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rents, and evictions will take place by the thousand. Lord Salisbury's duty as a
statesman is plain, but he is not likely to heed it as long as it can be avoided.

THE OLEOMARGARINE BILL.
The Irish Canadian, July 29.

On the ad inst, the President signed the Oleomargarine bill. In his message to It must be remembered that Mr. Parnell is not tied to party, and that he will the House on the bill he sets forth the reasons urged on both sides of the question. accept home rule, whether it be granted by the Tories or the Liberals. A coalition

He holds it to be a revenue bill, and states that~ with Parnell would place Salisbury on a permanent basisma gain that is seldom overlooked by those anxious to control the treasury benches. Who, then, can say

If the question was presented to me as an original proposition, I might doubt the that Ireland's great desideratum may not yet come from the Tories ?

present need of increased taxation. I deem it my duty in this instance to defer to

the judgment of the legislative branch of the Government which has been so New York Evening Post (Ind.), July 29.

emphatically announced in both Houses of Congress on the passage of this bill. The appearance of Lord Randolph Churchill on the scene as chancellor of the Moreover, those who desire to see removed the weight of taxation now pressing exchequer has the air of a burlesque. Lord Iddesleigh will be a highly respect

upon the people from other directions may well be justified in the hope and expecable foreign secretary, but one who will do as little to make a mark of any kind as tation that the selection of an additional subject of internal taxation, so well able Lord Granville did. The selection of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach for the Irish sec to bear it, will in consistency be followed by legislation relieving our citizens from retaryship is either a slur on him or bit of defiance to the Irish.

other revenue burdens, rendered by the passage of this bill even more than here

tofore unnecessary nd needlessly oppressive. If this article has the merit which Chicago Inter-Ocean (Rep.), July 29.

its friends claim for it, and if the people of the land, with full knowledge of its real Lord) SALISBURY's strength is like his party's power, it lies in his foreign policy. |· character, desire to purchase and use it, the taxes exacted by this bill will permit a The great questions now agitating Great Britain, and in the settlement of which fair profit to both manufacturer and dealer. Notwithstanding the immense quantity the Gladstone ministers were stopped in their career and threw up their portfolios, of the article described in this bill, which is sold to the people for their consumpare strictly home problems. What figure the Salisbury ministry will cut in dealing tion as food, and notwithstanding the claim made that its manufacture supplies a with these important subjects can not yet be anticipated.

cheap substitute for butter, I venture to say that hardly a pound ever entered a poor

man's house under its real name and its true character. Ottawa Free Press, July 30.

* The fourteenth

and fifteenth sections of this bill, in my opinion, are in danger of being construed An examination of the names of those whom Lord Salisbury has called to his as an interference with the police powers of the States. Not being entirely satisassistance will show that the cabinet is a very weak one. Prejudice rather than fied with the unconstitutionality of these provisions, and regarding them as not statesmanship, must be its main support. But with a strong and active opposition being so connected and interwoven with the other sections as, if found invalid, to led by Mr. Gladstone, it does not require an inspired prophet to predict that the vitiate the entire measure, I have determined to commend them to the attention of Salisbury cabinet will not last long.

the House with the view to an immediate amendment of the bill, if it should be The Irish American, August 7.

deemed necessary, and if it is practicable at this late day in the session of ConThe attempt of the present leaders of the Tories to tinker up the worn-out feudal

gress, machinery of the past, in the interest of the moribund landlord clique, will only

New York Herald (Ind.), August 3. result in ensuring them a more speedy and overwhelming defeat than any they By signing the Oleomargarine bill President Cleveland has given executive sanchave heretofore experienced-one that will probably shake the foundations of the tion to a statute which is as clearly an abuse of the Federal Constitution as the oleoBritish monarchy itself.

margarine law passed by the New York Legislature, approved by Governor Cleve. Arkansas Gazelle (Dem.), July 30.

land, and set aside by the court of appeals was a violation of the constitution of SALISBURY has formed a cabinet. But only seven months of the year have

this State ; and the President signs the bill, notwithstanding that he finds one of gone, and ample time is left for the installation of a couple of successors before the

its sections seriously defective and two others “ in danger of being construed as an holidays. While the Irish question remains uppermost

, the duration of a cabinet

interference with the police powers of the States," and, therefore, in need of "imis about as difficult to forecast as the direction of next month's winds,

mediate amendment." The message in which Mr. Cleveland seeks to justify his

approval of this remarkable measure is a piece of special pleading which can not Providence Star (Rep.), July 31.

redound to the credit of the President. He claims that it is a revenue bill. But THE Queen and the aristocracy are reckoning without the people, but the time it is notorious that its purpose is not to raise revenue, but to put burdens upon one has come when the people are the main factor in England's government and Par- industry for the protection and benefit of another. This is obvious from the liament, and the politician who ignores them ignores the fountain of power. No speeches of even the champions of the measure in Congress. cabinet can last long in the England of to-day that is headed by a lord.

Baltimore American (Rep.), August 3. SOME of the Tory organs look upon the appointment of Matthews for home

ONE might almost suspect that the President fears that he would lose the supsecretary as an evidence of weakness of the Salisbury cabinet, and a doubt is

port of the dairy interest of New York in the Democratic Nominating Convenraised whether the cabinet will endure with divided counsels on important ques

tion of 1888 unless he signed the bill, and so he signs it, though he thereby intions. It is also a break in the Tory prejudice against placing Roman Catholics in

volves himself and his party in a tissue of inconsistencies and contradictions, for the counsels of the government. Troy Times, July 31.

the oleomargarine bill is regarded by the President in form and substance a reve

nue bill, and it is as such that he signed it; and thus, while the Morrison wing SALISBURY has been in labor and has brought forth his cabinet. Every indica of the Democratic party sought a revision of the tariff for the purpose of reducing tion points to unfavorable treatment of the Irish question. The reactionists of taxation, and failed to get it, the bill which taxes a new industry is adopted, and England are in full command and home rule is to be killed if possible, but, per receives the President's approval. Moreover, it is an increase of the revenue at a haps, the more extreme the measures adopted by the new ministry the sooner will time when the measure for applying the surplus already in the Treasury is under come deliverance.Manchester Union (Dem.), July 31.

