are making to organize for more effectual political influence, constitute a summons to citizens who do not believe in that sort of domination to get over speedily upon the other side.

Chicago Journal (Rep.).

REPUBLICAN Conventions in some of the States have chosen delegates to a Republican anti-saloon convention, to be held in Chicago. The date of the proposed convention has not been fixed, but it will be held, probably, early in the coming Autumn. The proposed convention is to be called for the purpose of urging general action by the Republican party in the several States in favor of active measures of temperance reform. It is not a movement in favor of prohibition, and the fact is recognized that a large element of the Republican party is not in favor of prohibitory legislation. But it is declared that the Republicans must adopt a policy in the treatment of the liquor traffic that will satisfy the powerful temperance sentiment of the country, or it will lose a still greater number of dissidents on this question.

Toledo Blade (Rep.).

LET us see, first, that it can be conclusively shown that "prohibition does prohibit," and the senseless cackle that it does not shall be silenced forever. Second, let us show the people of the nation that the commerce and the material prosperity of a city or commonwealth does not depend upon the rum traffic. Many timid persons, especially those interested in trade, are inclined to believe the absurd argument that it does. Let us have a clear, convincing proof that the reverse is true, and that, under the sway of prohibition, there is greater prosperity, a more solid growth, a more rapid increase of wealth among the masses, than under the reign of rum. This fact once demonstrated, the despotic sway of the liquor traffic will be broken.

Law and Order (Temperance).

It will be remembered that there was an important question recently before the New York Legislature. The Republicans were nearly unanimous in approving the question of a constitutional amendment to the vote of the people of that great State. With an approximating degree of union on the part of the temperance organization and the temperance people in the preceding election, a sufficient majority could have been secured to have carried the question in the Legislature in spite of the opposing Democrats. We are constrained to believe that, however sincerely and earnestly a certain class may favor such legislation, they are not willing to accept it at the hands of the Republican party.

Minneapolis Tribune (Rep.).

THE Prohibitionists of Minnesota are first in the field with a full State ticket nominated at St. Paul yesterday. The Hon. James E. Childs, of Waseca, who, according to Brother Satterlee, was once in the Legislature, is the candidate for Governor, and Minneapolis furnishes the nominee for Lieutenant-Governor in the person of Mr. James P. Pinkham. The Prohibitionists have never played an im. portant part in a State election in Minnesota, and they are not likely to be an appreciable factor in the coming campaign. Their platform contains nothing new or unusual, and the Convention had no features of general interest or importance.

N. Y. Mail and Express (Rep.).

THE Mail and Express has neglected no good opportunity for urging on the Republican party, not only as " the party of great moral ideas," but as the party which contains the greatest mass of the active, efficient, and practical friends of the temperance cause, that the time had come for the open arrayal of the party in opposition to the direst evil of our times, adjusting its methods of attacks to the circumstances of each State or locality, but always and everywhere so acting as to leave no doubt as to its undying hostility to the traffic and habit that are far more to be feared and hated than the evils and dangers of slavery ever were.

Portland Oregonian (Ind.).

By their aggressive conduct the liquor men have done more to arouse a sentiment of hostility than all the efforts of Prohibitionists in years past. It is seen and heard on every side. Men of all shades of political opinion unite in declaring that the public enemy must be destroyed. Men who never signed a temperance pledge in their lives join heartily in petitioning the Legislature to enact laws for the suppression of the business; and the prohibition vote, largely made up as it was of the disaffected of both parties, who used it as a means of "throwing off," would to-day be more than doubled, and every vote would "mean business."

If the Republicans of Massachusetts, or any other State, desire to join in the ef fective "anti-saloon" movement, let them stop their patronage of these places. If all the Republicans should withdraw their custom, one-third of the saloons would be compelled to shut up for the lack of trade. The "Republican anti-saloon movement," as it is called, is simply a device to prevent the voters of that party from oining in the Prohibition crusade. It will never hurt the saloons.

Newark News (Dem.).

Of course, the Prohibitionists know that they have destroyed the prospects of the Republicans in New Jersey, and thereby aid the party that has not the slightest sympathy with the Prohibition idea. But the cold-water people are contesting for a principle, and are going to make a record, whatever befalls, all of which is to be regretted. The Prohibitionists are earnest, but they are hardly politic.

Leavenworth Times (Rep.), July 11.

Ir is said that if the Republicans as a party should take high grounds in favor of temperance reform, it might lose some saloon-keepers, but it would regain a far greater number who have voted the prohibition ticket, not because they altogether believe in prohibition, nor because they want the Republican party destroyed, but because they wanted it made a temperance reform party.

THE MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH.
New Orleans Times (Dem.).

