THOSE Condemned anarchists at Chicago, it will be observed, shed more tears over their sad fate than they did over the policemen whose bodies they mangled with dynamite bombs.- Washington Critic (Ind.), August 21.

IT notifies the cowardly jaw-workers of the anarchist type that they will no longer be allowed to drive foolish men to frenzy and murder, and escape all danger on their own part.-Toledo Commercial (Rep.), August 21.

We have faith in the sound principle underlying the fabric of labor organization in this country, and recognize in it a radical hostility to acts of disorder, incendiarism, and murder.-New York News (Dem.), August 22.

It has been a matter of wonder that the teachings of such men have been permitted to go unchecked so long, and that their damnable doctrines have not long ago borne bloody fruit.-Toledo Bee (Dem.), August 21,

THE advocates and agents of lawlessness and the preachers of anarchy will be wise if they heed the warning. The rope and the prison door is waiting for them.-Manchester Union (Dem.), August 21.

ALL honor to Chicago for her example! She deserves the thanks and the gratitude of every community in the country, and she has them in the fullest measure. New York Sun (Dem.), August 21.

THEY SOwed the wind and have reaped the whirlwind. Their fate is a hard one, but it is strict justice, and the lesson it teaches will not soon be forgotten.— Memphis Appeal (Dem.), August 21.

LET the great Western community be congratulated upon the wholesome example she has set. The precedent will be faithfully observed.-Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), August 21.

THERE will be many who will regard the condemned men with compassion. This is not the time for pity and sympathy.—Terre Haute Express (Rep.), August 21.

LET them be hung, and, if a few more could go with them, the better it would be for the country at large.-Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.), August 21.

THE jury in the trial of the Chicago anarchists has done its duty. Now, sheriff, do yours. Cincinnati Volksblatt (German), August 21.

Of the righteousness of the verdict there will be no two opinions among lawabiding people.-Philadelphia Times (Ind.), August 21.

IN all the plottings of anarchists the sons of Erin have been conspicuous by their absence.-Terre Haute Gazette (Dem.), August 21.

THE penalty is a terrible one, but few will be prepared to say that it is undeserved.-Buffalo Courier (Dem.), August 21.

JOHN MOST should have been the eighth in the confederation.-Cincinnati Volksfreunt (German), August 21.

LET the Chicago anarchists hang, decently, speedily, and in order.—Augusta, Ga., Chronicle (Dem.), August 21.

THE Chicago jury has vindicated us before the civilization of the word.-Baltimore News (Dem.), August 22.

THE verdict is all that could have been expected, and it is just.-New York Independent, August 26.

POLITICAL.

DEPOSITION OF PRINCE ALEXANDER.

Vienna Press Dispatch to the London Times, August 23. PRINCE ALEXANDER was deposed by conspiracy. He was escorted to Widdin, to embark thence on Sunday for Severin, in Wallachia, Roumania. A dispatch from Bucharest, capital of Roumania, states that all news from Bulgaria comes at present through official couriers, and that no private person is allowed to either enter or leave Bulgaria. The telegraph lines, the dispatch adds, have all been stopped from operation. The story of the deposition is told as follows: Karaveloff, the prime minister, entered the palace at Sofia, and explained to Prince Alexander that the public opinion of Bulgaria was dissatisfied with his policy, and demanded his deposition. Prince Alexander said: "I see no friends. I can not resist.” Public meetings have been held in Sofia and Rustchuk, and in all of them the proclamation of the change of government was received with favor. The people rejoice over the coup, which, they say, ended an intolerable situation. garians are persuaded that Russia will now assist them to consummate the union, Prince Alexander was taken which they think it is Turkey's design to frustrate. completely by surprise. He was astounded at the sudden bursting of the plot upon him. M. Karaveloff had managed the whole affair with such secrecy that the only indication of the coming storm was the mutinous spirit noticeable among the troops. Prince Alexander had ordered the circulation of papers among them, which openly declared that he alone was the only obstacle to the union, but his orders in this regard were not obeyed. A telegram from Bucharest says the Roumanians are very much excited over the Bulgarian crisis. King Charles is personally presiding over a special meeting of the cabinet hastily summoned, and Premier Bratiano is returning from Govdra with all possible speed.

London Press Dispatch, August 23.

The Bul

THE worst interpretation is given the situation by the Berlin Post, which in

times of crisis has generally been Bismarck's mouthpiece. Writing with great amiability toward Russia and unfriendliness toward England, declares the entente between these empires will become more conspicuous than ever. The Standard describes the news as of the gravest significance. The Daily News says it is very grave and ominous. Pall Mall Gazette says Lord Salisbury has nothing to do except to wait and see what line is taken by the other powers, because England has no longer the power, even if she had the will, to interfere by force of arms in the Balkans. London Times, August 23.

THE event must be regarded as a triumph of the Russian diplomacy, and it is a very impressive event. It is also, in a less degree, a reverse for England's diplo macy. It is only too clear that the Marquis of Salisbury is confronted with all the dangers and difficulties in an aggravated form which he had to face on his first accession to power. London Globe, August 23.

BULGARIAN events touch England very remotely, compared with Germany and Austria. England will not rush in where others decline to tread. St. Petersburg Press Dispatch, August 23.