discussion. It is a measure of protection at a time when the real strength of the A WORSE, more injudicious appointment could not possibly have been made, be Democracy favors free trade. But the President signs it. cause it would be impossible for the Irish people not to recognize in the Marquis

Philadelphia Telegraph (Rep.), August 3. of Londonderry a likely successor to the Bloody Castlereagh, and the reproduction by him of the policy of hate, and fraud, and corruption which betrayed Ireland to

The President's message, signifying his assent to the Oleomargarine bill, and

giving his reasons therefor, is a document which it would have been better had it her undoing. — Philadelphia Inquirer (Rep.), July 31.

not been written, for it does no particular credit to either the head or heart of Mr. There is little timber for statesmanship in the Tory party. In fact, the main Cleveland. The message, in fact, is an exceedingly bad specimen of the kind of difference between the Liberal and Tory parties lies in the fact that the Tory is an special pleading in which the dignities which environ the President of the United animal moved so entirely by prejudice as to be incapable of correct vision or States should have prevented him from indulging. This document is the more judgment, while the Liberal is a man who

will allow himself to be influenced by objectionable for the reason that there was no sort of necessity for it, as it was open events.- Indianapolis Sentinel (Dem.), July 30.

for the President either to sign the bill or to let it become a law without his signaTHE leadership of the House of Cominons is supposed to call for qualities just

ture, without, in any way, incurring the censures which have been bestowed on

the members of the Senate and House who have figured as its advocates; but, about the opposite of those which Lord Churchill has heretofore exhibited, and it

presuming that a defense of the signature of the bill was necessary, the defense will be interesting to see with what success he will discharge his new duties.-Chi

surely should have been based on some better reasoning than Mr. Cleveland has cago Journal (Rep.), July 30.

permitted himself to set forth. At present the probabilities for a smooth, peaceful, and long-continued reign of

New York Tribune (Rep.), August 3. the new ministry are not very strong. The Irish question will bob up serenely as soon as Parliament opens, and there is no middle course between coercion and

The President has wisely approved the bill to tax oleomargarine. He does so some sort of home rule.- Nebraska State Journal (Rep.), July 30.

on the ground that the tax will still allow the commodity to be manufactured and
sold
at à fair profit

, while the necessity of putting stamps on the packages will It is no bed of roses to be a premeir of Great Britain now, and if Gladstone is probably prevent bogus butter from being sold as the pure product of the dairy. sure of four years more of active life he has yet a right to hope that Salisbury's This reasoning will shock the nerves

of the oleomargarine men, who don't very head will fall into the basket long before that time.-Salt Lake Tribune (Rep.), much mind the tax of two cents, but who do feel their pockets shrink at the pros: July 31.

pect of being obliged to put a tell-tale stamp on their wares. The new British cabinet is universally conceded to be a very weak one, but it which flows from this approval is that it enables those Congressmen who meant to is not believed that any of the ministers have any Pan-Electric stock concealed stay in Washington until they had passed the bill over the President's veto to go about their person.—St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.), July 31.

home now in short order. There is plenty of good timber in the Salisbury cabinet, and neither brains nor

New Bedford, Mass., Mercury (Ind.), August 3. experience is lacking.- Washington Post (Dem.), August 1.

As THE President has signed the Oleomargarine bill

, and it has become a law,

A secondary beneht

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Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.), August 3. PRESIDENT CLEVELAND may persuade himself that he was right in signing the Oleomargarine bill, but there is sad danger that the country will think he was playing for the dairymen along the Hudson river.

Buffalo Courier (Dem.), August 3. CANDOR compels us to express our regret that the President has not seen his way to withhold his approval from a measure of so doubtful character and questionable policy.

Ohio State Journal (Rep.), August 3. The President met his master at last in the grangers. He was afraid to vcto the Oleomargarine bill, and signed it.

why will it not be in order to put a tax on kerosene? The whale fishery needs protection quite as much as the dairy interest, and it has never had the slightest favor from our paternal Government.

Kerosene deserves less favor than oleomargarine, for it is quite as noxious and has made more victims. Tax it, tax it heavily, that whale and sperm oil may have a fair chance to lighten and lubricate, and that a business which has fallen into desuetude may have a chance to recuperate and a nursery for hardy mariners be maintained.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), August 3. THERE is not much doubt that the bill is a popular one, so far as it goes, and that in appending his signature to it the President will antagonize only those who are engaged in the manufacture of oleomargarine. The general public is bitterly opposed to the article in question, not because it is a substitute for butter, but because of the elaborate rascality which has long characterized the substitution. The dairy interests of the country, indeed, the entire agricultural interest, will hail the act with satisfaction, too, since it is of the essence of a protectionist measure, the first that their guild has ever asked for.

Washington Post (Dem.), August 3. The law will probably do nobody any harm, and the tax receipt or label will serve as a voucher, to some extent, of the innocuous qualities of the artificial butter thus distinguished with the stamp of the Government. Two cents a pound will not seriously hurt either the manufacturer or the consumer, while it will tend to remove and abolish the odium under which the article has hitherto been sold, as a pariah and outlaw in the market. Henceforth oleomargarine may look the old Alderney cow fearlessly in the eye and point to its badge of respectability,

Pittsburgh Chronicle- Telegraph, August 3. It is greatly to be regretted that President Cleveland, profiting by his experience while Governor of New York, should not have vetoed instead of signing the bill taxing oleomargarine. While in the gubernatorial chair at Albany he signed two similar measures passed by the New York Legislature, and the court of appeals declared them both unconstitutional. It is believed that as soon as a test case can be brought before the Supreme Court of the United States it will take the same view of the act just passed by Congress and approved by the President.

Washington Star (Ind.), August 3. The President's position in regard to the oleomargarine tax bill is sound, and his message on the subject is statesmanlike. Congress will probably consider it too late now to take action on the points of emendation suggested by the President, but they deserve attention, either immediately or as soon as Congress reassembles next winter. At all events, the friends of genuine dairy products are entitled to congratulate themselves on the success of their enterprise. On the whole, this has proved the most interesting and exciting feature of the session.