THE organization of political parties in the North based on temperance or prohibition has only fanned the opposition, defeated the law, and strengthened the liquor interest. In consequeuce of the campaigns in Cincinnati the saloons in that city pay no taxes, are unlimited and more numerous than anywhere else in the country. On the other hand, by pursuing the local option policy, steering clear of political entanglements, the Georgia Prohibitionists have carried three-fourths of the State, while their brethren in Mississippi and Texas have won many victories. The Alabama Prohibitionists will destroy their cause if they adopt any other policy. Let the matter be submitted, as in Georgia, to the people of each county and district. This is the right and proper policy-that each district should pass judgment on this question. Whenever an attempt is made to compel a county to adopt prohibition, contrary to the wishes of its people, that attempt is foredoomed of necesiity to absolute failure. There is a poor outlook for a new political party in the South, particularly on such an issue as the Alabama Prohibitionists propose. Baltimore News (Dem.).

Should

The executive committee of the Prohibition party is arranging for holding a great mass-meeting of the citizens of Baltimore at an early day for the purpose of inaugurating a movement having for its object the incorporation of an amendment to the State constitution which shall provide for constitutional prohibition the people at the next election decide that it is unnecessary to hold a constitutional convention next year, an effort will be made to add an amendment to the present constitution, but if a new constitution is voted for, their efforts will be directed to obtaining recognition in the new instrument. It is the intention of the committee, which comprises Messrs. Edward Higgins, Dr. P. C. Williams, C. S. Mosher, and other well-known workers, to have a series of meetings for the furtherance of the proposed amendment throughout the State during the fall.

Washington Post (Dem.).

ONE of the most curious phenomena of this year is the aggressive prevalence of prohibition notions in the South. Democrats have, as a rule, been temperate, but they have not always been in favor of sumptuary legislation. Just now it is said to be difficult to get a drink of whisky in Kentucky, and an itinerant invalid is sure to suffer in Georgia. In Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Mississippi, Tennessee, South Carolina, and Missouri, also, the prohibitory party maintains a stiff organization, and the moonshiners in the Alleghanies are gradually coming out as temperance lecturers. It is natural enough for prohibition to seize Maine, Vermont, Iowa, and Kansas, and to contest Ohio and Pennsylvania, but in the cotton belt it "seems kinder unnatural,” as David Crockett observed when he found a brace of kittens in a bear's nest.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

THE Alabama Prohibitionists split on the subject of State nominations, and one wing of the party made out a State ticket. The cause of this division is that the Southern Prohibitionists come almost exclusively from the Democratic party, and many of them are not yet ready to antagonize their old party with an opposition ticket, while the extreme Prohibitionists believe in a complete severance of past party ties, and the formation of a new national party committed to the policy o exterminating the liquor traffic.

Augusta, Ga., Chronicle (Dem.).

It seems to be pretty well established that Atlanta will go through some curious, edifying, and profitable experiences in the matter of prohibitory legislation. The first phases are the jug business, and private club rooms. The fate of Maine is predicted as an inevitable sequel, with many modern improvements unknown to Yankees, and only discoverable by the craft of the East Tennessee and North Georgia combination.

Savannah News (Dem.).

THE Alabama Prohibitionists are about to make a mistake. They ought to know that prohibition succeeds best where it is kept free from political complications. Can it be true that many of the leading Alabama Prohibitionists are only officeseekers in disguise?

THE MOVEMENT IN THE NORTH.

New York Star (Dem.).

THE growth of the Prohibition movement in Pennsylvania has scared the Republicans into adopting a resolution favoring the submission of the question to the vote of the people. It is very doubtful if this will satisfy the bolters. They do not want to support a party that merely inquires whether the people would like to have prohibition or not. What they demand is a party that will declare strongly in favor of that policy, and vigorously set about persuading the people to support it. For years the Republicans have been denouncing the Democracy as "the rum party," and securing votes for themselves by means of that denunciation. Now, these temperance voters say to them that the time has come for committing the Republican party to the principles it has by implication pretended to favor. Thereupon the bosses say that the question is one about which they really have no opinions, but they will ask the people of the State what they think of it and not at

THE "National Conference of Anti-Saloon Republicans," which is to be held at Chicago in advance of most of the State conventions, has a very artificial appearance. Party issues that amount to anything come of themselves. They are not selected out of the assortment of State questions that is found on the political shelves, nor are they made to measure by an assembly of party tailors. And in the case of the attempt to bring about a new departure of the Republican organization, making the liquor question a controlling issue, it is very evident that the business is being forced. The gentlemen who have the matter in charge in this section, after much whispering among themselves, propose to speak out aloud at a meeting in Tremont Temple, to which invitation has been issued by private circular, with the privilege to "bring a friend." What they have to say will not possess less interest from the fact that the names of none of the wiliest and longest-headed members of the party appear in the list of signers of this invitation, or that the preparation of the new issue seems to be confided to the hands of those who may, in an inoffensive way, be termed enthusiasts rather than statesmen.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.).

