reject the treaty as a whole, it will allow the anti-dynamiter clause to remain for the sake of securing the embezzlement clause.

Boston Transcript (Ind.), July 17.

THE best that can be done is to give Great Britian the right to demand the surrender of any persons who are charged with having committed dynamite outrages on British soil, and who have fled to this country for refuge. Such refugees could not claim with justice that their offenses were political; theirs would be crimes against civilization. An extradition treaty providing for their surrender would meet the approval of all right-thinking men in the country. As for the cowardly, blatant miscreants of the O'Donovan Rossa type, no treaty will cover their cases. And when Great Britain demands that we enact laws to suppress these conspiracies and plots ugainst her peace, she should remember that Lord Palmerston was swept from power in consequence of his attempt, after the Orsini incident, to pass a bill through Parliament making conspiracy to murder a felony.

Chicago Tribune (Rep.), July 17.

THE presence of the dynamitard in England, and his recent appearance on this side of the Atlantic, ought to operate as a strong incentive on both countries. It is a curious fact that, in spite of the contiguity of the United States and Canada, such a treaty has not been negotiated before; for it has long been as easy for a criminal to escape from either country to the other as for a person to pass from one State to another within our own boundaries. The absence of such a treaty is a premium upon crimes of a certain class. Under such a treaty we at least would be interested in depleting the American colony of bank cashiers and the like, now so rapidly growing up in the Dominion.

New Yorker Staats-Zeitung (Ind.), July 16.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

THAT the present alleged convention is capable of being much improved upon, and, indeed, not merely in reference to the nature of the crime, but also in the mode of procedure for the extradition of the criminal, is clearly enough evidenced, among other things, by the flourishing colony of American malefactors in Canada, on the one hand, and the not less honorable coterie of international delinquents in the United States, on the other. The recent cable intelligence from London, therefore, is presumably not without a very substantial background.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), July 18.

GREAT BRITAIN has no interest in making her territory a refuge for our criminals; still less do we desire to shelter hers. We referred on Wednesday to the escape to Canada of a St. Louis cashier with $70,000 of his bank's money, and even while the lines were being written another knave was escaping from Nebraska with $100,000 of another bank's money. Let us, then, have a new treaty so wide and comprehensive in its provisions that the great scandal of the present state of things will forever be removed.

Chicago Journal (Rep.), July 16.

IT IS not to be doubted that, without any treaty, an outlaw guilty of wholesale murder, or of an attempt to commit wholesale murder, by the use of dynamite, would be surrendered to justice by the government of any civilized country in which he might be found as a fugitive. But it is better that treaty stipulations should exist on the subject, that criminals of that class in either country may be assured in advance that they can not escape beyond the reach of the law.

New York Star (Dem.), July 18.

Ir is said that the new treaty will make the return of the dynamiters possible. There seems no good reason why this should not be the case. All the traditions of both the contracting parties forbid the surrender of fugitives where offenses are merely political-that is, of those who have engaged in political conspiracy or rebellion. There is, however, nothing in this tradition to warrant extending protection to those guilty of murder and arson when no rebellion is going on. New York Evening Post (Dem.), July 17.

THE objections are very much the same as those of the Central Labor Union to the police and the courts and Mr. Powderly's to the militia. The ends of the dynamiter, it will be argued, are generally good, although his means may now and then be open to criticism. He seldom tries to blow anybody up who has not done something which he ought not to have done, and then there is the old argument about the multitudes of people killed in war by kings and the like.

Courrier des Etats-Unis (Ind.), July 16.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

THE induction drawn by our correspondent is that negotiations have been opened to substitute for the treaty of 1842, which has virtually fallen into desuetude, a new arrangement on a broader basis than the old, and which not only would cover, in a certain degree, anarchical conspiracies, but also would leave less facility to American delinquents to find in Canada an inviolable refuge against violations of criminal law and of justice in the United States.

Boston Journal (Rep.), July 19.

WE have been in the absurd position of closing distant and improbable avenues of escape, while we left the nearest and most accessible alien territory a place of refuge. In the interest of common honesty, not less than of international comity, it was important that this policy should be changed, and it is an occasion of congratulation that the negotiations begun under a Republican administration are about to reach a successful conclusion.

New York Sun (Dem.), July 18.

NO CLASS of criminals can be more hateful than dynamiters in the view of all right-minded persons, nor are there any criminals of whom a free country should more sincerely wish to be rid; but even the charge of this kind of crime should not avail to obtain the surrender of a revolutionary refugee, where politics and not dynamite is the real reason for which a foreign government seeks to get him.

National Republican (Rep.), July 19.