New York Sun (Dem.), August 4. MR. CLEVELAND is a candidate for renomination. His message approving the bogus butter and bogus tax law is evidence. If he were not a candidate for re-election as President, he never would have signed the Oleomargarine bill. Mr. Cleveland is after the so-called farmer vote, just as are Mr. Evarts and Mr. Sherman and Mr. Edmunds and a couple of hundred other Senators and Representatives who have pretended to believe in the soundness of this unconstitutional, dangerous, dishonest measure.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.), August 3. PRESIDENT CLEVELAND has finally concluded that he disapproves of eleomargarine, and that it is constitutional to tax it. He has signed the bill, therefore, giving with his signature some wholesome recommendations to Congress looking to its amendment and improvement. This is a triumph for the honest buttermakers, for, though two cents a pound is not much of a tax, its imposition and collection will help to identify the oleomargarine and make it less easy for iť to masquerade as butter.

New York Evening Post (Ind.), August 3. It would be more consonant with the spirit of the Constitution is the President would simply approve or disapprove the measures before him, and state his opinions regarding legislation in his annual messages to Congress. The reasons given by him for signing the bill will not be satisfactory to those who, like ourselves, consider it a very plain case of class-legislation, and the most offensive specimen of its kind to be found on the statute book.

Boston Post (Dem.), August 3. A tax of two cents a pound is not prohibitory of oleomargarine, neither is it protection of dairy butter. The most it can accomplish is the designation of the imitation article in the public eye by revenue stamps, and, possibly, a sort of supervision by the revenue officials. The principle which the law recognizes, however, in yielding to the demands of those who have advocated it is mischievous, and is likely to return to plague our legislation.

New York Mail and Express (Rep.), August 3. The House was not enlightened by the President's little essay. It was a reiteration of some of the host of Congressional utterances on the worn themes it discusses. Why should a President give reasons for signing a bill, anyway? Reasons for a veto are always proper. Is the President anxious to get before the country as much as possible before Congress adjourns ?

National Republican (Rep.), August 4. EVEN Cleveland holds in discreet awe the horny-handed dairy farmer and his vote.Philadelphia Times (Ind.).

Who could have expected the President to resist the pressure after the unexampled stampeding of Congress by the wrathful bellowing of the honest cow?

THE MEXICAN BORDER TROUBLES.

New York Times (Ind.), August 4. THERE has been a palpable decrease in the interest felt in Mr. Cutting since the case of Arresures has afforded a better basis for the war spirit. That the Mexican judge who put the American editor in prison exceeded his authority may or may not be established, but there seems to be no doubt whatever that Cutting deliberately defied the Mexican courts or laws after taking up his residence in Paso del Norte. To suppose that our country would go to war with Mexico on Editor Cutting's account is simply nonsense. Arresures, who was an omnibus driver at Eagle Pass, was delivered up as a horse-thief by County Judge Hoffstetter, a Texas official, on demand of Mondragon, a captain of Coahuila State Rangers, Consul Linn's telegram to Governor Ireland shows that this Texas judge and another Texas official, Sheriff Oglesby, combined to give up Arresures under a wholly illegal extradition, and probably under a trumped-up charge, to Mondragon, who was his rival for the affections of a woman, and that Arresures was probably murdered by Mondragon's men, who broke into the jail at Piedras Negras in order to lynch him. Mexican outrages against our citizens are numerous and irritating. Their laws and customs give their officials great power over the property, liberty, and lives both of Mexicans and of American residents in Mexico. At the same time, it must be rather discouraging to the State Department, whenever it tries to pitch on any one specific case of outrage, to find it starting with a wrong on the American part, as in the cases of Cutting and Arresures.

New York Tribune (Rep.), August 4. IF Cutting is wrongly detained, his release should be peremptorily demanded, but faith in our ability to whip the Mexicans in short order should not tempt Congress to anything arbitrary or unjust. It is well enough to understand that the State Department is anxious to regain through this affair as much as possible of the reputation which the Administration has lost in the fisheries dispute. But there is really no reason to bully Mexico merely to please Mr. Bayard.

New York Star (Dem.), August 4 OUTSIDE of the Mexicans and Texans who are facing each other on the line there is not one man in ten thousand who believes that a war is imminent. The demand of the United States ought to be sufficient to bring the Mexican government to a recognition of its obligations, and we have no doubt that it will. A Mexican army might, indeed, inflict a good deal of damage in the Southwest, but who is foolish enough to suppose that any Mexican official will dare to take the responsibility of the terrible and crushing defeat which would be sure to follow a contest of arms with the United States ?

PAYABLE IN GOLD.

Portland Oregonian (Rep.), July 23. CONGRESSMAN BRECKENRIDGE, of Kentucky, in debate on Wednesday, expressed the opinion that the Government had option of paying its bonds in gold or silver. The record of our financial legislation, fairly construed, does not sustain this view. Congress in 1869 passed the act to strengthen the public credit, pledging the payment of the bonds in “coin," and the funding act of 1870, providing for new issues, makes them payable “in coin.” At the time when these acts were passed both parties to the discussion understood these acts to commit the Government to gold payments; the friends of the acts declared this to be their pur. pose, and the opposition objected because it was proposed to pay in gold rather than in greenbacks. General Schenck, chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, introduced the act of 1869 by saying: “Honest men have remembered, too, that the bonds were taken on the faith of contemporaneous declarations by Congress and the agents of the Government that they were payable in gold.” Mr. Bromwell said : “All we have got to do is to make our promises of gold as good as gold, satisfy the world that our bonds mean just what an English bond means, and that is gold for gold.” General Logan said: “Let us stop this higgling about it, and say, as an honest people, that we mean to pay our honest debts, both greenbacks and bonds, in money that the world recognizes as money.” General Butler, in the debate on the funding bill, said: “We will agree to pay something that no people can change if we agree only to pay gold at present standard value. The bill has the words ' present standard value,' so that we may not change the value. Gold is the standard of value here.” Mr. James Brooks said: “The payment of our debts, both principal and interest, in gold—this is the platform of the Democratic party.” Jones, of Kentucky, said that rather than have the bonds paid in gold he would prefer to repudiate the whole debt. Holman, while holding the bond might be paid in greenbacks, said: “There will be every motive to take the 4 per cent. bonds, payable in gold.” In the Senate, Sherman said it was the purpose of the

