly be able to extract much consolation from yesterday's proceedings. In the face of the explicit assertions of their Americaa allies to the contrary, they will find it a more difficult task than ever to convince the British people that what they are fighting for is not the complete separation of Ireland from the empire.

Philadelphia Inquirer (Rep.).
THE Irish home rule cause has reached a point at which, for the sake of final
success, it must go slow. Any attempt to push home rule into prominence before
the conditions render such action expedient would result in disaster. A waiting
policy is just now the best. The proceedings at the Chicago convention have
been generally dignified and sensible. The expressions of the majority have been
judicious. Taken altogether, the cause has been greatly strengthened by the charac-
ter and proceedings of the convention. They form a new foundation upon which
hope may be slowly but firmly built.

Springfield Republican (Ind.).
A CONVENTION that prefers a fire-eater like Finerty over Michael Davitt

, and applauds his gasconades more than Davitt's wise and prudent counsels; that breaks into a storm of cheers over the indorsement of violent speeches in a cable dispatch, and, again, over the blasphemous speech of a foolish Methodist minister, and that rapturously applauds the declaration of a delegate that he will not be bound by the resolutions in favor of Parnell's policy—such a convention does not strengthen Mr. Parnell's hands, but the contrary.

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.). The moral-force men triumphed in the Irish League Convention at Chicago. Considering the traditional love of the race for a scrimmage, the exciting nature of the subject discussed, and the radical differences of opinion regarding the best means to attain the end sought, the assemblage was a marvel of dignity and deThe example of conservatism and moderation set by Parnell, Davitt

, and their colleagues has had an admirable effect in teaching their followers the value of patience and self-discipline.

New York Sun (Dem.). On the whole, this League convention, which at one time was regarded with acute anxiety, has been in no sense an injury, but a positive benefit to the Irish

For this result, thoughtful men, who know how hard it is even for patriots to suppress every impulse of personal feeling, will thank Mr. Sullivan upon the one hand and Mr. Devoy upon the other, and, above all, Mr. Davitt and Messrs. O'Brien and Redmond, but for whose moral ascendency some regretable words might have been uttered.

Brooklyn Union (Ind.). To the very last the apostles of physical force in the Irish convention at Chicago found a mouthpiece in Finerty, and he was sufficiently active to show how strong a hold this fatal folly has on a considerable portion of the Irish who, at a distance of 3,000 miles, so bravely proposed to free Treland. But this gives only the greater reason to congratulate the convention on its conservative declarations, and on the demonstration it made of the good sense and real patriotism of the controlling part of its members.

New Orleans Times-Democrat (Dem.). The convention of the representatives of the Irish-American League has done wisely and well. They have spoken in cheering tones to their fellow-countrymen in the British Parliament who are manfully endeavoring, by the weapons of statesmanship, to redress the grievances and right the wrongs of their land. The expression of this great American convention, spoken in accord with the views of Ireland's foremost commoners, will serve to greatly aid Ireland's cause at home.

Wilmington Every Evening (Ind.). THE Irish national convention at Chicago has transacted its busiuess very promptly and very satisfactorily. Its outcome is encouraging in its thorough demonstration that the overruling sentiment of the Irish in America as well as at home is in favor of trusting the great battle for Ireland's political regeneration to the hands that have already accomplished by peaceful measures so much that is stable and enduring as has Charles Stewart Parnell.

The Irish America».
The results of the Chicago convention, though they may not be entirely satis-
factory to the conservative element of our people-inasmuch as that body failed to
eliminate from the administration of the National League the influences that in the
past have had such a nearly fatal effect on the existence of the organization in this
country-cannot fail to be of large benefit to the cause at home, which the League
was designed to forward and maintain.

New York Evening Post (Ind.).
The resentment on the part of the English to outside interference is proverbial

, and injudicious acts or unwise words on the part of the convention might have worked incalculable harm to the cause. It may be, however, that the passage of resolutions denouncing dynamite and advocating pacific measures will tend to conciliate the English and render them more favorably inclined toward home rule than ever before.