If the new extradition treaty proposes to surrender dynamiters who, having committed their crimes in a foreign country, take refuge here, it is all right. If, on the other hand, it proposes to surrender persons charged with dynamite conspiracies in this country, it is all wrong. It is our business so take care of offenses against our own laws. Crimes committed here must be treated here.

Washington Post (Dem.), July 16.

THAT treaty, when it is an accomplished fact, will doubtless include both dynamiting and embezzlement within the list of extraditable offenses, so that England's most cowardly assailants need no longer seek refuge here for safety, nor our delinquent bank cashiers any longer seek shelter in Canada. It is none too early for such an arrangement to be concluded to the confusion of rascals.

Boston Post (Dem.), July 17.

THE need of a new extradition treaty with Great Britain, to cover the cases of dynamiters, is not at once obvious from this side. The use of dynamite to blow up buildings or kings is a crime sufficiently recognized already by our laws to render it certain that any request for the extradition of a fugitive who was engaged in that business would be most cheerfully complied with.

Cleveland Plain Dealer (Dem.), July 18.

WITH the treaty signed there will be more security among bank depositors and stockholders in public companies, as well as more honesty in official places. And in newspaper offices orders may, perhaps, be given to "distribute" the standing headline, "Another Good Man Gone Wrong."

THIS country can, deal with anarchists without assistance from England, and what the governing classes in Great Britain designate as anarchists are often very different indeed from what we would consider anarchists here. Such a treaty might be made an infernal instrument of oppression.-Ohio State Journal (Rep.), July 19.

IT will be far cheaper to allow foreign governments to reclaim their fugitive miscreants than to shield them here until they have destroyed property, terrorized communities, and committed murders necessitating expensive prosecutions and the cost of maintenance of such a worthless brood.-Newark News (Dem.), July 15. THE American people, while heartily sympathizing with the Irish, can never approve the resort to dynamite or dagger. It is to the common interest of society and good government everywhere to suppress and punish the men of violent, heartless, and futile methods.-Columbus, Ohio, Dispatch (Ind.), July 15.

If a new treaty has actually been made with Great Britain, and it does not cover the cases of these big thieves, the smugglers and defaulters, then the men who drew it up ought to be held distinctly responsible as abettors and accomplices of the criminals they protect.-New Haven Palladium (Rep.), July 17.

BOTH England and the United States agree that the acts of the socialist and anarchist are in no measure political, but simply criminal, which shows that the two governments have a common appreciation of these enemies of law, order, and good government.- Washington Critic (Ind.), July 17.

THE reported revision, which is said to include the extradition of dynamiters, will prove very unsatisfactory if it does not provide for the extradition of the rascals who pocket the savings of other people and cross the Dominion line to enjoy the ill-gotten money.-Philadelphia Times (Ind.), July 16.

THE alarming frequency of defalcations by bank officers in this country, and the unanimity and success with which they all fly to Canada, are reasons enough for the signing of a new and more comprehensive extradition treaty with Great Britain. New York Mail and Express (Rep.), July 16.

THIS Country will never agree to the surrender of any fugitive charged with a political offense. But murder or the fiendish destruction of property by dynamite or the assassination of public officers is not to be treated or regarded as merely a political offense.—New York Herald (Ind.), July 17.

THE effect of such a treaty, however, could not be otherwise than beneficial, since the present facility with which punishment for certain classes of offenses can be evaded offers very strong inducement for their commission.-Richmond Whig (Dem.), July 17.

RECENT experiences point to the advisability of an improvement in the extradition laws spoken of, and if the treaty alluded to is not being negotiated, the report at least supplies a good suggestion to be acted on.-New York World (Dem.), July 17.

PRESIDENT CLEVELAND will soon transmit this document to the United States Senate, and it is believed that it will be ratified by that body, and when that is accomplished defaulters and dynamiters will come to grief.-Milwaukee Wisconsin (Rep.), July 16.

THE Evarts-Logan report is curiously interesting as the self-destruction of two Republican candidates for the Presidency. They begin by ignoring the facts, and go on with a dawdling misrepresentation of the case.-Cincinnati CommercialGazette (Rep.).

WHERE killing is murder it should be extraditable. The difference between grades of homicide is a very fine one, but it is never really hard to separate the political offense from the merely criminal.-New York Journal (Ind.), July 18.

WHEN it comes to swapping defaulters for dynamiters the United States will have much the better of the bargain in a business way.-Manchester Union (Dem.), July 18.

THE PANAMA CANAL.

New York Tribune (Rep.), July 15.