Finance Committee “to put the bond and the note on the same footing-both to men were then deputized to visit the Arapahoes and Shoshones, for the

purpose of be paid in gold.”, Mr. Fessenden said: “I wish to put it on the broad ground inducing them to sell their country and remove to the great Sioux reservation in that by the original contract, according to any true legal construction of it, these Dakota. The majority of the Sioux are said to be fully convinced of the necessity honds must be paid in gold.” Mr. Hendricks protested against “making these of becoming farmers and adopting the ways of white men. bonds payable in gold.” Mr. Doolittle opposed it for the same reason, believing " that they ought to be paid in greenbacks.” Mr. Voorhees said: “We are providing for the payment of one thousand millions in gold,” and he opposed the bill

A NATIONAL PROHIBITION SCHEME. on that account. Mr. Sumner said, in alluding to our nation's improved credit, that it was due to the conviction that our bonds would be paid in the “universal

Chicago Tribune (Rep.), July 28. money of the world.” Mr. Sherman said: « No doubt exists now as to the payment of our bonds in gold.” Mr. Howe, who voted against the bill, said: “These

SENATOR Blair has not been occupied exclusively with schemes to pension bonds are to be gold bonds,” Mr. Morton also opposed the bill, his argument

everybody, and to dig Government canals in which water is to run up hill, but in being : “ If we have not returned to specie payments, we can not pay in gold; we

every session of Congress, for the last ten years, he has advocated a prohibitory must either pay in currency or not at all.” These citations are ample to show that

amendment to the Federal Constitution. Blair's cranky and absurd plan for the when the acts of 1869 and 1870 were passed the words “gold” and “coin” were

regeneration of mankind in the United States has, at last, been reported favorably used by both sides in debate without discrimination. There was no talk of pay.

by the Senate Committee on Labor and Education, which takes the ground that, ment in silver, the dollar of that metal being then at a premium and not in circu

however impracticable the scheme, it is the duty of Congress to submit it in the lation. These facts show the dishonesty of the argument of the silver men who

form of a proposed amendment to the Constitution. The committee insists that contend that the silver dollar was at the time a legal coin of the United States, whenever “ any considerable and respectable portion of the American people" deand that payment in silver would meet every demand of the acts in question. At

sire to vote on anything, it is obligatory on Congress to propose an amendment, the time of the passage of these acts not more than $8,000,000 of silver had been

and that “to deny this is the very essence of despotism, and for Congress to uncoined since the foundation of the Government, and silver was practically non

reasonably refuse the hearing is a just cause for revolution.” This is the kind of existent, and therefore not mentioned in this debate between those who wanted to

twaddle relied upon to support a scheme which even Blair's cranky committee is pay in gold and those who wanted to pay in paper. After the passage of the fund

unwilling to argue on its merits. Contrary to the views of the Blair committee, ing act it was universally understood that the bonds were payable in gold and

there is a very general public opinion that the Constitution was not intended to be nothing else. The talk about silver began in 1876, but the silver argument has

voted up or down at every election, and that changes in the fundamental law were been repudiated by every Secretary of the Treasury from Morrill, of Maine, down

not to be formally proposedl unless there was a strong popular pressure in that to Manning. In every way possible, by the action of Congress and the reiterated direction, and good reason to believe a large majority of the people favored an declarations of the Executive, this Government stands pledged to the payment of

amendment of the Constitution. Under the practice proposed by the Blair comits bonds in coin of “standard value,” and gold was the standard, by the conces

mittee, there would be a dozen or more amendments in question at every election, sion of both parties, when Congress passed the acts of 1869 and 1870.

and the Constitution would lose all stability, and be blown about by every wind of agitation. It is the duty of Congress to guard against hasty, ill-considered changes, and not propose amendments until it believes the demand for them is general,

earnest, and well founded. The framers of the Constitution regarded the perpetNEW INDIAN NEGOTIATIONS.

ual agitation of constitutional questions as an evil to be guarded against carefully,

but, according to the Blair committee, there must be a general vote on the fundaSpringfield Republican (Ind.), July 29.

mental law whenever such action is desired by any considerable number of fanatics The embassy of which John V. Wright, of Tennessee ; Bishop Whipple and or enthusiasts. The Blair committee was, doubtless, much affected when Miss Charles F. Larrabee, of the Indian office, are members, and which will start in a Willard appeared before it and talked like an angel from Heaven," but it has few days to negotiate new treaties with Northern Indian tribes, is of first-class im very serious business on hand when it proposes national constitutional prohibition. portance. They will first try to satisfy the Indians of the White Earth and Leech In the first place, any State that desires prohibition can secure it at present, and Lake reservations in Minnesota for the damage to their lands by the fowage the Blair scheme aims simply to force on some of the States laws which they would of the Government reservoirs at the head of the Mississippi. Other controversies not adopt for themselves. According to all experience, such enactments would in that State will receive their attention. They will then visit the Fort Berthold not reach the object sought, and could, at best, only drive the liquor traffic into reservation on the Missouri, in Dakota, and the great Blackseet reservation in secret places, and remove it from police supervision. In order to deny "home Northern Montana to negotiate a surrender of a portion of the lands. In the lat rule” to the States in a matter that is distinctively one of local regulation, and ester case, a few thousand Piegans, Blackfeet, and Gros Ventres occupy a reserva tablish paper prohibition for the entire country, the Federal Government would tion as large as Massachusetts, or larger, between the Missouri river and the British lose the tax on liquors, which amounts to about $100,000,000 annually, while cities, line. These tribes are the most backward of any in the United States, and have counties, and towns would be deprived of the license fees now exacted. The peoto be supported almost entirely by the Government, as the periodic north and ple are not ready to pay any such price for prohibition in theory and cheap, unsouth movement of the buffaloes has been entirely broken up by the transconti. taxed whisky in fact. The proposition is too absurd even for a vote, but the connental railroads and belts of settlements, and the buffalo nearly exterminated. clusion reached by the Blair committee is so mischievous and fallacious that it These tribes can do nothing with so vast an allotment of land, and need a more ought to be rejected promptly and emphatically. limited range and some agricultural lands. They will probably object, however, to utter removal, as they have occupied that country ever since they were found there by Lewis and Clark, and the Indian love of locality is strong. In a state of nature, they followed the buffalo as he migrated from the mountains to the valleys