THE New Jersey Republicans are moving circumspectly. They are neither alarmed by the third party ghost, nor have they been stampeded by Democratic hobgoblins. When the convention meets there will be two points to settle-who shall be nominated for governor, and on what platform he shall be placed? There are good men mentioned every day, the nomination of any one of whom would unite the party and enable it to make an energetic and, probably, a successful campaign. So there is no dearth of candidates. As to the platform, the position to be taken on the liquor question no doubt excites wider interest than any other subject. But there is no confusion on this point and no desire to evade the issue. The New Jersey Republicans see, as the Republicans in every other State do, that the party must meet this question in an honest, sincere, and courageous manner. It has not shrunk from fearlessly declaring its belief on as important issues as this one, and it has always gained more than it has lost by taking, this

course.

Albany Journal (Rep.).

ANY person who watches the action of Prohibitionists in the Northern States must have doubts at times whether the Prohibition leaders are reformers first and politicians afterward, or politicians first and reformers afterward.

When a move

in the cause of temperance is made by the Republicans the Prohibitionists, instead of co-operating heartily with them to advance their own interests, form either a secret or open alliance with the rum element of the Democratic party. Maine, Iowa, Kansas, and Vermont, the States where the Prohibition idea has been adopted, are all Republican States. And yet, in each one the Prohibitionists have bitterly fought their Republican friends and advocates. The hypocrisy of the managers of the Prohibition party has at last aroused the indignation of certain publications which are conducted by genuine temperance men.

Philadelphia Record (Ind.).

It is not much to be wondered at that the Pennsylvania Prohibitionists are not pleased with the action of the Republican convention in postponing the temperance issue for five years by favoring the submission of a prohibitory amendment to a vote of the people after two successive Legislatures shall have approved the plan. On the same day that convention proposed to tinker the State constitution so as to regulate the drinking habits of the people it rejected a resolution asking the Legislature to carry into effect the provisions of the constitution with relation to transportation companies, which the people adopted by popular vote thirteen years ago. In the light of the action of the convention in regard to the constitution as it stands, the proposition to take a vote to amend it takes the shape of mere subterfuge.

Philadelphia Inquirer (Rep.).

THE Republican party in Pennsylvania has done admirably, we think, in proposing to submit this question to a popular vote, and every member of it should stand by it and its candidates in the present campaign, because of its eminently fair proposal. They can not by voting for the Prohibition candidates elect them, and they may elect the Democratic candidates. Let the Prohibitionists stay inside the old Republican camp, in which they have been so long, and fight their battle against rum from that strongly-intrenched position. If the Republican candidates are not elected the Democratic will be, and in that case there will be no hope for prohibition at all, as the Democrats are the pronounced and determined enemies of any mitigation whatever of the evils of the trade in rum.

THE BOSTON MEETING.

Springfield Republican (Ind.), July 13.

THERE are two ways of looking at the temperance conference of 150 Republicans, at Boston, yesterday. The spectacle of so substantial and influential a body of men declaring in favor of a more earnest and organized opposition to the evil wrought by liquor saloons is a cheering one. It shows an appreciation of the great home question that is to be welcomed. As a spontaneous exhibition it would have possessed high value. But when viewed from the standpoint of politics, the conference assumes a more humorous aspect.

New York Tribune (Rep.), July 14.

THE Republican meeting, in Boston, to emphasize the temperance sentiment of a large element in the party, has resulted in the adoption of resolutions favoring the submission to the people of a prohibitory constitutional amendment. The Prohibition wing, which was present, prudently accepted the prevailing view of what was most judicious to be done. There can be no doubt that this action is significant,

and that it points to a coming extension of the demand for temperance measures within the Republican party, which the politicians everywhere will be compelled to recognize and respond to.

MATRIMONY AND THE REPUBLIC.

New York World (Dem.), July 11.