THE Russian press was less surprised at the deposition of Prince Alexander than it was when Roumelia revolted in 1885, the newspapers here generally for some time past having believed that the political tension in Bulgaria foreshadowed a catastrophe. The Viedemosti says: "Russia must now speak her weighty word if she does not wish to lose control of Bulgarian destinies." The Novosti says that it is highly probable that Russia will intervene directly and establish a new order of things in Bulgaria, and adds: "With Alexander deposed, Bulgarian sympathy with Russia will revive."

Berlin Press Dispatch, August 23.

THE North German Gazette says German interests are not touched by Bulga

rian accidents.

New Yorker Staats-Zeitung (Ind.), August 23.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

RUSSIA has again, through her agents, taken full possession of Bulgaria and established a new government absolutely subject to herself. This announcement is surprising in so extraordinary a degree that, for the moment, one is tempted to look upon it as a cable invention. The situation is too vaguely defined to enable us to appreciate the importance of the considerations which have influenced Russia at this precise moment, by its démarche, to confront three great powers of the rank of Germany, Austria, and Great Britain. The Irish complications, the Hungarian army conflict, the cholera, and what might otherwise embarrass the action of two of these powers, would as little justify such a procedure on the part of Russia as the well-known love of peace of the venerable German emperor. The crafty Musco vite must have discovered stronger points of support before venturing to drive from his throne the recognized protégé of Great Britain and of all the friends of Turkish supremacy at Constantinople. The course of events must first present a perfect elucidation in respect to the point wherein these buttresses consist, and whether the shrewdest reckoner may not have deluded himself fundamentally in his calculations. Meanwhile, it is well to consider that the officious German newspapers have endeavored to look upon the situation in the most favorable light. We question whether British organs of opinion will share this optimism, and in fact the cable reports received in the last few hours from England indicate, most decidedly, anything other than a peaceful attitude on the part of the English press.

Der Deutsche Correspondent (Dem.), Baltimore, August 24.
[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

Seven years

Ir Russia should now spring upon the "unutterable" Turk and drive him entirely out of Europe, she will encounter evidently no opposition, for Germany, as well as England, France, and Austria, have assumed a very cool attitude in respect to affairs in Bulgaria. This insensibility, however, appears to be a mask, and the European exchanges show best how strongly peace is endangered. Prince Alexander has, through his Bulgarian adventure, only been a winner. ago he was an unknown lieutenant of the guards, when he inquired of Prince Bismarck whether he should accept the crown. The latter gave the derisive advice: "Seize upon it; in the worst event it will be a pleasant memory for you." The seven years' government has afforded him the opportunity to prove himself an able regent and skillful leader and strategist. But of the insignificant lieutenant a celebrated general sprung suddenly into being, who, when the Oriental storm, sooner or later, bursts upon us, will again make himself heard of.

Washington Star (Ind.), August 24.

ORDINARILY such an incident proves to be the first step toward a general European war. Perhaps it may be so now. It is about time for another war there. On the principle underlying monarchical government war is an occasional and everrecurring necessity. By means of it kings and emperors raise money, enhance their own importance and popularity, amuse and "enthuse" the masses, and kill off the surplus population. It is a barbarous, cruel, and selfish system, and it must eventually perish. Within the memory of young men it has lost ground. France has become a republic, England is steadily advancing in the same direction, the Ger man autocracy is sitting on a volcano, Spain is far from contented, King Humbert, of Italy, rules with a loose rein, and his subjects practically do as they please. Even Russia feels the new impulse, and the days of its absolutism is numbered.

THE pro-Russian conspiracy in Bulgaria is met by the organization of a provisional government in the oldest and most patriotic portion of the little kingdom in favor of Prince Alexander. The Tirnova party probably speaks for the better future of Bulgaria, which would be eclipsed by Russian supremacy, but has in an independent existence the brilliant possibilities of a career not unlike that before Piedmont thirty years ago. Unfortunately, if Prince Alexander is once securely imprisoned on Russian soil as a state prisoner for life or the Czar's good pleasure, it will be difficult for any adherents of his to postpone the re-election of another prince, and Waldemar, who is now suggested as Alexander's successor, is the brother of the Emperor of Russia and would be little else than a Russian viceroy. Philadelphia Times (Ind.), August 24.

Now the attention of the whole world is directed to Bulgaria, not because anybody cares for Alexander or the Bulgarians, but because Russia has knocked a chip off Turkey's turban, and people are wondering whether Great Britain will interpose in behalf of one of the Queen's poor German cousins. That would mean the war which the Prince's deposition was meant to provoke. Alexander's downfall is merely a move in Russia's game of aggrandizement, and it is likely to prove entirely successful, because Lord Salisbury's vigorous foreign policy is only adapted to occasions where there is no need for it.

Boston Herald (Ind.), August 24.

THE closing of the port of Batoum, on the Black Sea, was a significant event, but this recent extension of Russian influence throws that incident into obscurity, and restores, in a way that, a month ago, few persons would have supposed possible, the San Stefano treaty made with Turkey at the close of the Turko-Russian war, which the congress of Berlin took it upon itself to reject. What the outcome of this will be the events of the next few months will probably determine, but it would not be strange if it gave rise to some of the most serious complications that Europe has known for many years past.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), August 24.