A NEW TEST FOR OFFICE-HOLDERS. and plains and back again, and their best chance of livelihood in civilization is

Charleston News and Courier (Dem.), July 29. probably in connection with cattle-raising. It is not very definitely stated whether the same commission will visit the Crows, whose reservation occupies Southern It is not casy to understand upon what constitutional or moral grounds the Senate Montana from the Northern Pacific Railroad and the Yellowstone south to the has rejected the nomination of Postmaster Rosetto, of DeKalb, Illinois. The sole Wyoming line. The railroad runs along its northern border for 200 miles, and the objection urged against his confirmation, it is stated, is the fact of his “having whole paich is nearly as large as Massachusetts, or two square miles apiece for written and published an obituary of Gen. Grant, in which the hero was alluded every Indian on it. This land is suitable for agriculture, especially with irrigation. to as a tyrant and compared with Julius Cæsar.” This was held to constitute an The Crows are making slow progress in civilization and are thoroughly land poor. offense of sufficient gravity to warrant his summary and unanimous rejection. Mr. The commission will proceed still further westward to Idaho and Washington Rosetto is not a resident of a Southern State, and probably never has been. The Territory and will try to persuade the Spokanes and Pen d'Oreilles to go on the fact that he had been appointed postmaster of a lown in Illinois is evidence that Jocko reservation of the Flatheads in Montana, and the Flatheads to receive them. he is a citizen of that State, so that his case might be the case of any " loyal” citiThese are not large tribes. The Flatheads occupy a paradisiac country of noble zen of the United States during the late war. He is not punished for having been mountains, rushing rivers, and rich meadows, railroads and all, and are good a Southerner, therefore, and the cause of his taking off may be considered on the farmers, each family living in a comfortable log-hut with the old-fashioned iepee broad ground of right and public policy. The matter simply amounts to this—00 standing in the yard. They will not want to share their portion with less advanced more, no less—that a citizen of the United States is held by the Senate of the Indians. Thus this commission goes out on a very delicate and difficult mission, United States to be disqualified from holding an office of trust or profit in the regarded from the stand-point of the welfare of the Indians and our own honor. United States for having expressed an unfavorable opinion of an ex-President! The They are charged to make no arrangement without the full consent of the tribes offense is a continuing one, of course, and as there is nothing about the position of concerned. But this means a consent of majorities, and Indians are as likely to postmaster to make it peculiar in this respect, it follows that unless his disability differ among themselves as any people. No agreements will be binding until they can be removed by Congress, or unless he can be pardoned for an offence for which have been accepted by Congress, but it is a melancholy fact that this ratification he cannot be tried, Mr. Rosetto, of Illinois, must remain disqualified from holding does not always secure the full carrying out of the stipulations by subsequent Con any office under the Government unless he changes his honest opinion of a fellowgresses. The commission's labors will be followed with interest by the communi citizen who chanced to fill a more important office, and shall write and publish a ties neighboring to these reservations, by the railroad interests and cattle interests, flattering opinion concerning him. It is a curious development in the history of and those watching for the opening of new lands to settlement. It is interesting American progress, and looks very much like a step backward. The record as it to note in connection a movement among the Sioux looking to a similar object stands reads very much as if the affair had happened in Spain or Russia, and the with that of the commission. On Saturday, July 17, a general council was held culprit had insulted the reigning prince or some member of a powerful dynasty, at Pine Ridge agency, presided over by United States Inspector Pearsons, of a full and the legislative tools of the government had taken that as a reason for prosecutdelegation of the nation, including Red Cloud, Young-Man-Afraid-of-His-Horses, ing him. There is more toleration than this in monarchical England, and if the Little Wound, No Flesh, and, indeed, nearly all the head men. It was primarily á precedent now attempted to be set by the Senate is accepted as a right and reunion of the two parties, the opponents and supporters of the late agent, Dr. Mc proper one, it is evident that there is not so much freedom of opinion and speech Gillicuddy, the latter giving their allegiance to Red Cloud. That chies and a few head in this country as is generally supposed.

PRESIDENTIAL POSSIBILITIES. EVEN in the heated term and on the eve of the State and Congressional campaigns of ’86 there is no lack of comment on the possibilities of the next Presi. dential election.

Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (Rep.). The St. Louis Globe-Democrat is kind enough to remark: In 1876 the Cincinnati Commercial- Gazette said worse things of Blaine than it has said in 1886 of Logan. Now, according to that same journal, the chief end of the Republican party is to glorify Blaine and vote for him forever. In these circumstances we see reasons to prevent Logan from mourning as one without hope.

It is true that the Commercial and the Gazette were opposed to Blaine in 1876, and stated their reasons for opposition with a good deal of freedom of speecb. It is true, also, that when the Commercial-Gazette reached the conclusion that Mr. Blaine had been condemned before he was convicted, the enemies of the Republican party—the old Confederates, and the third-termers, and all the resthave given much time and many labors to an exaggeration that amounted to falsification of what we actually said in antagonism to Mr. Blaine. This sort of thing is rather easier than absolute lying, for it is founded on fact. But Mr. Blaine was not our first choice or his own for the Presidency in 1884. He did not wish to be nominated then, and we did not urge that he should be. We said that the Commercial-Gazette was a straight Republican newspaper, and would support the ticket. Blaine was nominated, and we supported him heartily. We were against turning over the country to the Democratic party. More than that, it was our conviction that, when the accusations that were stormed at Mr. Blaine in 1876 were sifted, and the dust was blown away, the facts that remained were small matters. They had at first been greatly magnified and distorted. The version General Logan gave the other day of what we said about Blaine in 1876 was the Cincinnati Enquirer's grotesque falsification. But we suppose Logan did not know any better—or quite appreciate the character of the trash he used. Now, Logan did not care to have the Credit Mobilier matters looked into, and did not come out of the Senate, to which he had just been elected, to insist upon an investigation. He was not among those who had a dispute with Mr. Ames. Mr. Blaine was the man who moved the investigation and started the great racket, and he came out square as a brick. One advantage Mr. Blaine has, and that is that no man in the country has ever been so relentlessly investigated, pursued, and ransacked as he. If the highly figurative language of the Globe-Democrat can be taken to mean anything in particular, it must be that we are urging that Blaine should be nominated in 1888. Well, we are not doing it. We have only to say that if he is nominated we shall support him. We do not think the Republican party belongs to any man. We think it greater than any man, and we thought so in 1880 as well as now. We have said that we did not mourn for Logan as those without hope. He has made a shocking and shabby blunder, but it is possible he may have usefulness in him. We shall watch him with solicitude to discover symptoms of a return of his ability to reason. He may recover, but we do not think the coal-oilers will be able to nominate the next Republican candidate for the Presidency. When Logan was possessed by the notion that his Presidential prospects were interfered with, he strode into the arena and ripped himself up. That was not worth while, but it was Logan's way. We are of the opinion the Republican party will win next time, and if it does not we shall not follow its defeated candidate, after the manner of the Globe-Democrat in 1884, with sneers and mouthings and ravings and the gibberish of insult, expressing rather satisfaction over the defeat of the leader than regret at the discomfiture of the party.