AS THE facts about the withdrawal of the Panama Canal loan bill from the French Legislature are more fully known, the critical condition of the enterprise becomes plainer. It is now stated that the company was really forced to withdraw the bill by the discovery that the committee to which it had been referred was resolved to investigate the whole matter thoroughly. M. de Lesseps had been requested to furnish copies of the principal contracts, together with a balance-sheet showing the exact financial condition of the corporation. Neither of these requests was complied with, but instead the bill was withdrawn under a pretext nothing less than puerile. It would be impossible to have produced a situation more damaging to the standing of the enterprise than thus results. The only rational inference from the facts, of course, is that the company dared not make a truthful exhibit either of its finances or its contracts to a committee of whose subserviency it had no guarantee. It is further to be inferred that when M. de Lesseps applied to the government for a loan he relied upon securing a committee which would be as wax in his hands, and that he at no time contemplated the possibility of having to make a frank statement of the condition of the undertaking. After this virtual exposure, it is incredible that the stock and shareholders of the canal can be induced to take up a six hundred million franc loan in addition to the large sums already at stake and now plainly imperiled. It is not possible for M. de Lesseps to give any guarantee that the canal will be completed with the new capital now asked for. On the contrary, all the facts known go to show that it can not be so completed, and that if the new loan is subscribed it will only go to swell the enormous waste already registered against the management. French credulity has helped M. de Lesseps to an extraordinary extent hitherto, but there are indications that the limit has at last been reached, and that the attempt to float the new loan will fail. It can not be believed that any of the great financial houses or syndicates will touch so shaky an affair. If it is to be floated at all it must be "worked off" on the French public; that is to say, on the small proprietors. In view of the late revelations, however, and of the nearly hostile tone of the principal financial organs, the probability of success in this direction is by no means considerable. It indeed looks as though "the beginning of the end" was in sight. A little more lifting of the veil, a little more letting in of light upon M. de Lesseps' financial and engineering methods, and a panic may be started which will give the French government something graver to think about than the question of the Orleanist princes. As the crises approaches, too, the rats are sure to leave the sinking ship; all, that is to say, who have supported the scheme from without, through self-interest, will hasten to clear their skirts of complicity in the great imposture, and the whole burden of it will be thrown upon the chief adventurer and his colleagues. It is more and more matter for congratulation that the American investor has never had faith in the Panama Canal scheme of M. de Lesseps, though, of course, sympathy will be felt for the unfortunate Frenchmen who have put their money in this gigantic sink-hole.

Chicago Tribune (Rep.), July 17.

Omaha Bee (Rep.), July 15.

IT IS hardly conceivable that the French people can be played upon any further, and it seems that the inevitable outcome must be the abandonment of the project by the present company. Whether or not another organization can be effected to continue the work is problematical, and in any event it is pretty well assured that the millions already expended will be an almost or quite complete loss to the subscribers, since a new company would hardly assume any considerable part of the existing shares. The American capital involved in this enterprise is not so great that its loss would be alarming, and nearly the whole financial consequences of the disaster would fall upon the French shareholders, and would undoubtedly be very seriously felt. The failure of the undertaking will also be a destructive blow to the fame of M. de Lesseps.

Providence Journal (Rep.), July 16.

THIS relieves the French government from any responsibility in the matter, and if, after such notice as they have had, the people of France choose to invest their money in this speculation it will be their own business. Of course, the bonds will be worthless outside of France, and it seems almost incredible that they can be sold there. When they are issued the rate of interest and the price they are held at will suggest in part the confidence of the company in the speculative temperament of the people. It is something gained that when the bubble bursts the unfortunate shareholders will not be able to taunt the government that it, even by implication or indirection, continued its recommendation of investment.

Rochester Herald (Dem.), July 15.

New York World (Dem.), July 15.

M. DE LESSEPS repeats his marine story about the certain completion of the Panama Canal in 1889. He counts on the stupidity of the French government and people to help him along, and not unreasonably, perhaps, for there are indications that more money will be forthcoming; but it is pitiful to see the old gentleman keeping up the role of deceiver, and impoverishing many of his too credulous countrymen.

A SIGN OF THE TIMES.