The Irish National League convention assembled in Chicago on the 18th and
closed its proceedings on the 19th instant. The general tenor of press comment on
its work is indicated by the following extracts:

Utica Herald (Rep.).
THE opponents, at home, of Ireland's independence will be disappointed in the
work at Chicago. They hoped for dissensions, for declarations in favor of violence,
and a demand that the present English government shall be harrassed by dyna-
mite. They could have appealed from this programme to British patriotism and
courage, and the pride of the nation would have been aroused to maintain the
union by force. But the resolutions will be searched in vain for threats of violence.
They contain the calm declaration of approval of “national self-government for
Ireland,” of approval of the course of Parnell, of earnest thanks to Gladstone for
his “great efforts in behalf of Irish self-government,” of the purpose of the chil.
dren of Ireland to persevere in their protest against England's misrule, and their
efforts to secure their emancipation, and when they call attention to “ the remark-
able forbearance and self-restraint " which have characterized the Irish people un-
der the grievous burdens they have had to bear, in addition to these declarations,
the utterances at Chicago are given a weight which no amount of threats and of
belligerent resolutions could have contributed. The cause of home rule is to go
forward, and the National League of America has given impetus to the movement
and cheer to the friends of Ireland everywhere. The election of Mr. Fitzgerald
to the presidency of the league is an assurance that the counsels which have pre-
vailed in recent years will be continued. The new president had the support of
the retiring president, Mr. Egan, as the latter had the support of ex-president Sul-

New Yorker Staats-Zeitung (Ind.).

(Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.)
If before the Irish National Convention, which, notably enough, was held with
all the pomp of an American national convention, a Bible maxim hovered as a
leading motive, it was the precept,“ Be ye wise as serpents!” Neither the dele-
gates assembled in Chicago, nor the public “over here nor over there,” concealed
even for a moment from themselves that an overwhelming majority of the representa-
tive American Irishmen there would rather have begun to-day than tomorrow the
last bloody and decisive conflict for Ireland's absolute independence. Nevertheless,
the thousand and more delegates scarce gave, with words, expression to their true
designs, but conformed instead, with wonderful self-denial, to the bidding of the
dictator: Be wise and dumb—as serpents! However deep and bitter the wrath
this humiliating self-imposed restraint may have accumulated in the bosom of all
these valiant patriots, it expressed itself at most in discreet and harmless demon-
strations, and these almost at the close, for the embassy of the “king” had admon-
ished them, “ Be ye wise as serpents!” Parnell's injunction must be uncondition-
ally obeyed, wherever green fag greets patriotic heart, by every one who ventures
to call himself an Irish “ National,'

Chicago Herald (Ind.).
An American has only to read the comments of the London press on the con-
vention of Irish Nationalists in Chicago to be convinced of the race hatred and
prejudice which lie at the bottom of all the injustice with which England has
treated Ireland for many centuries. The sneers, misrepresentations, and abuse of
these journals, from which Americans do not escape, though their only offense is
that they were successful as against this same tyranny and now sympathize with
the victims of it, are well calculated to show the malignant spirit which actuates
them. Irish liate of England could be removed by kindness and justice. Eng-
lish hate of Ireland grows more venomous as the dignified representatives of that
island gather strength in and out of Parliament to press the cause of home rule to

Philadelphia Press (Rep.).
MR. PARNELL may well thank the Chicago convention, as he does, for its en-
couraging and helpful action. It is doubtless true, as lie says, that the order, union,
and moderation of its proceedings have created a profound impression, and will
greatly strengthen the friends of Ireland in Parliament. The sobriety and wisdom
of its action must, in the nature of things, have a decided moral effect in England.
The English people have been accustomed to regard the Irish as turbulent agita-
tors, who were ready to resort to force and violence, and who would look with
tolerance, if not with approval, upon the most lawless and destructive measures.
With this traditional idea, the spectacle of a great Irish convention distinctly
frowning upon the use of physical force will serve to open the English eyes.

Boston Journal (Rep.).
THERE were some exciting episodes, and the antagonism between Finerty and
Davitt, which developed at the preliminary meeting on Saturday, was renewed
from time to time. But conservative influences were dominant, and Mr. Davitt
kept both his head and his temper. The material support which has been given
the Irish leaders by Irish Americans and those who sympathize with them in this
country is a splendid example of ungrudging and practical sympathy. The reso-
lutions adopted at Chicago contain nothing to embarrass the Irish leaders at home.
The latter are left free to shape their policy as circumstances require, assured that
they have a large constituency of well-wishers and practical sympathizers on this
side of the Atlantic.

New York Mail and Express (Rep.).
It will not be neglected in England that the nine hundred and twenty-five silent
men in this convention are the significant part of the body. This means that in every
group of thirty Irishmen in this country there is one talker, one fellow boiling over
with eloquence and determined that all things else shall give way to his plan or his



Chicago Tribune (Rep.).

not at all wild in the sentiments which he expressed. On the contrary, he showed

a better and bolder grasp of the situation than any other man present.-WashingTHE people of Ireland and their leaders both in Ireland and America are to be

ton Hatchet (Ind.).
congratulated on the happy outcome of this most representative and harmonious
convention. The delegates proved themselves worthy of the trust confided in THE important thing about the Irish convention in Chicago is that while it was
them. They have been self-restrained, prudent, and loyal to Parnell and his great marked by an explosive sort of enthusiasm for every impassioned or vengeful sen-
ally, Mr. Gladstone. The proceedings are ample evidence of the Irish capacity timent, its actions as a whole were marked by an admirable temper.--Baltimore
for self-government.