THE recent census returns from Paris are worthy of notice. They show that in ten of the twenty arrondissements of that city the population has decreased in the last five years. There is one most apparent and suggestive reason for this. Bachelorhood has grown constantly more popular in France, and the government has thought seriously of placing a special tax on unmarried men. The same tendency toward celibacy among men of wealth and standing is to be observed in this country. Increase in luxury always thus affects a nation. The Romans realized the danger from a general neglect of marriage, and imposed a heavy penalty on bachelors and conferred special honors on married men and fathers. Statistics show that here, in the Eastern States, the number of unmarried women is rapidly increasing. There is, of course, nothing intrinsically dangerous about old maids. They have no anarchical tendencies and are generally peaceable and useful members of society. But it is not well for the Republic to allow them to grow too numerous. In Massachusetts the excess of females in 1840 was only 7,672. In 1885 it was 76,627. Should not every bachelor in the Bay State blush when he reads such figures? The present Administration, seeing the danger which threatened society, has declared against celibacy. Daniel Lamont, M. A., with the foresight of a great statesman, brought about a union which should serve as an example to unmarried men throughout the land. Now is the time for bachelors to rise to a conception of their duty. The seashore and mountains are sprinkled with fair maidens. The summer is not merely a season in which to avoid mosquitoes and keep cool. It has higher, holier duties. Let the unmarried men who are taking their vacations in the pleasant corners of the earth realize that the eyes of the public are upon them. The fall crop of marriages should be large. Matrimony must not fall into obnoxious desuetude. Let the census returns from Paris stand as a terrible warn. ing to our nation, which is growing neglectful of marriage and too fond of divorce.

MINNESOTA AND THE TARIFF.

St. Paul Pioneer Press (Rep.), July 7.

THERE has been no small amount of comment upon the position which Minnesota has taken on the tariff question. The fact that all of her representatives save one are in favor of reform, that they have dared so to vote in opposition to the rest of their party, and that their constituents responded with approving resolutions and sent them back to Washington, has forced itself upon public notice; and now honest people all over the country are applauding the course of Minnesota, and dishonest people are urging her to stultify herself by once more going back to unqualified support of the tariff as it is. Her position is a very proud one, although it is also very simple. The gist of the whole matter is that Minnesota is honest. It is always to be remembered that the question of free trade does not come up as a practical one in Minnesota or in any other State. There are scattered over the country a good many people who believe with Mr. Frank Hurd and the Cobden club, but their number is scarcely more imposing than their public influence, There is no organized movement for free trade in the United States, and the term "free trade" is lugged into tariff discussions only to start a hostile prejudice. As a matter of fact, the people of Minnesota have been able to take an intelligent view and a firm stand in relation to the tariff just because they have never meddled with the free-trade notion. They have concerned themselves only with that very practical and necessary thing which is called tariff reform. In supporting that they are standing firm by the record and pledges of the Republican party. Our tariff, as it stands, is an anomaly and an outrage. The duties which were imposed when industries claimed that they needed help by reason of youth and weakness are retained now that those industries have grown beyond need of assistance. The revenues which were collected under the pretext that the necessities of the war period imposed them are still collected after more than twenty years of peace. While the competition of labor is sharp and severe, the competition of capital is hindered by the interference of government. The knowledge that superabundant revenue will accrue each year is a corrupting force. It leads to extravagance in Congress, tends to demoralize legislation, and makes men even dare to urge the abolition of our best taxes in order that the worst may remain. We still collect import duties on more than 4,000 articles. For every one of these the consumer has a higher price by reason of the duty than he would without it, and the farmer, upon whom these taxes fall most heavily, is the one man in all the community who is out of the reach of protection. It would be strange if he did not finally resent a system which costs him so heavily, while it gives him no advantage whatever in his hard struggle. Not only in Minnesota, but all over the country, these condition are apparent and understood. They were powerful enough to help in bringing about the defeat of a Congress which had declined to act in the direction of tariff reform. They were strong enough to force a Republican House to attempt revision. That revision was insufficient. And again, after a lapse of a few years, these conditions were still so evidently operative as to compel a reiteration of the need of tariff reform. Our friends of the faith who are so terribly exercised over the vote of Minnesota seem to have forgotten about the last Republican national platform. That document, which is certainly authority good enough for Minnesota and her Congressmen, declared unequivocally that the tariff should be reformed. The vote of her representatives, then, simply means that Minnesota is honest. She believes that this platform meant something, as she knows that both parties, standing so in fear at Washington of the power of capital that they dare not interfere with protection, stand so in fear of the people when they meet in

PRESIDENTIAL POSSIBILITIES.

A DIMINUTION of the amount of press comment on the next Presidential campaign has been clearly apparent during the past week.

New York Mail and Express (Rep.).