IF what they have told us about the Russian nature is true, the English ought to have been fully prepared for measures to regain what the great northern power has lost in the south, and to recover from the check which it has sustained in the neverabandoned march to the Bosphorus. Not only Russian history but universal human impulse suggests as much. Yet, when such a measure is disclosed, able editors are thrown into column paroxysms of surprise and apprehension. Surely the Czar must laugh, if he has not forgotten how amid the terrors of bombs and mines.

New York Mail and Express (Rep.), August 24.

He is put out by the simple determination of Russia that he must go. England was ready enough to use him, and see him earn thereby the enmity of the Czar, but when it became a question of sustaining him against his great neighbor the case was different. Nobody would quarrel with Russia on his account, neither Austria nor England. By his abdication one point that threatened danger in that part of the world is cleared up, and the outlook is more peaceful.

Washington Critic (Ind.), August 24.

ENGLAND is not interested in the affair any more than she would be in anything that adds to the power and prestige of her almost open enemy. Taking these things into consideration and also the fact that Russia's policy is the policy of aggrandizement always, it is not to be wondered at that Europe should be agitated by what has just happened, and that all of its stock markets should feel the result of the somewhat panicky feeling which has been created by it.

Cincinnati Times-Star (Ind.), August 23.

THE success of Muscovite intrigue is little less than astounding, and apparently unaccountable, except on the theory advanced by the French_political press that Alexander's removal is "an Austro-German concession to Russia, and the price of the Czar's readherence to the imperial alliance." But, in any view of it, England can not contemplate, with equanimity, the growth of the Muscovite power in the Balkan peninsula, threatening Constantinople.

Las Novedades (Ind.), New York, August 23.
[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

If the danger to European peace depends upon the opposition of England to the projects of the Czar, it may well be remarked that the campaign will limit itself, as upon former occasions, to periodical rumors and diplomatic protests; and that Russia will continue, at pleasure, to make bits and mouthfuls of the diminutive states of the east, as she has done, with the patient indulgence of Great Britain, in the question of Afghanistan.

Philadelphia Ledger (Ind.), August 25.

young Prince, and the new cabinet is said to be composed of men devoted to Russian interests. It is, probably, only one move in the incessant game of aggrandizement by the great powers, which all the powers of Europe take a hand in, as their interest and occasion serve.

National Republican (Rep.), August 25.

THE position at present is that Russia is closer to Constantinople by the length of Bulgaria. Europe has been fighting since Waterloo to keep Russia from the Mediterranean, and, although at present she holds a trump card, the deposed prince or a cowardly Bulgaria notwithstanding, the Czar is not going to walk into Constantinople this time.

Pittsburgh Chronicle-Telegraph(Rep.), August 23.

RUSSIA has once more stolen a march upon the rest of Europe, and has taken another important step toward Constantinople. There will very likely be a few protests, as in the case of Russia's former actions; then Europe will acquiesce in the change of affairs and Russia will prepare for the next move.

Albany Journal (Rep.), August 23.

LESS than a year ago it seemed for a time inevitable that the Saxon and the Muscovite would lock bayonets in the defiles of Herat. Then a Liberal government prevented war. To-day the Conservatives are in office, and the tide of antiRussian feeling may float the English fleet into the Black Sea.

New York Star (Dem.), August 25.

WE may safely expect that the Bulgarian trouble will have no further outcome at present except, perhaps, a diplomatic contest; but it prepares the way for an eruption of a volcano always muttering.

London Press Dispatch, August 25.

EVERY precaution is still taken to prevent people or information leaving Bulgaria, but the news is gradually leaking out. It shows that the coup d'etat was not nearly so successful as was hitherto believed. Alexander, who was deliberately kidnapped, is now on his way down the Danube under a guard in his own yacht. It is now known that a similar plot to kidnap him failed some time ago. The provisional government is also discovered to be, to a considerable extent, a fraud. A number of influential names are included in it, the owners of which have been thrown into prison. The five principal garrisons in Bulgaria and the chiefs of militia have declared for Prince Alexander. Deputations following him assure him of the support of the people. The excitement caused here by the news has almost ceased, the Tories in office being mute as mice, whereas they would have followed the country with roars if in opposition. It is clearly seen to be impossible for England, at least at present, to take any active measure.

GENERAL BUTLER ON BOYCOTTING.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), August 20.

THAT ancient mariner, General Benjamin F. Butler, has been giving to the world, through the colums of the Sun, his views on the process known as "boycotting." He finds the boycotting to be an ancient institution which was practiced to a considerable extent by the fathers of this Republic as early as 1770, and in the years which followed it. Certain persons who did not entirely agree in their political views with the majority of the people of Boston were to be treated as "inveterate enemies of the country," and all persons were warned not to buy from them, sell to them, or to have any intercourse with them. General Butler thinks that the boycott has thus the sanction of ancient usage in America. He finds that the right to boycott, without force or violence, has been decided in the State courts of Massachusetts, and he asks, “Is it not time for society to reflect upon this truth?" The 'truth," as he states it, is as follows:

Every man, in the absence of a contract to the contrary, has a right to work for whom he pleases, and so long as those rights are exercised without force and violence to carry them out, they are entirely protected by law. The means are not unlawful and the end is not unlawful if it is only to convince the object that it is best for him to conform to the wishes of the boycotters.