The New Yorker Staats-Zeitung (Ind.), July 14.
[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

No inconsiderable number of the members of the present House of Representatives have declined a re-election, and it is worthy of remark, firstly, that chief among them are men of established reputation and influence who have been long in Congress, and whose re-election would not be difficult; and, secondly, that they are all Democrats. In these are included, so far as can yet be ascertained, Barbour and Hunter, of Virginia; Throckmorton and Miller, of Texes; Lefevre, of Ohio; Mitchell, of Connecticut; Collins, of Massachusetts, and some half-dozen others. The explanations of these gentlemen for declining to serve longer in Congress run collectively in the same groove: they are tired of the public service, their private affairs demand their presence at home, &c. Whence comes, all at once, this satiety just at present, after the first session under Democratic ascendency, where the same gentlemen, or part of them, remained in the House when under Republican domination, or rather on the side of the minority? In private con versations they betray the true grounds of their disgust; they have had enough of running the gauntlet of hungry constituents, and of wearing out their boots to satisfy their demands; they are disgusted with the roles of agent or attorney for employment-registry officers having been sent to Washington for no other purpose than to subserve the interest of their districts; they would really like to devote themselves to their legislative duties, but the demands which are made upon them from home leave them no time for this object. Before, it was the Republican members who made such complaints; now it is the Democrats. Only a single Republican member of the present House has declined a re-election, and this one a Californian, to whom life in Washington is not agreeable. Thus their relative positions are now exactly reversed; and herein is disclosed not only one of the advantages of sitting with the minority, but also one of the causes of the parliamentary force of the minority. The minority members need not so largely occupy their time with such menial service to their constituents, and for that reason they address themselves far more efficiently to their legislative duties. They are not so exhausted by this system of allotment, and are consequently better equipped for parliamentary combats. No wonder that many Democrats who are earnestly desirous of devoting themselves to their Congressional duties are no longer in love with the position! Do these aggrieved representatives of the merely the tool to procure for his district and for his constituents as much " people really deserve sympathy? So far as the idea prevails that a legislator is as possible, it can not very well be withheld from them. But who is originally responsible for this system? No one else than the law-givers themselves, who employ the most unbounded promises as an electioneering expedient, most of them contributing thereby to degrade the office of a legislator to the level that now

pap"

disgusts them.

And besides, is there not a want of courage in thus retreating from a post of public duty, for the reason that it is invested with mendicants and starvelings? Can not a member of Congress, who resolves to surrender his place, not because his legislative duties displease him, just as well engage in a contest against the latter? If beaten, to him the result is the same; he does enter Congress it is true, but he retires with a better reputation than if he lowered his ensign before the spoils politicians. He does a good work in helping to purify politics; and besides, is not also certain that the spoils politicians in his district are stronger than the decent elements, even if the latter do not make themselves a tenth part so conspicuous as the former? If Congressmen who possess a sense of propriety sufficient to be disgusted with the conduct of the spoils-hunters carry off the victory it is really a gratifying phenomenon. If, on the other hand, they throw up their hands in disgust, individuals will probably be sent in their places who are far from possessing this sense of propriety. The material of legislative constituencies would certainly become daily worse and worse. The duty of a patriotic member of Congress, then, is to give a notice to quit to the spoils politician, and not to resign, but again courageously to come forward as a candidate for re-election.

SENATOR VEST ON LOG-ROLLING.

Charleston News and Courier (Dem.), July 16.

SENATOR VEST, of Missouri, gave a very interesting view of the inside workings of the Senate in working up the river and harbor bills when he unbuttoned himself, so to speak, on Wednesday, and described the character of the appeals made to him, as a member of the Committee on Commerce, by grave and reverend Senators having axes to grind and creeks to dig. These Senators, said Mr. Vest, asked that appropriations should be put into the bill, not because they were needed, or because the Senators thought they were needed, but to ensure their own reelection. Combinations to secure such appropriations for such purposes have been made, Senator Vest declared, in the present Senate, at this session, in relation to the pending river and harbor bill. The plan is for a Senator to sell his own vote for an appropriation, and to buy the votes of other Senators with the appropriations they desire in turn. They who so make a market of their integrity form a "gang," and one "cannot leave the procession" for fear of getting left. In order to secure his own share of "the pork," each Senator votes a leg, or shoulder, or spare rib to several other Senators, and all are re-elected to continue the same ignoble system. Senator Vest expresses the opinion that this plan will endure to the end of time. Perhaps so; but it is a dishonorable, a corrupt, and a corrupting plan none the less, and no Senator is a faithful and honorable public servant who adopts it. If the practice is as general as Senator Vest intimates, moreover, the public will agree with the sentiment expressed by Senator McMillan, as interpreted by Senator Butler, that "the Senate is not capable of preparing a river and harbor bill," and will heartily approve Senator Butler's plan of placing the distribution of the appropriation for the rivers and harbors under the control of the Secretary of War. It would be interesting, by the way, the names of vote-trading Senators and Representatives could be made public.