OUR enterprising contemporary, the World, does not allow its strong Democratic bias to exclude from its news columns faithful and lively accounts of political situations, tendencies, and évents, however unpleasant the facts may be, considered from a purely Democratic standpoint. As the Mail and Express has pursued the same policy in regard to facts of vital interest to Republicans, we are the more ready to understand and to approve of the World's honest policy in this regard. No Republican or Democratic newspaper can serve its party better than by telling the unpleasant truths that should be known and recognized by the party. A letter from Mr. T. C. Crawford, the Washington correspondent of the World, in to-day's issue of that paper, affords a good illustration. Mr. Crawford describes the drift of opinion and sentiment in Washington as to Mr. Blaine, and his strength and popularity, with evidently the single desire of telling the exact truth. It is this characteristic of his letter which gives its value and importance. Mr. Crawford speaks of the hold which Mr. Blaine has on the interest of the representative politicians and statesmen from all parts of the country who are only to be found in WashingHe says: "As a simple private citizen of the State of Maine his utterances attract now more attention than would those of any official at Washington, except perhaps, the President. Certainly no member of the Cabinet has anything like his command upon the popular attention. No member of the Senate or of the House is so great an object of interest. If Mr. Blaine were to revisit Washington to-day, I am certain that his every movement at the capital would be as carefully scrutinized and noted as are Mr. Cleveland's acts. This enormous interest in Mr. Blaine is a fact carefully noted by the politicians." An equally notable fact is well put by Mr. Crawford in these words:

ton.

One of the peculiar things to be noted in this connection is the unceasing activity of Mr. Blaine's enemies. Now that he is in private life he is still as much a target almost as if he were in public place. If the weather happens to be bad in Maine, the condition of affairs is credited to the malign influence of Mr. Blaine. An anti-Blaine man never reasons. He just hates and hates on with an energy and abandon that know no rest. The abuse of Mr. Blaine with the anti-Blaine people has descended to a rub a-dub. It has gotten beyond reason to the realm of mere unreasoning noise. Those who do not admire Mr. Blaine's politics, and who do not think he would make a good President, need not feel obliged to continue to throw mud at one of the most interesting men in polItics. There is so little in politics that is of interest, that every one should pray for long life to Citizen Blaine, whose mere presence among the living gives a fillip to the consideration of every possible political speculation.

Mr. Crawford quotes from the remarks of a veteran Democrat the notable ob

servations:

The day of talking scandal about Blaine is in the past. Everything that can be sald about him has been sald, while to-day he has a greater individual hold upon the people than any man in the country. There is no use in talking about the dead matters of the last campaign. The Pan-Electric statesmen have supplied new issues. The party that supports an Administration that carries Attorney-General Garland and his staff of PanElectric associates need not ask the people to help it rebuke Blaine's candidacy.

Mr. Crawford's own view, derived from his intercourse with all sorts and sizes of Democratic statesmen in Washington, as to the theme which is evidently uppermost and livest at the National Capital, is that "the President's course is the very one to help Mr. Blaine's prospects as a Republican candidate. The negative course of the Administration leaves the opposition party nothing to do. There are no aggressions to resist. The record of Republican misdoing is left undisturbed. On account of this lack of active discussion there is no chance for the development of new Republican leaders. Mr. Blaine to-day is the chief of his party, and will undoubtedly so remain until the next Republican campaign." We have presented these features of the situation, described from a Democratic standpoint, solely as interesting indications of the drift of opinion in Washington. The fact that such admissions as we have quoted should be made by the World's correspondent is important, but the thing of prime importance is that a faithful and experienced chronicler of the opinions of Democratic leaders in Washington should have so much of this sort of talk to report.

Augusta, Maine, Special to New York Herald (Ind.).

THE political friends of Mr. Blaine are displeased with a portion of General J. M. Haynes' Fourth of July oration in this city, which they believe was not so much intended to apply to the professional politicians of the Republican party as for Mr. Blaine's special benefit. In speaking of the sins of selfish and corrupt practices in politics, General Haynes said: "As in human character it is the little sins that lead to moral corruption, so in national character it is the little sins of selfish and corrupt practices in politics which lead to the corruption of national character. Practical politics must develop bodies and organizers, and the power and influence which the few obtain is a sore temptation to employ them for selfish purposes. The motive with which a professional politician thwaits the will of the people is not one somewhat different from that usurping ambition with which a Roman general backed by a victorious army seized the imperial sceptre. The most effective agency for the consolidation of power in the hands of professional politicians is the public offices. The office-seeker is not only a slave himself, but his relatives and friends put on the yoke to aid him in his seeking. If one has an office at his disposal, he has a continent of votes by force of it. Such usurpation deprives the voter of a free exercise of judgment. He no longer acts according to his conscientious convictions of the true interest of society. The source of governmental rule in the people is perverted, and the government is no longer a government by the people and for the people." General Haynes is a fellow-townsman of Mr. Blaine and one of the most prominent citizens here. He is a man of recognized ability, and for several years has been one of the leading men of the Republican party. He has been the recipient of many political honors, and at the present time is a member of the National Republican Committee from Maine, a position to which he was elected two years ago. There is every reason to believe that

General Haynes had Mr. Blaine in his mind, as he has long been averse to the political methods of that gentleman and those under his tutelage. His position as National Committeeman gives significance to his utterances, so far as the party in this State is concerned, as he undoubtedly voices the sentiment of a large number who, unlike him, have not the courage of their convictions.