General Butler's statement is, no doubt, clear enough, but it does not apply to boycotting as recently practiced. All the cases of this kind that have occurred in this country for a year and more have been supported by threats, if not by violence, and that is why the law declares them to be contrary to its provisions. A boycott that had nothing behind it but moral suasion would be a ridiculous fiasco, and would receive no attention. That system, instead of being a worthy ancient usage friendly to liberty, is a weapon of tyranny and of irresponsible tyranny at that.

THE RELEASE OF EDITOR CUTTING.

Philadelphia Inquirer (Rep.), August 24.

It may be that Editor Cutting will think twice before he writes his next brilliant editorial pitching into Editor Medina. Likely enough he will have something ferocious to say about Mexican officials, Mexican justice, Mexican judges, and all that. If he is as discreet as he ought to be after his experience, he will not publish his diatribes in Mexico. Nor will he trust himself again within the bounds of that republic after he has published them in the United States. He can mete out his revenge by taking his stand on this side of the Rio Grande and making faces at the Mexicans on the other side of the stream. The government of our sister republic has had its revenge. It has arrested Cutting, had him in prison, tried, sentenced, and confirmed his sentence upon review of the whole case. The business had just reached the point where it was dangerous to go further. So it is decreed that

punishment. It is unsafe to predict what a man of the caliber of this international victim will do. A sensible Texan would obey the homely admonition, "Get out and dust." Cutting, however, is not sensible, and it would not be safe to predict what he is going to do. Minister Romero and Secretary Bayard will feel a certain relief at the present condition of affairs. With Cutting out of limbo they can proceed to discuss this question according to the tedious form of diplomacy, in which they will write numerous letters, assuring each other every time of their "most distinguished consideration."

Boston Post (Dem.), August 24.

EDITOR CUTTING having been released by the supreme court of Chihuahua through the refusal of Medina, the libellee, to prosecute the case further, and Mr. Cutting having betaken himself to Texan soil as fast as a mule-driven street-car could carry him, we have nothing to do but to discuss the abstract question whether there is a class of offenses lawfully punishable in Mexico when committed on our territory, and, if so, whether Cutting's offense was one of them. This will come up on Cutting's claim for damages, for, of course, he will make such a claim. The prosecution of the claim in the recesses of diplomacy will have one good effect, at any rate. It will educate us upon some recondite points of international law. It will also enable Governor Ireland, of Texas, to disband his forces meanwhile, or, at least, to give them a furlough. It will likewise relieve the gallant band of newspaper reporters who have been holding their long ears to the telegraph poles between the City of Mexico and El Paso del Norte, and furnishing us all the dispatches that passed between President Diaz and the ruffian judges on the frontier. These admirable detectives must be greatly fatigued. We can only hope that they may get out of the country safely.

MR. BLAINE IN THE MAINE CAMPAIGN.

ON the 24th inst. Mr. Blaine delivered a political campaign speech at Sebago, Maine.

Brooklyn Union (Ind.), August 24.

THE speech is divided between an impeachment of the principles and purposes of the Democratic party and a detailed discussion of the course of the Secretary of State in dealing with the fishery and Mexican difficulties. Mr. Blaine's opinion of Mr. Bayard's diplomacy is briefly indicated in this sentence: "In contrast with our patient endurance of Canadian outrage toward American fisherman, we have made an unnecessary and undignified display of violence and bravado toward Mexico." But that is about the severest personal reflection in the speech, the dedunciation of the Democracy for its hostility to protection being in the nature of general criticism, and the condemnation of the course of the third-party Prohibitionists in Maine, though severe, being rigidly impersonal.

New York Tribune (Rep.), August 25.

THE Core of his argument is the fact that the Democratic party North and South appears as the enemy of every interest of the American workman, and that in Maine the same party has been hostile to prohibition and temperance, which after all must be considered one of the greatest of workingmen's interests. The supreme folly of supporting a third party in that State, when the Republican party has been pledged to radical temperance reform since 1856, he easily demonstrates. On all these topics of the day Mr. Blaine speaks with candor, vigor, sound judgment, and excellent taste. It is an address that will amply repay careful and deliberate reading.

New York Sun (Dem.), August 25.

So far as Mr. Blaine's first speech in the Maine canvass shows, he retains the ame disposition to localize the prohibition issue as he manifested two years ago, when he neglected to vote either Yes or No on the prohibitory amendment to the Maine Constitution. His able address at Sebago treats the tariff question, the labor question, the fishery dispute, the Mexican complication, from the national point of view. His remarks on prohibition may be read and read again without discovering a principle or an idea designed for application south of latitude 420 or west of Piscataqua river.

EXCESSIVE LEGISLATION.

New York Times (Ind.), August 19.