THE "horizontal reduction" of the river and harbor bill is in reality a very simple affair. The river and harbor bill, like all bills appropriating money, must originate in the House. The present river and harbor bill was a rather lusty infant, and its proportions were such as to excite an apprehension on the part of some people in Congress that an overturn like that of a few years ago, in which Mr. Bliss and some others were swamped, might follow its passage. Of course, this reasoning only occurred to Democrats, who, being responsible for the bill, would be held to account by the people for its bulky dimensions. The Republicans had no party interests to subserve, but a good many of them in the House voted against it on the score of economy and because many of the items were unjustifiable. When the bill reached the Senate it was generally felt that the total amount appropriated was too large, and that an effort must be made to cut it down. To cut out any of the items would not only have aroused a long and bitter discussion in the Senate itself; it would have rendered the disagreement of the House conferees practically certain. So the device was adopted of cutting down the whole bill 25 per cent. To this there was but little opposition, only 14 votes being recorded in the negative on the amended bill to 41 in the affirmative. It was not a party vote, but as the Republicans control the Senate, they will be held responsible for the reduction, just as the Democrats will be held responsible for the original bill in the House. That is fair and just. It was about time something was done to economize Uncle Sam's money. The Democrats seem to be in a great hurry to spend it. Every department of national activity shows the effect of their feverish haste to use up that surplus.

THE UPRISING IN MEXICO.

New York Times (Ind.), July 18.

THE rebellion which has broken out in the state of Tamaulipas, although still obscure as to its origin and purposes, seems to bear some resemblance to the one that occurred last November in Nuevo Leon. In that disturbance, it will be remembered, during the absence of Governor Garcia at the national capital, a pronunciamento was made by Manuel Rodriguez against the state authority of Nuevo Leon, then represented by Secretary of State Sepulveda as acting governor. Sepulveda called upon the federal authorities for aid, and President Diaz, as bound by the constitution, promised to send military assistance. Meanwhile, Sepulveda, with a few followers, quitted the state capital, Monterey; but, being attacked by the revolutionists, after a slight skirmish made his way back, and then received the promised intervention of national troops under General Reyes. It proved, however, a peculiar sort of assistance, as Sepulveda was at once arrested and the state

put under martial law. When released he found himself stripped of authority and General Reyes in full control. Rodriguez continued his march against the capital, but seemed to consider his purpose accomplished, and, in fact, was soon after appointed by Reyes as federal alcalde of Lampasas, in the northern part of the State. The clue to this former series of events may possibly also serve for the demonstration now going on in Tamaulipas. There seems to be no doubt that an agreement was made years ago between Diaz and Gonzalez by which, when the former was no longer eligible under the constitution to immediate re election as President in Mexico, he agreed to support Gonzalez, on condition of receiving in return the latter's aid for his own candidacy at the end of the term of Gonzalez. This bargain was faithfully carried out, Gonzalez and Diaz successively becoming President. The former would undoubtedly have liked to renew this pleasant seesaw arrangement for the next election, but Diaz had formed other plans. His candidate was believed to be his father-in-law, Romero Rubio, who also was his secretary of state. At all events, it was obvious that he was not then disposed to forward the claims of Gonzalez. The latter was all powerful in Guanajuato, of which little state he was governor, and practically controlled Guadalajara and Nuevo Leon, while he was very strong in Coahuila, Chihuahua, Durango, Zacatecas, and Tamaulipas, of which last state he was a native, being born at Victoria, its capital. Accordingly, steps were taken to remove partisans of Gonzalez from federal offices in these States, while the revolution in Nuevo Leon furnished the chance for a more thorough-going political work. In view of these events of six or eight months ago, it is suspected that the revolutionary movement now going on in Tamaulipas has a relation of some sort to national politics. Exactly what that relation is seems not yet to be fully explained; but a Galveston dispatch has asserted that "the hand of the government can be seen" just as in the Nuevo Leon revolt, and that, as in the former case, within two months Tamaulipas will be under military rule. Troops were sent to the scene of trouble by orders from the national capital several days ago to aid in putting down an expected revolt, and arms were procured by volunteers in Nuevo Laredo to assist in its defense against an expected attack. Fighting has been reported in the interior, with the revolutionists gaining ground, and moving in Nuevo Leon as well as in Tamaulipas. While political machinations are thus believed to be at the bottom of the trouble, one other possible explanation of it is found in the efforts of the general government to suppress smuggling on the Rio Grande, which have created ill-feeling among the lawless. The exact truth, however, can only be learned. when something more is made known of the purposes of the insurgents.

THE ORLEANIST COLLAPSE.

New York Sun (Dem.), July 16.