American (Rep.).
Philadelphia Call (Ind.).

FINERTY will doubtless succeed in having his fierce utterances quoted in all the
DURING the row in the convention Mr. Sullivan did not hesitate to speak barshly Tory papers of England, if that will do him any good. But if there were many
of the Philadelphia and New York delegates, when he referred to the fellows more Finertys, the home rule struggle would be hopeless.- Nashville American
who came from the sewers and purlieus of politics to breed discord.” His remarks (Dem.).
plainly indicated that he was aware of the real motives of the party who styled

The proceedings reveal an approach to complete harmony and homogeneity themselves anti-Eganites, and also that he knew their strength in the convention.

among Irish-Americans, and the latter are generally becoming convinced that the New Orleans States (Dem.).

cause is safe under the leadership of Parnell and his lieutenants.--St. Paul Press

Tue convention presented a spectacle of unanimity whose moral force will have
no little influence in the settlement of the question of Ireland's self-government, By words of peace, by patience, and by tolerance, let us give an assurance to
for behind it, and but faintly shadowed through it, lies a reserve of conviction and suffering Ireland that no act, no declaration shall be made by us that would em
of resource of which account will have to be taken by any ministry, Tory or Lib barrass the brave men at the front.-Alexander Sullivan's Speech in Convention.
eral, who may set their hands to the task of legislating for Ireland's liberty.

It has generally been expected that, in their zeal to say something for Irish lib-
St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

erty and the good of their native land, this convention would make rash demands. The harsh criticisms of the Tory press show that they perceive, in the Chicago

In this respect it has agreeably surprised its friends.- Oshkosh Times (Dem.). convention, a new hope for the legislative independence of Ireland. The active

MICHAEL DAVITT is right when he says that the Irish cause has not been perstruggle is no longer confined to the mother country, but is taken up by Irishmen

ceptibly weakened by the defeat of Gladstone. Principles do not always lose their and Irish sympathizers all over the world. There will be contributed, moreover,

strength when their advocates are beaten.—San Francisco Chronicle (Ind.). by all civilized nations, the powerful aid of their moral support. New York Tribune (Rep.).

LET the unanimous and unmistakable utterances of the convention forever silence

the suicidal and ill-advised policy of reprisals of the slaughter of the innocent for The general sentiment prevailing in this important council favors a patient, reso the sins of their present or past rulers. —New York Journal (Ind.). lute, and unfaltering continuance of political agitation and constitutional methods. In the judgment of this representative assembly, Ireland needs, 1.0t a Kossuth to ALTOGETHER, the convention may be regarded as a solid and unanimous expresfight for her in revolution, nor a Mazzini to intrigue and plot for her in secret so sion of steadfast Irish-American support for Mr. Parnell and his followers in the cieties, but a Deak to win legislative independence for her.

battle across the Atlantic.— Philadelphia Chronicle-Herald (De n.). Charleston News and Courier (Dem.).

THE Irish-American League represents the best sentiment of the Irish people in It is doubtsul that any ultimate harm will result from the declaration that the

this country, and any opposition to it by irreconcilables and extremists will only in. Irish intend to have their rights—peaceably if they can, but otherwise if they must.

jure the cause of Ireland.- Providence Journal (Rep.). It is not from love or consideration that England has ever conceded anything to Ire

MR. REDMOND's assertion that the government of Ireland by England is an imland, and for an hundred years and more the time of England's difficulty has

possibility is true. Under a free constitution the only possible government is selfbeen the hour of Ireland's opportunity.

government. -- Pittsburgh Commercial Gazette (Rep.). Ohio State Journal (Rep.).

The feeling of the Irish-Americans is no less strong and determined than if the THE great convention of the Irish National League in America sends greeting convention had been a Kilkenny fair, and their self-restraint has had an obvious to Charles Stewart Parnell, and the assurance that his legal and constitutional effect upon the other side.—New York Times (Ind.). methods of action are fully approved. This will cheer the heart and strengthen the hands of the distinguished leader as nothing save the election of a Gladstone ENGLAND was never abler to put down rebellion than now, and the Irishman or Parliament could have done.

Irish-American who offers insult and provocation shows that he has learned nothing

by the lessons of the past.— Providence Star (Rep.). Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (Rep.).