THE topic chosen by Mr. William Allen Butler for his inaugural address as president of the bar association is not only timely but urgent. There is no doubt that Congress and the State Legislatures alike legislate too much, and exhibit what a cynical critic has called "the natural fecundity of low organisms." In the State Legislatures this is most marked, because they are, in effect, empowered to deal with all concerns of the people of the States which are not referred to Congress. So long as this is the case Legislatures will be passing laws upon subjects of which they can know nothing. It is not surprising that in this State the confidence of the community that the legislature would not do much mischief has been founded upon the possession of the veto power by the Governor. The tendency everywhere is to lessen the activity of State Legislatures. In some States this has been effected by the substitution of the biennial for annual sessions, to the general relief of the people. In this State what has been done in this way has been done by constitutional conventions, which have limited the powers of the Legislature and enlarged the powers of the Governor. The most valuable of all these safeguards is the power given to the Governor to discriminate among the items of an appropriation bill and to reject such as seemed to him improper without killing the bill. It is a pity that this most wholesome reform can not be introduced into the national legislation without the cumbersome process of a constitutional amendinent. The annual appearance of such log-rolling jobs as the river and harbor bill would cease

at once if the President had the power to pass needful appropriations without also approving the waste of money. In still another way the activity of the State Legislature may profitably be diminished, and that is by carefully reserving the rights of political divisions within the State to local self-government. A few years ago a craze of railroad building induced towns to incur debts in behalf of local roads which the benefits to them did not justify, and the Legislature was besought to protect the inhabitants of the towns against themselves. While it is very well that towns should be prevented from incurring indebtedness beyond a fixed proportion to the value of the taxable property in them, it is not well that they should be encouraged to appeal to the Legislature whenever they have made a bad use of their discretion. The inhabitants of a town are surely better judges of proposi tions for local improvements than the Legislature in which it has but one representative can possibly be. They should be forced to abide the consequences of their own mistakes, instead of appealing to the Legislature to tie their hands.

CO-OPERATION OR SOCIALISM?

The Craftsman, Washington, August 21.

WE noticed in an exchange recently a few remarks on "The Labor Press," which classified labor papers into four general divisions. The tenor of the remarks were that many of them advocated socialism, though out of deference to public opinion, which objected to the term, it was called co-operation. This to a great extent is true. Socialism is co-operation, and co-operation is socialism. Many papers advocate socialism without knowing it, and these not among the labor press altogether, but frequently the capitalistic press, so called, advise socialism as a remedy for the various industrial evils and business depressions to which we are subjected. The word "socialism" has been rendered "as odious as the word 'occupy,' which was an excellent word before it was ill-sorted." Our whole social and industrial system was founded on pure socialism or co-operation, and on this basis alone is the only true prosperity. When our forefathers in the wilderness were ready to raise a house, all the neighbors turned out and assisted in the enter prise. When the crops had ripened, all assisted in the harvest. We had no millionaires, and we had no paupers. As we drifted from these mooring we got into the breakers which threaten to engulf the whole political craft. As society can not get back to the old system of co-operation or exchange of products and labor on account of a centralization of wealth and wealth-producing machinery, we must find a way to apply the old idea to the new arrangement. This can and must be done by co-operative action of some kind, through the medium of the closest organization. As the capital of the country is now concentrated and is controlled by the few to carry on great manufacturing and engineering enterprises, so must the brain and muscle of the country, educated to their fullest extent, be massed into one compact body, so that it may receive the full fruits of its efforts and no energy be wasted. It may be that from the seeming chaos which machinery has wrought in the industrial world will be evolved a system of social and industrial government as much superior to the present as the New Jerusalem is superior to the Jerusalem of Palestine. Why should there not be? The elements for it are all at hand. All that is necessary is the elimination of selfishness. This selfishness is born of fear, engenered in its turn by the old starvation idea that he who is not sharp enough to accumulate must perish. Remove the fear of immediate want from the heart of mankind and a great degree of selfishness would disappear. Then the great bounty of mother earth would be utilized for the benefit of all through co-operative effort in some form. This may be socialism. It is not socialism of the blood and thunder order so graphically portrayed by the daily press. Christianity is socialism of the highest type. We want more Christianity mixed up with our industrial machinery. Then the hands of iron and nerves of steel will be working and producing for all, and not for the few.

THE ENGLISH WAY.

Charleston News and Courier (Dem.), August 19. THE London Times having taken the ground that Mexico has been "surprisingly reasonable" in dealing with Cutting, considering the provocation he gave, we expressed the opinion, a few days ago, that England would never have tolerated for a minute any single one of the myriad outrages which have been perpetrated by Mexico during the last twenty years if Englishmen and not Americans had been the vic tims. What would have been the fate of Paso del Norte, for instance, if it had been a seaport town, and if Arresures had been an English subject instead of a citizen of the United States, may be deduced from the account of a recent occur. rence near the continent of Australia, which is described in the English news papers. An English steamer, it appears, was attacked by the natives of the Island of Malayta, and five of the crew were killed. The vessel and the rest of the crew escaped, and the tragedy was promptly reported to the English man-of-war Opal, which was near at hand. The sequel of the story is told in few words. On being appraised of the facts, the Opal at once headed for the island. The village whence the attack was commenced was shelled. All the people who came in sight were killed and the houses burned. The Opal then proceeded to Sandara Island, and demanded of the villagers the murderers of Capt. Howe and his mate, who were killed in January of last year. This village was destroyed three months after the murders, and, as the inhabitants still refused to give up the criminals, the place was again shelled, and a company of seamen, which was landed, destroyed everything of value they could find. It will scarcely be claimed by the Times, or by any one else, that the English authorities were "surprisingly reasonable" in their dealings with the Malaytans, but it must be conceded that they have given an additional example of the readiness of the English government to avenge the murder of English subjects, which contrasts strongly with the indifference or pusillanimity of the American people in dealing with Mexican cut-throats.