THE events of the last few days in France have dealt the finishing stroke to the hopes of the monarchical reactionists. It is well known that for years the Duc d'Aumale has been at great pains to win the good-will of army officers, and there was an impression in some quarters that an unflinching application of the recent dynastic law in his case might excite dangerous commotions. It is plain, from the defiant attitude which he at first assumed upon receiving notice of his removal from the army, that the Duke himself considerably overrated his importance; but to-day, as an involuntary exile in England, he is a good deal wiser than he was a week ago. French Radicals have got at last a fearless and uncompromising leader in General Boulanger, the present war minister. The Germans are watching him with apprehension and distrust, and the Royalists have cause to detest and dread him. It was he who screwed up the courage of the Freycinet cabinet, which three months before had faltered and hung back, to demand the expulsion of the princes; and no sooner had the Senate reluctantly assented to the proscriptive law than he put into instant execution the clause ejecting members of dynastic families from the French army and navy. Thereupon the Duc d'Aumale, in an indignant and dexterously worded protest, denied the right of the war minister to depose him from his military rank, asserting that the grade of a general or officer was his private property acquired in the service of his country, and of which the legislature could not constitutionally deprive him. This was bad law but good politics, for the remonstrance was well calculated to alarm many officers, who, though obeying the government for the time being, might be charged with preferring a different regime. General Boulanger, however, showed himself as supple and resourceful in parliamentary strategy as he is inflexible in his Republican convictions. Without troubling himself to discuss the legal question of legislative competence to wipe out military grades won by hard service in the field, he reassured the army as a whole, and held the princes up to obloquy by showing to how limited an extent their nominal rank was due to merit.. In the special case of D'Aumale he pointed out that all the grades conferred on him, from second lieutenant up to colonel, far from being the progressive proofs of professional desert, had been given through sheer favoritism as decorative trappings to the son of a king. If it was on services alone that the Duke proposed to base an indefeasible title to military distinction, then the highest rank that he could claim would be that of subaltern, not that of general of division. Finding the ground thus cut from under them, the Royalist deputies whined feebly that the Duke's unwarranted promotion had but followed the custom of the times, to which the retort was obvious that French Republicans had improved upon those times and repudiated their traditions. Thus the fiery protest on which Monarchists had counted to inflame the army proved a flash in the pan. General Boulanger met the challenge of his authority with a summary order to the Duc d'Aumale to quit France, and the latter is now cooling his hot head in the suburban shades of Twickenham. That this epilogue of the expulsion play has won over the waverers and put the Radicals in high spirits is plain from the decisive vote of confidence passed by the Chamber of Deputies after a debate upon the course pursued by General Boulanger. When the anti-dynastic law was passed the other day, some conservative Republicans voted with the Monarchists, but now the latter could muster but 180, or less by at least 20 than the tale of their own numbers in a full House.

health-giving and health-restoring qualities of the pastime itself, than which no other in the whole catalogue of human enjoyments affords such a variety.

In the first place, it takes one out of the house, an item of no small moment, as so many of the pastimes at the present day confine to indoor life, and are only to be enjoyed in the dust, and smoke, and stir of great cities or towns. In the next place, it takes one out of oneself, out of the cramped atmosphere of one's own thoughts, away from the cares and distractions of business life.

It is on the bosom of the sea or of the great lakes, or along their shores, or by the breezy river, or willow-skirted stream, or noisy brook, that the angler finds his natural rest and occupation, far enough removed from the busy haunts of his fellows to get rid of the foul atmosphere too often engendered morally and physically by their herding together.

Every genuine angler ought to drop all care and concern of the things of this life the moment he drops his line into the water. He ought to, and does learn to, live in a different element, in which he sees, in imagination at least, swarms of other inhabitants, ready to seize his bait, and grapple with him in the fierce contest for victory. It is this glow or illusion of the imagination which lends to fishing much of its charm, and, we may add, gives to the angler much of his reputation for drawing the long bow, for he is always ready to swear the fish he lost was the biggest of the brook; and this is true, in a certain sense, since he saw, in his mind's eye, this big fellow swimming, with thousands of others nearly as large, way down in the liquid depths.

Then, again, the true angler walks, walks miles, perhaps. Often he wades in mid-stream, with the water up to his waist; and, if a trout-fisher, he travels miles and miles in search of his wary prey, with no more thought of cold, wet, fatigue, or other exposure than the hound, with the inspiring scent of fox or stag tickling his nostrils and urging him on to new trials of speed or strength.

Here, after all, is the angler's true benison. Out of this cup of a day's, a week's, or a month's fatigue (the longer the better) he quaffs a refreshing cordial. Out of that thistle danger he plucks the rose safety. No better friend has any man in this world than labor and trial-especially the labor and trial met in a pure atmosphere and consorted with such a pastime as fishing.