Petersburg, Va., Index-Appeal (Dem.).

THE Presidential probabilities of 1888 constitute the leading topic of discussion with a large number of papers, and the almost unanimous conclusion is that Mr. Blaine and Mr. Cleveland are the central and conspicuous figures around which the fortunes of their respective parties cling, and that they will be the standardbearers again in the coming contest. It is hardly safe to speculate about a matter so remote in the future, but we see nothing to justify the opinion that Mr. Blaine or Mr. Cleveland will ever again be nominated for the Presidency. There is a strong disposition in the Democratic party to take Mr. Cleveland at his word when he declared that he would not be a candidate for re-election, and even if he were to reconsider this determination, we do not believe that he could secure the nomination or rally a united party at a general election. We say this with no purpose to condemn Mr. Cleveland, for we heartily endorse his administration, and would support his candidacy with alacrity and ardor, but we do not believe that a majority of the party would. He has committed the blunder of believing that the politicians who framed the Democratic platform were sincere when they declared for civil service reform, and he has carried out the party pledge too faithfully for their purposes. As for Mr. Blaine, assuming that he would be willing to incur the labor and mortification of another campaign like the last, in which the most sacred domestic relations were invaded and scandalously violated, it is not likely that the Republican party will attempt to correct the mistake of his nomination by repeating it. If Mr. Blaine could not win in 1884, with all the conditions favorable to him, how can he hope for success in 1888? No, the fight will be made with new men, and, from present appearances, largely on new issues. There is yet time enough for the development of these new men and these new issues, and the present talk about the old candidates may simply mask the movements on the political chessboard that will lead to a general dissolution and reorganization of party lines. New York Sun (Dem.).

THIS is the view of our contemporary, the Missouri Republican, upon an interesting point, and it is mistaken:

The Hon. Joseph E. McDonald as Mr. Manning's successor is not a bad idea, though it suggests that Mr. Cleveland is not averse to cutting Presidential timber in making and repairing his Cabinet.

Before considering Mr. McDonald, let us examine the Presidential timber that is already in the Cabinet. The only member of that body who has ever been nominated in a Democratic National Convention is Mr. Bayard, but it is doubtful if he ever permits his name to be presented again. Mr. Manning is out of the question, and Mr. Whitney would not think of trying to cut under Mr. Cleveland. Mr. Garland is as safe from Presidential lightning as though he was in jail, and Mr. Lamar is not in much greater danger. The only remaining members are Mr. Vilas and Mr. Endicott, and their Presidential prospects are not alarming. Would Mr. McDonald make any change in this state of affairs if he should succeed one of these gentlemen? Hardly. The administration would doubtless be stronger with Mr. McDonald in it; but, in or out, Grover Cleveland's chances for another term would be about the same. Looking to that consideration, Mr. Cleveland has been uuusually lucky in making up his Cabinet.

Baltimore News (Dem.).

WHAT has produced this sudden awakening in both parties over the next Presidential nomination? When the News named Mr. George W. Childs as a proper candidate for the people to support, the suggestion called forth a popular ovationsave among the politicians. They flinched at the first. Then they began to poohpooh such a suggestion as "premature." They all knew that nothing could be said against the man, that the proposition could not be adversely met, and they recognized at the same time-for they are quick to see a point-that the most formidable man in the country had been put up to eclipse their tools and favorites. So they tried to silence the popular approval by crying " too early," "too previous." The question was asked by them, with evident annoyance, "Why talk of the next Presidency so far ahead? Give the country a rest." But they have fallen to discussing it all the same. They have forgotten that the country needs a rest. Only a few weeks have elapsed since we named Mr. Childs. The next Presidency has not come so much nearer to us in that brief space as to change "too far off" into sufficiently near."

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.).

ONE by one they are all tumbling into the fold-the strayed, the lost, and the stolen-the critic of civil-service reform, the growler who could see no good in Cleveland, the man who kicked because some other man got the office he wanted, and the cantankerous old Jacksonian who had confounded Democracy with "spoils "—all are returning, weary and way-worn, and mighty glad to get back. Hear how merrily the prodigal of the Cincinnati Enquirer winds his horn:

From over the water Mr. Watterson still fulminates against President Cleveland. The poor man does not even know that Holman, Randall, and the star-eyed goddess have thrown up their hands. Come home, Henry, come home and learn the situation. The Buffalo lad has captured us all.

Brethren, it is an exhilarating and soulful spectacle.