PRESIDENTIAL POSSIBILITIES.

ALTHOUGH the State and Congressional campaigns of this year are beginning to command the attention of the political press, to the exclusion of events more remote, there is still a good deal of interesting comment on the next quadrennial election.

South who are disposed to move just as the North dictates, but the masses of the Southern people are tired of this sort of business, and somebody is going to be badly fooled. The South has made no war on Mr. Cleveland, and is not disposed to do it, but in 1888 she will take an independent stand in the convention, and show, plainly enough, that the time when she could be utilized as a tail for the New York kite, and be controlled by the North, has passed. Her vote in the convention will be as solid as it ever was, but it will be cast as her judgment dictates. The idea that the Democratic party cannot elect a man to the Presidency unless he comes from New York has lost its force with our people, and there is a very general desire that the next Democratic candidate for President shall come from the West and the Vice-President from the South, and the political wind just now appears to be blowing very strongly in that direction, and a man will be nominated who, if elected, will see that the administration of the affairs of the Government is placed in the hands of the Democratic party. As Senator Vance expressed it, the South believes that public office is a public trust, but that a Democrat should be the trustee and not a Republican. New York, with her thirty-six electoral votes, is, undoubtedly, a power in national politics, but it is a power that the South no longer cares to be the toy and sport of, and will no longer submit to its domination. Those New York politicians who are now making calculations for 1888, and have taken it for granted that the South can be used as she has been in the past, will awake to the painful realization that they have made a disastrous mistake. The South will never again consent to being led, but will lead and be supported by the West, whose interests are closely allied with her own.

T. C. Crawford's Bar Harbor Letter in New York World (Dem.). NO ONE who has talked with Mr. Blaine's friends throughout this State can have any doubt but that Mr. Blaine would be a candidate again if in 1888 he thinks the Republican party will have a good fighting chance. He does not propose, his friends say, to lead a forlorn hope again. It is a fact that Mr. Blaine regarded the chances of the Republican party as very poor during the spring of 1884. He thought that the Republican party then contained within itself the elements of defeat. The situation throughout the country, so far as it related to business, also conspired to aid in contributing to this defeat. Mr. Blaine was frequently heard to say up to within a month of the Chicago convention that he thought the Republican party would be defeated that year. Within a few days before the Chicago convention he said to a caller: "Do you know that I am afraid of the Chicago convention ?" "What is it that you fear?" was asked; "the tide appears to be running your way." Mr. Blaine replied: "My fear is that I will be nominated." He then went on to explain that he thought then that the Republican party could not win, and for that reason he was not anxious to be its leader in the campaign. Yet, when the nomination came to him, he did not refuse it any more than he will refuse it probably if it is tendered him in 1888. He does not think that he was beaten fairly in the last campaign. He believes that his defeat then was the result of a series of accidents which could not have been foreseen, and which, in the ordinary course of events, could not happen again in a campaign. His friends here all say that if he had gone back to Maine after the Ohio campaign he would have been elected by a large majority. Maine Republicans say that the natural tendency of Mr. Blaine's mind is to try it over again. He feels very much as a prize-fighter would feel who was making a good stand-up fight against a burly antagonist and who should lose the contest by slipping upon a piece of banana peel. The Republicans of Maine who make up Mr. Blaine's staff concede that the old ticket can not be renominated. They do not question the sincerity of General Logan's refusal to again take second place upon the ticket. They are looking in other di. rections for the second name. I have heard Allison, of Iowa, mentioned as a possible combination with Mr. Blaine, and in the event of Mr. Blaine not securing the nomination I think his strength would go to Allison. There is a very cordial feeling between Mr. Blaine and John Sherman. Col. Moulton, John Sherman's brother-in-law, who has been here for several days in consultation with Mr. Blaine, says that Sherman would not take second place on the ticket, and that Sherman is not a Presidential candidate. The Shermans and the Blaines are socially intimate. The members of the families visit back and forth. Miss Rachel Sherman, a daughter of the General and a niece of the Senator, is at present a guest of the Blaines at Bar Harbor.

New Yorker Staats-Zeitung (Ind.).

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.).

We do not know exactly the number of votes which the fly-fishers control, but we may expect the political opponents of Mr. Cleveland to find it out. The man who offends the tender susceptibilities of that class will find his faults painted in its most heinous colors. The enormity of "trolling with a gang" can be brought home to every enticer of the finny tribe from the lakes of Maine to the Columbia river, and the organs of the opposition will leave it to the consciences of the anglers whether they will vote for a man who indulges in such nefarious practices. The apologists of the President may seek to extenuate his offense by pleading that one of his predecessors, Mrs. Hayes, made her big catch of fish in the Adiron dacks by the same means; but the critics can reply by pointing to President Arthur, who, whatever he may have done on other issues, was a model in fishing strictly according to the rules of sportmanship. Does any one deny that a political campaign will be burdened by any such issue as this? Well, perhaps it will not; but we can be certain that if it is not, it will be loaded down by a lot of other issues just as irrelevant and trifling as the rules of fishing. The announcement that Blaine is to speak twelve or fifteen times during the State campaign in Maine probably indicates that the Plumed Knight is rather emphatic in wanting it understood that he doesn't share Senator Edmund's opinion about the party going West for a candidate in 1888. The West, however, is a fine country and raises nice corn, pork, and wheat, and might possibly be able to furnish a good man for second place.