"It is not harsh and crabbed, as dull fools suppose,

But sweet as is Apollo's lute."

Try it, every one who can. Forget that money is to be earned, or, if you can, that earning money is the chief duty of man. Seek out some favored locality, with rod and line, and spend a day or a week there. If the day or week thus spent is judiciously repeated a few times a year, we will promise, even if a confirmed invalid, a new lease of life, a larger return in good health for the outlay in time than can be got through any of the various modes and processes by which health is sought to be restored, except through the kindred practice of hunting.

Enter into the pastime in the right spirit, and you may be sure of the reward, but you must go at it with at least as much energy and enthusiasm as the votaries of other pleasures manifest in their respective quests; and this you can well afford. to do in consideration of the value of the prize.—The American Field.

LIFE IN THE CITY OF LACES.-Should you sail out of the Bay of New York in early June for Liverpool, you would find a dozen or so pert, shrewd men of leisure, of good-breeding and apparent fortune, among your companions or fellowvoyagers, going directly to Nottingham, Notts, England, to buy laces. Every great New York house in this line sends out a special purchaser annually. I remember crossing over with a man who was making his twenty-sixth voyage. The voyage was made notable and was a subject of comment, because this time he was going over free of cost, it being the custom of the ship's company to carry free, and as often as he may please, any one who makes so many as twenty-five voyages on that line. And these lace-buyers get large salaries. From some sufficient reason they must not only be shrewd and well-informed men, but they are supposed to be gentlemen. Some of the great houses keep resident purchasers in Nottingham. The trade is something colossal. For here you buy not only all kinds of English lace, but you buy French lace, Spanish lace, and Venetian lace. And there is no deception about the sale of it there at all. The Government of England would not allow that. But these goods are made in imitation of Venetian, Spanish, or French laces, and are so sold. The fraud, if fraud it is, occurs on this side. Nothing in the history of all the industries of the earth is more curious or notable than the foundation of this tremendous business here in what was once the home of Robin Hood, and where his games were celebrated for centuries after his death; and, indeed, till suppressed, because of their increasing violence, by the government. This great industry here began in this way: There is or was, originally, a long, high bank of very soft sandstone on the north bank of the river Trent, pointing to the sun. In this soft sandstone the early Britons dug caves. They dug them deep and wide and wonderful in construction. It is said that even now the city of caves under the ground is almost as large as the broad and populous city on top of ground. In case of invasion or conquest, these cave-dwellers would retreat underground and defy pursuit. It is the boast of the people of Nottingham that their ancestors were never really conquered by any one. It is said that William the Conqueror even diverted the Trent and threw it against the mouths of these caves, trying to drown them out like rats. But they remained in their caves, all the time And whether the story is true or not, the Trent still flows in an old and artificial channel, when its waters are high, close along the base of the great sandstone mountain, which, to this day, is pierced with holes that are said to be endless. It is even claimed that you may make your way all the distance of four miles to Newstead Abbey underground. And this, you can readily understand, is why Robin Hood and his "Merrie good men "" were enabled to die in their beds, or rather in their caves, instead of on the gallows. The weaving of laces came about.here in this way: The half or wholly savage women sitting at the mouths of these caves and holding their threads against the sun with the darkness behind them could see the fine threads better, and so could do finer and better work than any other women in Western Europe. And then their immunity from conquest and consequent uninterruption in their peculiar industry fastened it here and kept it well forward. The Crusaders-brave old savages, you see their crude

secure.

effigies in stone lying cross-legged in any one of the forty or fifty little churches you discover scattered over the valley of the Trent as you stand on the summit of the sandstone hills here-these men of the sword brought back more signs of a higher civilization than plowing and reaping implements; they brought back, among other things, Venetian laces, French and Spanish; and it was then that these weavers at the mouths of caves began to make Venetian lace and Spanish lace, and so on for the ladies, and gentlemen, too, at court. So, you see, this industry here has had a solid foundation. There are lace-makers in Nottingham who claim that their ancestors of a thousand years ago were lace-makers there on the sandstone banks of the Trent. Of course, everything now is done by machinery here. As you approach this city on a hill you see thousands of lofty chimneys. A cloud of smoke and steam, not heavy and offensive, like Birmingham or Manchester, however, hangs perpetually over this very wealthy and most prosperous city of lace-makers. As you get out of the car you see hovering about the station, or passing about here and there, many and many a black-eyed girl, making it a perilous stopping-place for a Californian with a heart in him. They are lace-makers, and their numbers reach to nearly a hundred thousand. They are beautiful to a degree. They have dark and wondrously brilliant eyes. They are children of the ancient and unconquered black Britons, who wadded into the sea to receive the invading Romans on their lances. Ah! beautiful black-eyed and wonderful little weavers of lace in Nottingham. I pause here and wonder if I have been really not lying to myself all the time when I said it is the memory of Nell Gwynn, Robin Hood, Lord Byron, and all the rest that keeps my heart in Sherwood Forest? Dear, dark-eyed weavers of lace, surely there is no shame in being woven in such delicate webs as yours. And even if there is, I am not the first idle fly you have caught, pretty and industrious weavers. And if human nature holds, I can safely set it down that I will not be the last.—Joaquin Miller, in the Independent.