New York World (Dem.). MR. BLAINE himself is to open the campaign in Maine on the roth of August, and Senators Sherinan, Logan, Hoar, and Allison, Congressmen Burrows, Grosvenor, McKinley, and Hiscock, and Gov. Foraker and ex-Gov. Foster, of Ohio, are on the list for speeches. Some of our Democratic contemporaries take much comfort in displaying this array of talent. They say it is evidence that the Re. publicans are alarmed, and that there is hope for the Democrats in Maine. Of course, if Mr. Blaine is to be the next Republican nominee for the Presidency, it is of the first importance for him to keep Maine in line this year; but he has still another purpose in attracting so much sounding declamation to his State. Observe the Ohio list. McKinley belongs to a section of the State which is enthusiastic for Blaine, and he dare not raise his voice for Sherman. Grosvenor is from a Sherman community, and is himself confessedly for Sherman, but he is of pliable material, and it will be one of the easiest tasks Blaine ever had to mould him. Ex-Gov. Foster has had more influence in restraining Mr. Sherman's ambitions than any other man. Gov. Foraker has enough prestige to insure him a place in the Ohio delegation to the Republican National Convention, and the sly Maine politician will attack him with a magnetic battery the moment he touches the þorder. Mr. Blaine will keep Ohio divided. When Mr. Sherman goes to Maine he will be in the peculiar position of a man attending his own funeral.

A semi-editorial letter signed “R. S.” in the Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette can be from no less a person than the original and only Deacon Richard Smith, who seems to be rusticating in the mountains. The deacon has of late been attending to the dollars-and-cents end of journalism. It has been so long since the gray mat. ter of his brain has diffused itself in print that we can not refrain from copying a paragraph from his valuable letter. Here it is :

Gen. Logan has lost most because he had most to lose. He was a brave soldier, and this ropuiation covered a multitudo of sins of omission and commission. As a Presidential possibility or probability

he had

risen immensely within tho last two years. In spite of his rudeness and egotism and immoasurable vanity, I had brought myself to uko Gen. Logan and was prepared to support him, if nominated, most heartily, but by his own acts he has driven his friends away in sorrow and destroyed his political pros. pects. He, too, made such an exhibition of vulgarity as to show how unit a person ho would have been for President of the United States. That position requires honesty capacity, and refinement. These are three qualities in which Gon. Logan has shown

himself to be sadly deficient. Evarts was also talked about for the Presidency. That bunch of Presidential rubbish has been cleared away.

Really, the deacon is becoming quite heterodox in his Republicanism. Now, suppose General Logan should be nominated for the Presidency. Or suppose we should have the old ticket, Blaine and Logan. Or suppose, again, it should be Logan and Evarts or Evarts and Logan. What would the deacon do? There are half a dozen possible combinations, either one of which would make him wish that he had held his peace or had not been born a Republican.

Memphis Avalanche (Dem.). A Curious matter for speculation is presented by the Republican party. Its leaders are engaged in killing one another off. Where are they going to find a candidate when the Kilkenny cat fight is over? There are some Republicans who fondly cling to Blaine as a sort of a demigod and expect his renomination. One would just as soon expect a reputable citizen to offer a note in payment after a bank had stamped it counterfeit and condemned. The last election stamped Mr. Blaine « tattooed” and no party will ever try to pass him again. Logan is hardly available, and if he were his enemies are too numerous for him to reach the prize. Sherman is able and strong in some respects, but he will not fit the peculiar revival of all the old sectionalism of the party which is its almost inevitable line of policy for the next canvass. Sherman's forte is business. There was a time when that business idea would have been potent, but the business interests no longer fear the Democratic party and they have turned away from the Republican party as that one under which all untoward conditions grew up. If they have secured no complete restoration they will not turn backward for it. The Republican party will inevitably resort to a revival of sectionalism, Blaine's Augusta speech, an appeal to the soldiers, to the pensioners, to the truly loyal sentiment, to prejudices against rebels and the South. It will be hard to find a young man to fit a backward-looking platform. The older leaders will have killed one another off. It is not at all improbable that they may again drop in under Sherman to find an Ohio man who will fit. Governor Foraker is the one young Republican who, with personal honesty, high character, and the respect of his neighbors of both parties, has managed also to be in politics narrow-minded enough and bigoted enough and fanatical enough and prejudiced enough to contain within himself, bottled and yet fresh for uncorking and ready to effervesce, all of the old sectional narrowness and bigotry that his party or any of its extremest leaders ever managed to chamber. Foraker is a man who can singularly suppress his bigoted fossilism and fanaticism in his personal intercourse with his fellow-men, and yet of all the Republican leaders, young or old, there is not one so narrowly bigoted as he nor one who would so well befit a canvass that would call the shades of Thad, Stevens and Oliver P. Morton and Zach. Chandler from their graves to rejoice that the seed they sowed still lingers to sprout anew.