Mr. Parnell and his associates can depend on the American league for unTHE resolutions adopted are to be commended. They are brief and pointed,

compromising support, for unconditional aid, and for means as ample as their re moderate in expression, and temperate in tone. Acknowledgment of the forbear

quirements shall demand.–Chicago Mail (Ind.). ance and self-restraint of the suffering Irish people is evidence that good sense prevailed in drawing the resolutions and puttiug them into shape for presentation NATIONAL prejudice and religious bigotry must both be allayed before the sun to the convention.

of liberty will dawn upon the hilltops of the land of Swist and Goldsmith, of EmNational Republican (Rep.).

mett and Parnell. --Cincinnati Sun (Dem.). THE resolutions are a sufficient answer to those who predict a factional quarrel, On the whole, the meeting was less stormy than might have been expected after and they ought to be felt as a rebuke to the Tory press of England for uncharitable the defeat of the Gladstone bill and the disappointment of hopes that seemed so and malicious utterances. It was a good day's work for a good cause

near their fulfillment.--Montreal Gazette. a cause that is dear to the friends of liberty throughout the world.

LIBERAL culture, a well-stored mind, lofty patriotism, careful breeding, and high
New York Herald (Ind.).

and serene courage eminently fit Judge Fitzgerald for the presidency of the Irish The feeling among all sensible Irishmen in this city appears to be one of rejoic

league.-Fhiladelphia City Item (Ind.). ing that dignified and moderate resolutions were adopted rather than gusty heroics, The conservative attitude of the convention will do much to strengthen Gladwhich would alienate the support which home rule has recently found among the stone and Parnell and the cause of Irish home rule throughout Great Britain.democrats of England, Wales, and Scotland.

Milwaukee Wisconsin (Rep.).

THE Irish National League convention demonstrates conclusively what was THE arraignment of Mr. Parnell was not attempted. The assertion of the pretty plain before, that b-l-a-t-h-e-r-s-k-it-e spells both Ford and Finerty.—Șt. methods of the Fenian and of the dynamiter was not allowed, and the policy of Louis Republican (Dem.). conservatism was endorsed overwhelmingly and entirely. This is assuring in the face of the threats which were first made at Odden's Grove.Augusta, Ga.,

FINERTY seems to have subsided completely since his defeat. It would not be Chronicle (Dem.).

without precedent if he turned up an active ally of the Tory government ere long.

Boston Transcript (Ind.). By the course it has followed the league has distinctly strengthened itself and the cause it has at heart. It has shown itself conscious of the gravity and import

THE worst enemies of the cause of Irish liberty are those bellowing boasters who, ance of its work, and conscious also that such a work must be intrusted to the cool

at the safe distance of 3,000 miles, are always eager to precipitate a“ war.”Florida and earnest instead of to the hot-heads.—Detroit Free Press (Dem.).

Times-Union (Dem.). MR. PARNELL, Mr. Davitt, Mr. O'Brien, and the other Irishmen who seek to

The convention presents a united front in its support of Mr. Parnell and his redress wrongs by constitutional means and through the most powerful agency of

methods. The cause of home rule has been thus greatly strengthened.-New modern civilization, the ballot, are to be heartily congratulated on the result of the

York World (Dem.). Chicago convention.- Washington Post (Dem.).

THE resolutions adopted by acclamation amid applause are remarkable for their The moderate and rational demands of this convention will strengthen the

dignity of tone and moderation of language. Baltimore Herald (Ind.). cause of Irish emancipation, and the moral support of Irish-Americans will greatly On the whole, the Chicago convention was an honor to Irish-American manaid their countrymen in the struggle now going on in Great Britain.- Washington hood.—Boston Globe (Dem.). Sunday Capital (Ind.).

The resolutions adopted yesterday were emphatic, but not extreme. Kansas The best after-judgment of the clearest-headed people will be that Finerty was City Times (Dem.).


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About her yielding waist, and took a fouth

O'sweetest kisges Irae her glowing mouth.
While hard and fast I held her in my grips,
Ma very soul came louping to my lips,

Sair, sair she flet wl' me between Ilka smack;
CONCERNING KISSING.—No one will require to be told what a kiss is, and yet

But weel I kent she meant na as she spak. every one will admit that there is some truth in the remark of the American humor.

Dear Roger, when your Jo puts on her gloom, ist that the only way to define a kiss is to take one. We have many different kinds

Do you sao, too, and never fash a thoom;

Seem to forsake her-soon she'll change her mood, of kisses in this country, but we are not so far advanced in the osculatory practices

Sao woo anither, and she'll gang clean mad." as our friends in Europe. It is not a breach of continental etiquette for two mem

Poets are rather unreasonable in their demands sometimes. One sings of his bers of the male sex to embrace and demonstrate their affection for each other by a hearty kiss. A Frenchman likes to maintain his reputation of bon


“Oh let me on thy panting breast recline, enfant, and to him is granted a privilege which, fortunately, here, gentlemen do

And press my burning, hurried lips to thine; not enjoy, for on New Year's morning he kisses every young lady of his acquaint

A thousand thousand kisses let me first imploro, ance whom he may meet or call upon. Although possibly we might envy French

And after them a thousand thousand more;

A thousand thousand let me still repeat, ladies in this particular, we must admit that we get a fair share of labial compli.