New York Star (Dem.).

THE relations between the President and the governor are thoroughly cordial. Each in his peculiar sphere of usefulness is faithfully discharging duty, and winning golden opinion, but neither is interfering with or envious of the other. Mr. Hill is making an admirable governor, just as Mr. Cleveland is making an admirable President. They do not antagonize, they supplement each other. There is no proposition in contemporaneous politics more axiomatic than that Mr. Cleve

land is steadily strengthening his hold upon the affection and esteem of the country. It is equally true, however, that Governor Hill is just as steadily securing the gratitude and admiration of New York. These are propositions accepted by all thoughtful observers and borne out by every indication of the day. Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.).

THE details of the great Ohio conspiracy are well formulated. They think they have already killed off Foster. They propose to kill off Sherman, as in the last campaign, by taking away from him all the delegates possible, in the first place, and by exalting Foraker over him in the second. Aside from still more direct repayment, Halstead is enthused by the promise of the next United States Senatorship, and Richard Smith, who has long been anxious to get Halstead out of the paper, lends eager encouragement to this arrangement. Foraker is wheedled and made happy by the promise of the second place on the national ticket, and even deluded with the fancy that, if the convention should unexpectedly be obstinate against Blaine, he (Foraker) may have the Presidential nomination itself,

Buffalo Courier (Dem.).

IN his Portland speech on home rule Mr. Blaine gave to Irish-Americans the following wholesome advice: "The men of Irish blood in this country should keep this question, as it has been kept thus far, out of our own political controversies. They should mark any man as an enemy who seeks to use it for personal or for partisan advancement." The men of Irish blood in this country should make note of the fact that Mr. Blaine, who is virtually at the head of the pending political campaign in Maine, the result of which has an important bearing on his personal and political advancement, is having printed and circulated as a campaign document thousands of copies of his Portland speech. Tested by his own definition, Mr. Blaine is a "man who should be marked as an enemy."

New York World (Dem.).

Now the seriousness of the Democratic defection from Mr. Cleveland is known. Can it be thought to have decreased since 1884? Governor Hill has exploded the bubble of Mugwumpism. The Mugwumps could not defeat him for governor, although all to a man voted for Davenport. They would be still less likely to defeat him in this State for President, as opposed to Mr. Blaine, because, while the Mugwump leaders might be willing to make peace with Mr. Blaine, it is not probable that they could induce all their followers to support that candidate.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

THE Blaine Republicans undertook the task of compassing General Edmund's defeat by the Vermont Legislature for his coldness and indifference during the last Presidential campaign. The result teaches that the Vermont Republicans fully indorse the alleged coldness and indifference displayed by their Senator, and leaves the public to the inference that they would not be angry if he should repeat the offense under a similar provocation.

Galveston News (Dem.).

THE President did not "turn the rascals out" in a day, but there were only very few of them left in a year. Of course, the disappointed office-seekers are sore, but they don't care to expose their wounds in public, knowing that the people have little, if any, sympathy for them. On the whole, Mr. Cleveland can felicitate himself on the fact that his fences are in excellent condition in the banner Democratic State.

Chicago Herald (Ind.).

WHEN the Sage of Gramercy shall have been gathered to his fathers, New York will have to increase its Democratic majorities if it intends to continue its ascendency over the party. The Tilden idolatry may be worked in the interest of Governor Hill, as it was in that of Governor Cleveland, but Samuel must remain above ground and show himself occasionally to make a success of it.

Chicago News (Ind.).

ANOTHER Blaine manager has embarked for Europe-Maj. Joseph P. Handy, editor of the Philadelphia News. This leaves only two Blaine men in America W. Reid and M. Halstead. The other five are supposed to have gone across the water to help Queen Vic. organize a Parliament that would free Ireland on the Jimblaine plan of salvation.

St. Louis Republican (Dem.).

GROVER CLEVELAND is the only man in the United States who can prevent the Democratic party from renominating Grover Cleveland. We make this statement, as it were, confidentially, to our much-esteemed contemporary, Mr. Charles A. Dana, who, if he likes, may impart it to "Old Observer " and " Veteran Democrat."

Der Deutsche Correspondent, Baltimore, July 9.
[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

THE New York Sun, which for years has supported no Presidential candidate of the Democracy, takes upon itself the right to prescribe to the party whom it shall nominate. It is already busily at work. At present it is booming Hon. Samuel J. Tilden.

Richmond State (Dem.).

THE small talk about bringing Mr. Tilden forward for the Presidency in 1888 is a poor jest cast at a most excellent gentleman, now gone out forever from political life. Mr. Tilden's place in history is secure, and it is one that any American might be proud to fill. Now let the retired statesman rest.