Philadelphia Inquirer (Rep.). If the accomplished editor of the New York Sun, who daily writes pleasing letters to his own newspaper under a bewildering variety of signatures, all of which expose the perfidy of ex-President Rutherford B. Hayes, and glorify ex-Governor Samuel J. Tilden, does not, during the next two years, succeed in securing the Presidential nomination of the Sage of Greystone from his party, the fault will be in nowise his. The labors of the editor of the Sun, in this behalf, have been greater than those of Hercules, but, we fear, they will be no more profitable to the world. Mr. Tilden is a good man, but we respectfully represent to our esteemed contemporary that, after twelve years, it would be exceedingly difficult to revive the fraud cry so effectively as to elect a President of the United States with it. The world does move, and the most vital of political issues cannot reasonably be expected to endure forever. There is really no saving grace, at present, in the ancient contention of 1876–77. The chance to render it effective was in 1880, and that year and its national campaign having passed, the contention itself passed. The persistent devotion of the Sun to an idea is commendable; but the most commendable thing, if too long persisted in, will eventually become, say, a little tiresome. The day and the hour have a great deal to do with the selection of Presidential candidates. Parties, like persons, are largely the creatures of circumstances, and they are influenced to select one aspirant and to reject another by reason of his fitness or unfitness for the occasion. As we have said, Mr. Tilden is a good man; but it must be admitted that there is very little in common between him and the present time. He is of another generation. He had his innings in 1876 and was bowled out. There was, we remember, some objection from the party that lost the game to the decision that gave Mr. Tilden out, but the losing side always objects to the ruling of the umpire that deseats it. Rutherford B. Hayes was not a fraud. He was elected by a majority of the people in the regular way, and, subsequently, the people's representatives of the Electoral Commission declared him fairly and properly elected. There was no fraud about it, and it is hopeless to expect to elect Mr. Tilden President in 1888 by crying fraud in 1886.

New York Sun (Dem.). In their own estimation, at least a dozen Republican Senators are candidates for the Presidency. Nine of them are sure that they will get it. We shall name them and give their respective ages at the commencement of the Presidential term on March 4, 1889. William Maxwell Evarts will then have just passed into his seventy-second year. This would be rather late in the day to enter the White House, but Brother Evarts need not be discouraged. Mr. Gladstone is now more than half through his seventy-sixth year, and Lord Palmerston died while premier at the ripe age of eighty-one. John Sherman, the sharp rival of Evarts, will have crossed the threshold of his sixty-seventh year. This, however, may not give him any advantage over Evarts. In point of longevity three of these aspiring Senators, Logan, Hoar, and Hawley, are about neck and neck. Hoar is a cousin of Evarts. When the next President mounts the east portico of the Capitol to take the oath of office, Logan will be a month over sixty-three, Hoar six months over, and Hawley eight months short of sixty-three. Edmunds, the highreaching Vermonter, will be sliding into his sixty-second year, and Allison will

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be exactly sixty. Harrison and Ingalls are also side by side. On March 4, 1889, in the process of the election no knowledge of such corruption was brought to his the grandson of President William Henry Harrison will be half through his fifty colleague. He believed also, sincerely believed, that if the investigation were sixth year, and Ingalls, who is sometimes called the most eloquent Republican granted, his colleague's honor would not be louched by the testimony that would in the Senate, is four months younger than IIarrison. Of course, Brother Blaine, be produced.” If he spoke the truth, any further remarks were unnecessary and who is three years the junior of each of the nine except Harrison and Ingalls, is redundant. Any subsequent action of the Senate could only be in the direction of likely to beat them all in the Republican National Convention of 1888, and demagogy and persecution. Senator Logan spoke truly when he said “it is Halthe Democrats are looking out for a candidate that will beat Blaine or any other stead's case.” Sherman bared his back to the party lash, and in so doing exhibited Republican.

a frailty utterly inconsistent with broad statesmanship, not to mention ambition for Hartford Times (Dem.).

the Presidency. It is still nearly two years before the next Presidential campaign will open with

New York Times (Ind.). the nominations. But Mr. Blaine has been, for a whole year now, as busy as ever at We should judge from certain statements which have appeared in the public his wire-pulling work to secure a renomination. Some of the prominent Republi- prints that a considerable number of the Republican members in the Senate and can journals do not hesitate to say that it would be solly to expose the party to re House, while feeling certain that Mr. Blaine is the most probable candidate of their newed defeat under such a leadership, but Blaine, who is one of those politicians party in 1888, would very much prefer to see the nomination go to somebody else. that are called, down in Maine, “dretful smart fellows at management, is Political conditions have very much changed in this country since the 4th of March, thought to have already got a commanding position as a candidate for renomina- 1885, and the opinion that Mr. Blaine is the strongest candidate who could be put tion. It seems he is still intriguing for what he calls “the Irish vote.” This little in nomination by the Republican party has undergone a notable modification, and dispatch to the New York Herald is significant:

no longer obtains among politicians who are wise enough to get their impressions AUGUSTA, ME., July 29, 1886.-Mr. Patrick Ford, of the New York Irish World, has been

about popular sentiment from the people themselves. down to see Mr. Blaine. The two gentlemen were closeted together at Mr. Ford's hotel What transpired is only known to themselves.

Washington Star (Ind.). It is to be hoped the “ Plumed Knight" will succeed in again capturing the

MR. BLAINE is undoubtedly leading all his Republican competitors at present, nomination by his party. The Democrats would like nothing better than to bowl but if he thinks he is to have a walk-over for the nomination in 1888 he is greatly him down again, and with an added emphasis, next time, that would tend to ex mistaken. His particular "fad” is a vigorous American foreign policy. Just now tinguish even Mr. Blaine's restlessly flickering flame of personal ambition.

this idea is a popular one, and if the national convention were to be held this sum

mer, in all human probability Mr. Blaine would be its nominee. But this is a Chicago Herald (Ind.).

world of change, and two years is a long while, counting by events. Besides, Mr. The assumption in some quarters that Senator Sherman and the Ohio gang have Blaine has been employing his leisure in writing a book, and there is excellent killed off John A. Logan as a Presidential candidate is entirely gratuitous. The authority, both scriptural and secular, for pronouncing this a very dangerous Ohio gang can kill off nobody. Gen. Logan has more friends and enjoys a higher pastime. degree of public respect to-day than he did before he took the trouble in the Sen

Kansas City Times (Dem.). ate to pull the lion's skin from the Cincinnati ass whose bray has affrighted many MR. BLAINE has sent to Governor Martin, of Kansas, an autograph copy of his timid men, and he will undoubtedly continue to grow in popularity. Ohio will not “Twenty Years in Congress.” This is Blaine's way of getting in his work on the be able to make or break Presidential candidates on either side of the political