Till my joys grow as numberless as great." ments during our lifetime. We are well-nigh overwhelmed with affectionate motherly kisses long before we can appreciate or return the compliment; and then

Another rhymster—Sir Hamburg Williams-while demanding sweet kisses from we have, amongst many others, the kiss of friendly greeting, the kiss under the

his darling Chloe, declares that mistletoe, the kiss in the ring, the automatic kiss of the actor, the kiss blown from

"I'm not to be stinted in pleasure, the tips of the fingers, and the formal kiss of fashion, which is subservient to the

Then, prithee, my charmer, be kind;

For while I love thee beyond measure, laws of etiquette. These salı:trtions, when between royal personages, vary in

To number I'll not be confined." number, according to the age and rank of the person kissed, and it is a serious He also asserts thatmatter if one kiss too few or too many may be given, The stolen kiss which the

"The wretch who can number his kisses, inamorata,

With few will be ever content,"
With an easy cruelty denies,
Yet wishes you would ypatch not ask the bliss,"

and a similarly-minded writer goes the length of saying that he desires so many

thousand kisses that is supposed to possess certain qualities peculiarly its own. How divinely sweet and

“Scarce will arithmetic the sum explain, rapturous is that other kiss, the

Millions and millions multiply in vain."
“ Evanescent touch that thrills
Tho ardent lover's trembling frame;

Some very curious kiss transactions are on record. Kisses have actually been
A dew which on the heart distils,

put up to auction to the highest bidder. The Duchess of Gordon, while she went And kindles into fame,

about hiring-fairs in the north enlisting soldiers, used to offer the lads, along with in reference to which Dr. Wallcott writes

the shilling, the alternative of a kiss. It is a well-known fact that if a lady salutes

a gentlemen while he is asleep, she can demand a pair of gloves. Sir Walter “When wo dwell on the lips of those we alore,

Scott, in the “ Fair Maid of Perth," tells how Catharine obtained a pair of gloves
Not a pleasure in nature is missing;
May his soul be in heaven-he deserves it, I'm sure

from Henry Smith by stealing a kiss from him while asleep, and Gay humorously Who was the inventor of kissing."

describes the practice thus : The lover's kiss is often a lingering one. Byron speaks of the

'Cicely, brisk maid, steps forth before the rout,

And kisses with smacking lips the snoring lout; “Long, long kiss-the kigs of youth and love,”

For custom says, whoo'er the venture proves, and Tennyson says

For such a kiss demands a pair of gloves." With one long kiss, my whole goul thro'

The Book has to be kissed when the oath is taken. It is probably the kiss that My lips, as sunlight drinketh dew."

makes the words sacred and inviolable; but Cowper truly says that~ In “ Locksley Hall" appears the line

“ Thousands, careless of the damping sin, • Our spirits rushed together at the touching of the lips,"

Kiss the book outside, who ne'er looked within." a sentiment which had previously been expressed by Shelley, who speaks of

The Book itself swarms with kisses of all complexions, from the innocent kiss

of Rachel at the well, or the pathetic and beautiful one of Mary when she washes “ The soft and sweet eclipso When soul meets soul on lovers' lips."

the feet of her Master with tears, to the most terrible of all treacherous kisses

mentioned in the Bible or elsewhere—the kiss in the garden of Gethsemane, “ Pleasant is the welcome kiss

which meant betrayal and death.- Toronto Press. When dny's dull round is o'er," says J. R. Drake, but sad, sad is the kiss of which Robert Dodsley sings:

A TROPICAL SUNSET.—While he [the sun) is still some fifteen or twenty de

grees above the horizon, we are premonished by a few red flakes like scales of “One fond kiss before we part,

å fish rubbed off by the finger, and golden scintillæ in the west, and by the genDrop a tear and bid adieu; Thongh we are severed, my rond heart

eral disposition of the clouds, and the silver edges of some, to expect a glorious Till we meet shall pant for you."

sunset. The whole eastern half of the sky, from the horizon upward, is wrapped Many poets have sung of the parting kiss, but for true pathos, tender seeling, and

in a thick, woolly mantle of dark gray; but at, perhaps, thirty degrees beyond the touching sentiment, nothing is to be found to excel Burns' little gem, entitled " A

zenith its continuity is broken by an interval of clear sky, and it forms roughly an Kiss,” the last two verses of which run :

arch or proscenium, already “ with sun-fire garlanded,” for the arena from which we are soon to witness the exit of the sun.