Albany Journal (Rep.).

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CONGRESSMAN SWINBURNE's remark that Mr. Cleveland has the Presidential bee in his bonnet finds confirmation in numerous incidents in this State. There is an evident purpose to strengthen the party machinery and keep the control in the hands of his acknowledged friends. For a time it seemed to be slipping away. Governor Hill's schemes apparently met with no opposition. He was building up an organization which would have made him master of the Democratic party in New York. The direction of the State Committee, last fall, when he was running for Governor, was naturally entrusted to men of his choice. Through them, John O'Brien and William L. Muller, being his favorite agents, he was obtaining a hold on the metropolis which would have enabled him to carry the State for the Democrats for a certainty. From the profits of Flynn, O'Brien & Co., on the aqueduct and other public jobs, he would have received strong financial backing in every campaign. The Squire exposure was the first blow to Governor Hill's plans. It was a chance accident, to which they were liable at any moment. The movement from Washington, however, is of a different character. It looks like part of a programme to render New York solid with and for President Cleveland. Wellinformed politicians regard the appointment of Mr. Magone as collector as a move to bring the great office of the custom-house into friendly relations with the President and remove it from the possibility of capture by those who are plotting against him.

THE decease of so many eminent Democratic Presidential candidates following so soon upon each other, and, naturally, that of the most noted of party leaders, Tilden, has educed, among politicians and their respective organs of the press, the discovery that Cleveland has thereby won an extraordinary prominence. The discovery is very unpleasant to them, but they can not shake off the impression, but must even give it utterance. It is not fully decided whether it be the circumstance just adduced that, of late, has contributed most to Cleveland's political growth. We should be very well satisfied that this growth is at length acknowledged by those, unreservedly, who have most earnestly insisted upon disparaging it. We regard it as a striking attestation to the increasing sagacity of the people that the traditional methods by which, for so long, political influence has been won have now outlived themselves. The politicians of the old school could, with very great difficulty only, be won over to a renunciation of faith in the indispensable necessity and the infallibility of those methods; but they must, by degrees, reckon with political factors which hitherto have been held in little repute by them. President Cleveland has not alone for himself, but likewise for his party (whose interest he has far more at heart than it deserves), renounced the effort to acquire a hold on the people through organizations which are held together by politicians that have been rewarded with office. He is frequently almost rude to people whose claims to office are confined simply to wire-pulling services. Organizations that are held together after the old methods consequently hate him, and there is no doubt that they would like, above everything, to give expression to this hatred by disowning him; and yet, they see one Democratic convention after another constrained to testify to the President its high esteem. The latter has been left shamefully in the lurch by the Democrats in Congress, and his government has thereby been materially impeded in its accomplishments, but the Administration offers such a very meritorious contrast to the pitiful exploits of Congress, and the good intentions of the President are so universally acknowledged, that his adversaries in his own and in the Republican camps are obliged to bend before him. The open and masked warfare which was waged against him in last year's elections will this year be even more dwarfed. The secret of the growing consequence of the man rests upon the fact that he has a policy, and one, indeed, which penetrates to the mind and consciousness of the people, whilst the old parties, from their very want of a policy, are visibly losing their hold upon the people.

New Orleans States (Dem.).

THE New York papers seem to think that, at the National Convention in 1888, the South will be handled like so much dough, and Mr. Cleveland will get the nomination, provided he can control the sentiment of the New York delegation. It is true, there are some lick-spittles among the leaders of the Democracy in the

Washington Post (Dem.).

JAMES G. BLAINE is, perhaps, the most picturesque and heroic figure in American politics. Sometimes fantastic in his action as he is brilliant in speech, and inclined to do unexpected things, he is always the cynosure of public attention, and every word he speaks is received from sea to sea as if it were freighted with peculiar import. It would be a public misfortune if so strong a man should conclude to retire from public life without putting forth another effort. It looks as if he has concluded to do so. A fortnight ago, Senator Edmunds, to whom Democrats are under special obligations for having unanimously elected Mr. Cleveland to the Presidency, remarked in the public press that the Republican party, in selecting its next candidate must "go West and get an honest man with a clean record." This, of course, was a direct attack on Mr. Blaine, and it was thought that it would be immediately resented by the discarded candidate putting his potential finger into the Vermont pie, where Mr. Edmunds is earnestly seeking re-election. But no such thing occurs. Nothing occurs. Judge Edmunds seems to be marching on triumphantly-or, at any rate, defiantly-and the heroic personage who "yesterday might have stood against the world" is apparently bowed in spiritless dejection. Edmunds is to come to the Senate again, and Blaine is to be thrown overboard in 1888, as he was in 1884; that is what it means.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.).

THE wave of the President's popularity moves grandly on. A correspondent

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of the Louisville Courier-Journal, writing from Russell county, Kentucky, says that "four-fifths of the male babies are being named Grover Cleveland." Here is a notable manifestation of maternal pride. The hand that rocks the cradle rules the world, and if these mothers of the land are for Cleveland who shall prevail against him?