SENOR CASTELAR.—Castelar is known throughout Europe as really the most com. plete expression of Spanish eloquence. He carries his worship of form almost to idolatry; his eloquence is music, his diction the slave of his ear. He says, or does not say a thing; or, rather, he says it better in one sense than in another, according as it rounds or does not round a period. He has a harmony in his mind; he follows, obeys it, and sacrifices to it all that offends. His periods are strophes; it is necessary to hear in order to believe that human language without poetic measure can thus approach the harmony of poesy and of song. He is more the artist than the politician; he has not only the genius but the heart of the artist—the heart of a child, incapable of enmity or of malice. In all his speeches there is not to be found an abusive epithet; in the Cortes he has never provoked a serious personal encounter; has never recourse to a satire, nor ever makes use of irony. Into his most violent phillipics he never infuses a drop of gall; and this is evidence of the fact that, a Republican, an opponent of every ministry, a journalistic gladiator, the perpetual accuser of whomsoever holds power, and of all who are not fanatical for liberty, he has made himself hated by no one. And, with all this, his speeches are enjoyed and never feared; his language is too beautiful to be terrible, his character too ingenuous for him to exercise a political influence. He does not know how to fence, to plot, to trim his sails-he is fitted only to please and to shine. His eloquence when greatest is tender; his most beautiful discourses draw tears. For him the Chamber is a theater; like a political improvisatore, in order to have a full and calm inspiration he must speak at a certain hour, upon a determined point, and with an allotted time of liberty to himself. For this reason, the day on which he is to speak he has an understanding with the president of the Chamber that his turn will come when the galleries are most crowded and all the deputies are in their places, his own paper announcing his speech the evening previous, in order that ladies may be able to provide themselves with tickets. He has need of this excitement. Before speaking he is uneasy and can not remain still for an instant. He enters the Chamber, leaves it, re-enters, turns to go out, takes the round of the corridors and library, where he turns over the leaves of a volume-in a word, he is in a fever of excitement. It seems to him as if he could not utter a syllablethat he must excite ridicule and be hissed. In his mind no longer remains a single lucid idea of his speech; everything is confused; everything forgotten. "How is your pulse ?" his friends inquire of him, with a smile. The supreme moment arrived, he springs to the floor, with head bent, pale and trembling, like a criminal about to be executed, resigned to lose in a single moment the glory acquired through so many years, and with such indefatigable labor. At this instant, an enemy even would compassionate his condition. He rises, throws a rapid glance around him, and speaks: "Señores!" He is safe; his courage is restored to him; his brain is again unclouded; his speech rearranges itself in his mind like a long-forgotten melody. The president, the Cortes, the galleries disappear; he sees only his own gestures; hears only his own voice; feels but the irresistible flame that enkindles the force of his own matchless eloquence. It is beautiful to hear him say of himself: "I do not see the walls of the apartment, even. I behold distant lands and peoples which I have never seen before." He speaks for hours together, and not a deputy leaves the hall, not a voice interrupts, not a movement distracts him. Not even when he violates parliamentary rules has the president the courage to interrupt him. Clad in robes of dazzling whiteness, and crowned with roses, he portrays at will the image of his republic; and Monarchists do not venture to protest, for thus arrayed, they even find her beautiful. Castelar is lord of the assembly. He flashes and fulminates, scintillates and beams like a feu d'artifice; he provokes a smile or he calls forth enthusiastic shouts, ending in the midst of an outburst of applause, and vanishing from the Chamber with his head in the clouds. Such is this famous Castelar, professor of history in the university, a most prolific writer on politics, art, and religion, a publicist who draws from American journals ten thousand dollars yearly; an academician, unanimously elected by the Spanish Academy, pointed out in the thoroughfares, fêted by the populace, loved by even his opponents; a young man, polished, generous, a little vain, and a favorite of Fortune. Translated for Public Opinion from the Italian of Edwara's Amices. GEN. BOULANGER'S DUEL.-The conventional French duel forms an excellent model for imitation by lovers of the "code" everywhere, and its adoption, where.