From this break westward, the clouds " Fare thee well, thou Arst and fairest, Fare thee well, thou best and dearest;

are dispersed in all the infinite variety of form and texture which painters never Thine be every joy and treasure,

paint, and words can only slightly indicate. Long, fleecy scrolls, tier behind tier, Peace, enjoyment, love, and pleasure.

their borders and volutes here and there frayed into fringes and tassels, lie across Ae fond kiss and then we sever:

the sky at a great height, and extend “ far, deep, and motionless,” in diminishing Ao farewell, alas, forever! Deep in heart-wrung lears I'll pledge thee,

bulk with distance, toward the westering sun.

Toward the horizon the clouds are Wailing sighs and groans I'll wage thee."

spread in broad bands and thin stripes, with small, rounded masses floating abore In the pages of Shakespeare many kisses are recorded. There is Romeo's kiss in

and in front. In all directions, and at many different levels, are a multitude of the vault, and Anthony's dying kiss to Cleopatra, when he mournfully says:

clouds of wonderful diversity and delicacy of form. The sun is beginning to issue

from the cloudy pavilion in which he has spent the day. Dark, impervious banks "Of many thousand kisses, the goodly last I lay upon thy lips."

are piled up from the horizon on each side, like curved mountain ridges crowned There is the curious kiss which Pyramus gives Thisbe, through the fingers of

with gigantic towers and battlements of a Titanic fortification. Already pennons Tinker Snout, when he represented the wall;

but the most curious of kisses ever and streamers of gold and vermilion are displayed above them, and from cloudy recorded is that of Titania, when she kisses “The fair, large ears of gentle joy crag and turret beacon-fires are blazing to summon out the hosts of airy pensioners the ass.

There is likewise something ludicrous about Petruchio's kiss, and we refulgent, clad in shining liveries of their regent and progenitor. Every moment have that beautiful song about a kiss in Measure for Measure which runs the splendor grows, we can not tell how. The light, diaphanous clouds soon be

come wholly dyed in efluent streams of light. Far above all other clouds in the " Take, O take those lips away That so sweetly wero foresworn;

azure depths of sky between them, nets of dappled gauze and lace-like veils of And thoso eyes, the break of day,

lawn, before 100 fine for sight, now first reveal themselves in spangles of bright Lights that do mislead tho moru. But ihoso kissos bring again,

gold. The rose hues tingeing the prominences of the darker clouds become inBring again,

tenser and more diffused. Seals of love, but sealed in valn,

change as we look, as if by the process of the season, from pale gold to mellow

Flakes, streaming like leaves upon the autumn wind, Sealod in vain.

crimson, while beaded strips of gray mist are transmuted into carcanets of burning Treacherous and revengeful kisses are not wanting in Shakespeare, the most carbuncle. The sun pours forth an ever-widening flood of light. About the com: terrible being that given by Othello to Desdemona before he smothers her. But fines of the clear blue spaces marvelous shades of green and lilac expand them what poet has not sung about kissing, and who has ever sung more beautifully than

selves, and, faster than we mark them, new hues blush out, and fresh regions of dear old Allan Ramsay, when, in the “ Gentle Shepherd,” he makes Patie give

the sky « blossom in purple” and gold. The transparency of most of the clouds Roger a lesson by telling him how he managed Jenny.

This is how he proceeded :

come illuminated, the distinctness of their markings also is greatly enhanced. Monte “I leugh, and sae did she. Then wl' great haste I clasped my arms about her neck and waist,

ribs of light and shade like a zebra's side, Become barred with alternate stripes of

useless, also Niisusoll, Tefilin, etc. In accordance with an old custom, these oll documents are sewn into bags or put in carthem jugs, and with music, dance, and song are carried outside of the city. There is a large cave toward the end of the cemetery at the foot of Mount Olive, where they are preserved. On that day all the stores and workshops are closed and crowds fill the streets. The men assemble in the synagogue, where prayers for the welfare of the sultan are recited. A procession is formed. In front Torah scrolls are carried under Chupahs, and at their side men carry burning wax candles. Then follow about one hundred men carrying the bags and jugs. At the Zion gate the rabbi of the Sephardic synagogue ascends a large stone, and recites a prayer for the sultan, the state officers, rabbis, and the congregations throughout the whole world. Then the procession wends its way through the Josaphat valley to the cave, where the bags and jugs are deposited. The celebration lasts till late in the evening.—The Jewish Messenger.