Kansas politicians. It's very much cheaper than Logan's way, and shows again fence until its representative men cease to be whooping blackguards and lunatics. how keen a financier is the would-be President. Governor Martin may be caught It has failed in Republican conventions as it has in Democratic conventions to

by the cheap compliment, but he knows the arts of slubbering too well himself to carry any weight. The nomination of two of its citizens by the Republicans was

value them highly in others, and probably he will not rush into Blaine's arms until not because of anything that the Ohio political blatherskites had done, but in spite he knows whether that gentleman is likely to be the nominee again. of them. Hayes and Garfield were both taken up in order to beat men whom the Ohio gang favored. Senator Logan's refusal to be bullyragged by an

Baltimore Herald (Ind.). irresponsible crowd of party shriekers in Ohio will have some influence in the di Wiile the New York Sun is booming Tilden for the Presidency the Star, in a rection of suppressing them. They can not injure him, and they know it. long and comprehensive article, shows that the Sage of Gramercy Park is a hopeChicago Times (Dem.).

less paralytic, unable to feed or take care of himself, and almost totally incapable

of transacting any sort of business whatever. But perhaps that sort of a President IF General Logan is to be believed, he not only does not want to be President, might suit the Sun. With a paralytic in the White House, Mr. Dana might bebut he is determined not to be, it he can help it. Such being the case, the Times

come the power behind the throne. can only regard it as positive cruelty that his pretended admirers should persist in running him for the office. The spectacle of a great statesman struggling so vigor.

Newark News (Dem.). ously 10 prevent the American people from forcing him into the White House THE Sun may accomplish the task of putting Mr. Cleveland out of the running against his own wishes is one that ought to appeal with irresistible eloquence to for 1888, but it also succeeds in proving that he is too good for his party, and while every good citizen, and cause an immediate abandonment of the nefarious con debasing him in its own peculiar way it somehow seems to place the Democratic spiracy against him. By all means, in view of the general's latest utterances upon party in the nethermost hades. This may be brilliancy, for the “Sun shines for this subject, the persecution of which he has so long been a victim ought to cease. all,” but it is rather the glitter of a paste diamond than the bright, prismatic flash It is, no doubt, a great misfortune for the Republic that General Logan will not of a genuine jewel. consent to become its President for even a single term. But he himself has said

Troy Free Press (Dem.). it," and the only thing left for the country to do is to bear up under the disappoint

This talk about Mr. Tilden as a candidate is absurd, and seems to us insincere. ment as best it may, in the meantime casting about, for the next best person who

It is probably somebody's idea of opposing President Cleveland. It certainly canis willing to make the sacrifice.

not hurt him, for nobody but the Sun and the “0.0,” will stick for Mr. Tilden Cleveland Plain Dealer (Dem.).

through months and months again, and have nothing come of it. Democrats are

tired of that sort of nonsense. THE political campaign is about to open in Maine, and Mr. Blaine has the Re

In short, they are pretty well satisfied as publican end of it in charge. He has summoned to his aid quite a number of Ohio

they are. men, but all of them are faithful lieutenants of Mr. Blaine, and none of them are

Chicago Inter. Ocean (Rep.). Sherman men. There is McKinley, and Charlie Foster, and Grosvenor, and DANA and Hayes would sweep the agricultural vote of every State in the Union, Governor Foraker, who expects the second place on the Blaine ticket. But neither It is hard 10 choose between Dana and Hayes and Dana and his other friend, John Sherman nor any of his lieutenants seem to have been invited to speak in Butler. Dana and Butler-there's the ticket to make New York solid. It matMaine. Ben Butterworth, nor John Little, nor the leather-lunged Bob Kennedy, ters little whether Hayes or Butler is the other man. Dana is the one man around nor any of the Halstead howlers have received invitations to participate in the whom the present political situation pivots and seethes. Maine contest. It is Blaine's fight with Blaine's men. He expects to contest Ohio with John Sherman, and he has already brought over to his side the abler of

The Presidential bee in Gen. Logan's bonnet is humming low just now, but it is the Republican leaders. When Ohio goes into the national convention in 1888 it will be with her delegation divided, and John Sherman will fall in the house of

Should Gen. Logan be the next President of the United his friends in the same old way.

States it is hardly likely that the leadling Republican journal of Ohio will get the

Government printing. —Louisville Courier-Journal (Dem.).
Washington Correspondent Indianapolis Nemus (Ind.).

THE suggestion of a Dana and Hayes ticket for 1888, which is made by an THE secret animosities of certain Democratic leaders flourish with tenfold esteemed New York contemporary, has uncommon merit. In no other way that virulence. They begin to realize the fact that unless something can be done, or we can think of will the fraud issue ever be satisfactorily settled. Philadelphia something happens to break the back of President Cleveland, nothing in the world

Telegraph (Rep.). will prevent his unanimous renomination at the next national convention. It may be a little too strong to say that a conspiracy has been formed to accomplish this It seems that the only thing Ilalstead and his crowd succeeded in accomplishpurpose. It is rather an understanding that something should be done. “It bears ing with reference to the Payne business was the destruction of the Logan boom, The same relation to a conspiracy that an “understanding” between young lovers which, however, was not in good condition to begin with.–Savannah, Ga., bears in an engagement. I can say with truth, however, that there are a dozen

News (Dem.). Democratic statesmen in Congress, the House and Senate, who would join hands

WHEN Blaine reads Sherman on Logan and Evarts on Sherman, he heaves a with anybody in any scheme not actually disastrous to their party which would

sigh of satisfaction, and with a wink of his weather eye softly sings:

" I'm out promise the early political death of Mr. Cleveland.

of politics.--- Pittsburgh Press (Rep.). Cambridge, Ohio, Jeffersonian (Dem.).

It is not Mr. Dana who writes the communications to the Sun urging Mr. TilSENATOR SHERMAN, in his “great speech” in the Payne investigation debate den for the Presidency. They are written by Mr. Dana's astral body. - Washingconcerning Senator Payne, said : “He believed that whatever corruption occurred ton Hatchet (Ind.).

there yet.

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