LET the Eagle continue to watch these friends of Mr. Tilden's. They are certainly sincere, and we dare say they will give expression to their ideas in our columns occasionally without the least care about the sensibilities of our Brooklyn contemporary.-New York Sun (Dem.).

MR. TILDEN is being renominated for the Presidency, but as no President is to be elected this year, the Sage of Grammercy betrays no trepidation. If Mr. Tilden's friends only left Mr. Tilden alone the chances are that he would be quite content.→→ Philadelphia Times (Ind.).

"WHY wouldn't Logan and Blaine be a good combination for our Republican brethren to play?”—St. Louis Republican (Dem.).

Because Mr. Blaine would never combinate in that way.-Louisville CourierJournal (Dem.).

EDITOR DANA will probably keep on nominating the Sage of Greystone, even after the latter's death. It would not make much difference, however. His chances then will be as good as they are now.-Baltimore American (Rep.).

AGAINST this good man not a word of harm can be said, and no living man would make a better chief magistrate than George W. Childs, and to nominate him is to elect him.-Poineer Press (Ind.), Martinsburg, West Virginia.

JOHN SHERMAN will not do for the Republican nominee for President. The West does not like him. The nominee must be a man who is popular with the Republicans of all sections.-Denver Tribune-Republican (Rep.).

MR. CHILDS, if nominated, would fill the place most acceptably, for he has drawn around him a host of literary friends, which bespeak the kind of cabinet he would select if elected.-Carroll, Ohio, Free Press (Ind.).

A CONTEMPORARY thinks that Logan and Evarts would make "a hard ticket to beat." The combination would make a pretty "hard" ticket for any purpose that could be named.-St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

TAMMANY HALL is in favor of David B. Hill and the spoils for President in 1888-Augusta, Georgia, News (Ind.).

THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE.

THE refusal of the Senate, on the 9th inst., to confirm the nomination of the

Hon. John Goode, of Virginia, to be Solicitor-General, has elicited many expressions of opinion, representative selections from which are given below.

New York Tribune (Rep.), July 11.

If the President is wise, he will follow the rejection of Solicitor Goode by clearing out the whole tribe of Pan-Electric schemers. Mr. Garland's presence in the Cabinet is a disgrace to the President, as he must know. But it happens, also, that Secretary Lamar has, to an unwise extent, made common cause with his associate from Arkansas. It was from the Interior Department that Mr. Garland and his Pan-Electric associates easily obtained the grotesque opinion upon which suits were based against the Bell company, Mr. Lamar, according to Democratic reports, has exerted himself, in private, to uphold Mr. Garland with the President, and to prevent his removal. Close to Mr. Lamar are General Johnston, the Railroad Commissioner, and Mr. Atkins, the Indian Commissioner, and prominent Democratic politicians from his own State are deeply interested in the great telephone job. Norfolk Landmark (Dem.), July II.

MR. GOODE has the proud consciousness that his character can not suffer from his defeat. Here at his home, where his daily walk and conversation have been known to his fellow-citizens for twenty-odd years, there is but one feeling, that of honest indignation at his treatment; but one opinion, that of his entire innocence of any unbecoming or improper act. He is stronger to-day than he has ever before been in the State of Virginia, and the attempt to put him down has but exalted him in the eyes of his countrymen. Mr. Goode is now in the meridian of his power. He is strong, able, and courageous, and those who have sought his destruction have but added to his strength before our people, and increased his claims upon their respect and affection.

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.), July 11.

THIS puts Goode out of an office which he has held for many months pending action on his nomination in the Senate. His incompetency and actual, or reported, connection with election irregularities did much to bring about his defeat, but his relation to the Pan-Electric matter doubtless did more. In this latter connection, Attorney-General Garland has been rebuked over the head of a subordinate lawofficer of the Government. A proper degree of self-respect and a due regard for the good name of the Administration should now impel Mr. Garland to ask for a thorough investigation into his relations with this scandal, pending which he should ask to be relieved of his duties in the Department of Justice, or resign altogether. If this is not done, decent Democrats should call on the President to take the initiative in the case.

Boston Evening Transcript (Ind.), July 9.

THE idea of the New York Tribune correspondent, that Mr. Cleveland feared to request Mr. Garland's resignation, because of the political influence held by the latter in Arkansas and some other States, finds no support in the President's course, either before or since he was inaugurated at Washington. He must move with deliberation. Attorney-General Garland's inability to see how improper it was for him to retain large blocks of Pan-Electric stock, the value of which would be largely affected by such action as his department should adopt, does not appear any more remarkable than the pertinacity with which honorable Senators cling to the privilege of arguing cases in the United States Supreme Court which are, or may be, matters of legislation.