ruby and light flame-color. Some tracts remind us of draughts of mackerel dying in the suir, maculis auro sy:alentibus ardens, while other downy expanses, lying in spreading wavelets and ripples, like rounded, overlapping feathers on a sea bird's breast, are Aecked with ruddy streaks and drops, like the torn bosom of a pelican in her piety. Nebulous fronds and plumes, stray filaments of gossamer and webs of misty lawn, twining wisps and flossy curling wreaths, angular patches that gleam like the gorget of a humming-bird, streaming flocks and tresses « like the bright hair uplifted from the head of some fierce Mænad," tapering sword-like spikes turning every way like the cherub's flaming brand—these, and clouds of countless other forms are soon but almost imperceptibly imbued, not, as seems from without, but as is by fire kindling within themselves, with flaming color, gold and violet, scarlet, carnation, and crimson. Whilst we speak, the hues of every part alter continually with ravishing changes. Ever as the mighty orb goes down, they are “growing and glowing” until their intensity passes description or conception. All the west has become a vast screen of crimson, with tossing waves of golden fire, before and above which the nearer clouds, now mostly themselves all red, permeated and made transparent by “the inmost purple spirit of light,” lie like the crowded islands of an aerial archipelago. Ere long, everything is steeped in colors of a hundred or a thousand tints, all ineffably beautiful. Where the sun pierces the clouds and throws his level rays along the waves, there is little but white light, relieved by a few rosy blushes on the water; to the north and south, the sea still remains deep blue; from the horizon half-way up toward the zenith, and spreading on either side almost into a semicircle, is the broad sheet of blood-red flame; elsewhere, every imaginable gradation of pure color is represented, from the most delicate primrose and saffron, shading imperceptibly through all colors of the rainbow, to the dark purple of the pansy and the deep black-red of the damask rose—and all is living fire.The Spectator.

LONGEVITY IN PUBLIC MEN.—The recent wholesale mortality of public men in the United States has been noted far and wide, but as yet no philosophical nor physical law has been discovered which affords satisfactory explanation of the excessive rate. Herbert Spencer, when he was here, said, in his carefully prepared after-dinner speech at Delmonico's, that the trouble with our physical being and mental growth consisted in our working too much and playing too little; to overindulgence in the wearing game of eager competition, developing superficial mental structures attuned to high excitements, at the expense of the body, rather than living equable lives pitched at a unisorm key. There are those who may say that, as Herbert Spencer has been an invalid nearly his whole life, he ought not to lay clown generalities like these. Yet it is true that longevity, taking the mass of the people into consideration, is at a much lower figure in the United States than in England, while the comparison between the statesmen and publicists of the two countries is vastly more disproportionate in the same direction; and certainly in the last particular Mr. Spencer was correct. We have two examples before our very eyes. Here is Mr. Cleveland—not yet dead, it is true—a ceaseless and thankless routine drudge, who, to speak of nothing else, has written within eight months III vetoes, as against 105 written before him by all Presidents since the foundation of the Government. But beyond these we have pugnacious messages to Congress, letters of considerable length to citizens, and other extraordinary drains on his time and industry, which indicate that he is working the ultra-American idea of attention to details to the very furthest limit. On the other hand, there is Mr. Gladstone. Those who know him as he lives when premier in London are aware that there is 110 man in England who, from morning to night, goes through such an extraordinary number and variety of diversions, from playing on the piano, riding horseback, visiting the British Museum, or other resorts of scholars and connoisseurs, to preparing exhaustive brochures on the Greek classics, archæology, religious controversy, and subjects entirely extraneous to his official duties or political principles.

What is true of Mr. Gladstone is true of nearly every public man in England; of course, in a different way and degree. They believe in diversion, and they believe that diversion is the chief end of man. Take the present Conservative cabinet, for instance. It is known as an invalid ministry, for Lord Salisbury constantly has a physician at his elbow, while Lord Randolph Churchill, leader of the House of Commons, has to take frequent rests from arduous labor, owing to a severe surgical operation recently performed, and Lord Iddlesleigh is never beyond convalescence. For three American statesmen in like condition of health to hold the three highest offices under the Government would be simply impossible; it would create widespread distrust and alarni.

But still another feature of this interesting subject is, that when our public men do seek prolonged amusement or recreation, they do it too late in life. This was the truth about Mr. Tilden, who, while a horseback rider and a student all of his years, was yet a man who gave his mind and body up to ceaseless and wearing labor, and only thought of a country seat and its attendant blessings and pleasures when he was palsied and an unsightly wreck. William H. Vanderbilt only sought household quiet when warned by an unmistakable premonition that business exertion and death would go together; and so it has been with a long line of our railway presidents, Senators, and politicians. They do not begin to ease up while yet they are in middle life, but, feeding on habit, continue their exhausting toil till they are suddenly swept away or become victims to lingering and incurable disease.