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The leading Democratic journal of the Southwest, the Galveston News, is moved to utter the following admonition :

It might be well to serve notice on the World and the other Hill organs, however, that if the next Democratic candidate for President is not Grover Cleveland, he will be a Western man.

The News should not be misled. There is no organization of Democrats in this State which refuses to recognize the popularity of President Cleveland, or the probability of his renomination. It is true that political managers are apt to be the controlling power in nominating conventions, but it is also true that they would If there are not venture to disregard a decided manifestation of party sentiment. any "politicians" in the way of President Cleveland, they will get out of the way when as the time to do so comes.

Washington, D. C., Sentinel (Dem.).

THE Democrats have met in several States in convention. They have adopted platforms not one of which agrees with the others. The Pennsylvania Democrats are for high tariff. On the prohibition question, notwithstanding the Republicans at their convention have pronounced in favor of some prohibitory measure, they are silent. The Chicago Democrats show again signs of financial unsoundness, whilst on the prohibition question they are right. Thus, in almost every State the Democrats seem to differ on the cardinal principles of their party. All, however, have adopted a resolution fully endorsing the present Administration. That is imbecile and cowardly, because they do not in their hearts approve the course of President Cleveland. Of the leaders whom we have met here at Washington in and out of Congress during the last twelve months there is not one who has not expressed his dissatisfaction to us-of course, privately. Why not be honest and manly, and tell the President the truth? Why not confess that his policy is gradually emasculating, if not breaking up, the Democratic party? You know it is soand the next election will wipe out any doubts about it, if you still have any.

New York Evening Post (Ind.).

New York Sun (Dem.).

Pittsburgh Times (Rep.).

Savannah News (Dem.).

Omaha Bee (Rep.).

Philadelphia Record (Ind.).

THE SO-called Democratic Congressmen who have divided the Federal patronage in Pennsylvania are not interested in increasing the number of Democratic districts, because that would involve a further division of plunder. The result of their work at Harrisburg will probably confirm them and confirm President Cleveland in the expectation that they can deliver him the vote of Pennsylvania in the next National Convention. The next National Convention is a long way off. In the meantime, it may dawn upon the minds of men who have eyes to see that a great political opportunity has been thrown away in Pennsylvania and a great injury done to Democracy. Pittsburgh Press (Rep.).

RANDALL is reported to have said in a interview in Chicago that the Harrisburg resolutions endorsing Cleveland's Administration mean that Pennsylvania will put forward no Democratic candidates for the Presidency in 1888. This almost confirms what he said in the Irish meeting when he exhorted the league to keep politics out of their councils; but, on second thought, Randall may not be any more sincere when he promises not to oppose Cleveland for the Presidency than when he promised to support Wallace for the Governorship, or he wouldn't if he thought it possible for a high-tariff Democrat to get the nomination.

Washington Critic (Ind.).

UNLESS all political forecasts are failures, the next Presidential campaign is to be one of much more than ordinary interest and importance, not only from the natural solicitude of the Republican party to regain its position, lost by such a narrow margin in 1884, but by reason of the great issues, national and international, that are likely to engage public attention, and of which we already have imminent intimations. The intervening Congressional and other contests will partake more or less of the distinguishing characteristics, to be elaborated and intensified upon the broader battle-fields of 1888.

Detroit Tribune (Rep.).

IN 1884 Mr. Cleveland was so certain that his election to the Presidency was the merest accident that he wrote a letter expressing the opinion that "no man ought to hold the office of President more than one term." In 1886 Mr. Cleveland is laying his plans for renomination in 1888 with all of the precision of a man firmly convinced that a second term is even more desirable than the first, all of which illustrates afresh the peculiar quality of Democratic consistency, and the remarkable “disingenuousness" of the President's public utterances.

Baltimore Herald (Ind.).

Now, if the plucky and adventurous J. G. B. will take warning from experience, he will not blow up all his powder before he comes in sight of the enemy, but will wait, like a dear, good man, till the gleam of the hostile bayonets is seen in the distance. If very wise, he will take the brave Prescott's advice at Bunker's Hill and wait till he can see the whites of the enemy's eyes. Otherwise he may be hoist with his own petard, or find himself again wrapped in mournful visions of the might-have-been in 1888.

Chicago Journal (Rep.).

WITH Cleveland and Voorhees for the Democratic candidates, the Republicans should have some strong Western man for either the first or second place on their ticket. A man from Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, or Iowa would add strength to the ticket, and, fortunately, there are not wanting able and clean-handed Republicans in each of these great States who are in every way qualified for such an honor. The Woman's Journal (Ind.).

"BROTHER JONATHAN," in the Milford, N. H., Enterprise, suggests the name of Senator Stanford, of California, as the Republican nominee for President in 1888. Senator Stanford is able, honest, and patriotic, a public benefactor, and a pronounced friend of woman suffrage. If nominated, he would most likely be elected.

The nomination would be an excellent one,

UPON the whole, we think that Blaine will continue for the next six years speech-making in Maine, while Cleveland, during the same period, will, for one month annually, leave the Executive Mansion in Washington to fish in the Adiron dacks at least we hope so.- -Washington Gazette (Ind.).

THE Republicans have no choice as to a candidate. Blaine represents "manifest destiny" on this point, but he can no longer appeal with any confidence to the ignorant fears of the colored voter.-Louisville Courier-Journal (Dem.).