If we turn to Europe we see a different state of affairs. M. Thiers was vociferating in the French tribune at the age of 84; Kossuth is still living in Turin; the mighty men of the German Empire, with but few exceptions, remain in the same group as when the Emperor was crowned on January 1st, 1871, and other notable examples might be mentioned; but, with the exception of George Bancroft, the historian, no American of great age and international fame is above the sod.Frank Leslie's Illustrated Paper.

A Merry FUNERAL.-A merry funeral, with music and dances, took place recently at Jerusalem--a peculiar kind of funeral, which turns up every five or six years. At the Sephardic synagogue in Jerusalem is a chamber called “Cheder Hognisoh.There are preserved all the scrolls of the Torah that have become

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THE GOLDEN RULE.—A few years ago a Brooklyn gentleman had printed at his own cost a very large edition of the “ Sermon on the Mount,” and gave the copies to a number of agents for gratuitous distribution. This was continued annually until the day of his death. We have some reason to think that the last edition has been exhausted, and that the good man who sought in this way to disseminate far and wide the purest code of morality the world has ever known has left no successor to carry on the work which he inaugurated.

The Hebrews take little stock in the New Testament, but the Jews as a race are quite as moral, to say the least, as the Gentiles, and we have heard many of the most devoted of God's ancient people declare that whatever a corrupt Pharisee might have said to this teaching eighteen hundred years ago, they could now cordially accept the “Sermon on the Mount” as a fit illustration and embodiment of their own moral law. Paganism itself has been charmed with the beauty and wholesomeness of the doctrines therein set forth, and thus the universal conscience of man has approved the grand ideal.

But our object in this article is to call special attention to a single paragraph of this sublime code, which seems of late to have dropped more than ever out of sight. Whether it is taken as a single precept, or as a summary of all that can be said of a man's duty to his fellows, it is worthy of being written in letters of gold upon the walls of every house and engraved, as the tables of the law were of old “with the finger of God,” on every human heart. It reads: “Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.” It is so simple that a child can understand it, but it is so comprehensive in its scope that the Great Teacher was justified in adding, “ for this is the law and the prophets.” It is, indeed, an epitome of all that can be taught concerning human relations.

Whether the race is more selfish in hot weather, or men accept the midsummer terin as a holiday season, during which they may rest not only from work, but also from obedience, we can not say, but the Golden Rule we have quoted seems to be less observed during the heated term than in any other part of the year. Our table is covered with complaints from the victims of human selfishness, and our own experience bears testimony to the prevailing disregard of the requirement whose paramount authority is so universally conceded by all classes of men.

A distracted citizen, who signs himself “Almost Crazy,” is a tenant in one of these modern nuisances, an "apartment house,” wherein dwells a family totally oblivious of the divine precept. These people own a piano, or have one on hire, and the keys of the instrument seldom have a moment's respite until after midnight. He can not sleep, he has lost his appetite, and he doubtless represents a dozen families who are nightly subjected to a similar annoyance. Even if the piano player hires her instrument by the year, and is determined to get the worth of her money out of it, she ought to reinember that she is not alone in the world. Her apartments are a “lodge in some vast wilderness,” where even Bedlam might be let loose without infringing the code. She is subject to the morals that govern one who dwells in the midst of a crowd, most of whom desire peace and repose after 9 o'clock at night. She can not annoy others without facing the condemning eye of Him who gave for her guidance the Golden Rule.

Another correspondent has a neighbor who keeps a coop of chickens in his back yard, and all the latter part of the night the “cock that crows in the morn" nounces himself almost continuously to the surrounding fanıilies. Some have sick children who are restless and peevish, requiring all the parent's patience and care, and this shrill clarion goes like a sharp knife through every nerve.

One of our most valued friends writes that he has a little place for the summer in the country, and the neighbor on one side has hens and chickens, and on the other side a clog is kept. Between the two, against which he has no sufficient protection, he has no garden, no safety for his children, and no rural selicity such as he hoped for in the quiet of an inland town.

A pile of letters still remains to be noticed, but we can not refer to them in detail. A wise is neglected and ill-treated by a husband who is not intentionally cruel, but is thoughtless and selfish. She can not get a divorce, or even a legal separation, in this State; perhaps, if she broods less over her own griess, and seeks to make herself a part of his life (as she would wish if she was in his place), he may be won to a better mind. It looks to us as if both, now evidently « twain,” would be likelier to become “one flesh ” if each would live up to the golden precept.

From the watering-places, from the springs, from the mountain retreats, from private boarding houses in rural districts, comes the same sad wail over the general disregard of the quoted rule. The variety is legion, but the principle of all is the same. It is the self-seeking for whatever seeins most to be desired at the moment, without regard to the rights, the comfort, or the convenience of others, It is the original sin over against which is the golden sentence.

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