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Memphis Appeal (Dem.).

THAT Blaine is again the choice of a majority of his party, so far, attests his power and stubborn fibre. But he encounters all of the lingering old ambitious material in his party. With Sherman, Logan, Washburne, Conkling, Edmunds, and many others fighting him, the probabilities are a young and a new man.

Wheeling Register (Dem.)

IT IS very noticeable that there has been, within the past few months, a steady growth of sentiment in favor of Mr. Cleveland, and should it continue there is little doubt that his hold upon the people will have become so strong in 1888 that they will want to renominate him for the Presidency if he so wishes.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.):

If Mr. Blaine should decline to re-enter politics, his adherents could probably find a man in Texas who is charged with an amount of electro-magnetism that will qualify him for a substitute. Mr. John Z. Hibbert was struck by lightning in Galveston and is now doing well, though considerably disfigured.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

MR. REID, of Maine, thinks that Mr. Blaine ought to be renominated, while Mr. Blaine declares that the Republicans ought to try some one else next time. In this case the opinion of the magnetic statesman is more valuable than that of the amusing Congressional humorist.

It is quite apparent from all reports from Washington that President Cleveland is desirous of a renomination, and that, having played the "reform" card for very all it is worth and got elected by the aid of the Mugwumps, he now proposes to re-elect himself by the aid of Federal patronage.-Concord, N. H., Statesman (Rep.).

THE Blaine managers are reported as very much discouraged over the reception accorded to the launching of the Blaine boom a month ago. Not only are the "Mugwumps" unreconciled and as resolute as ever, but hostility is manifested in quarters where it was least expected.-Florida Times-Union (Dem.).

THERE are signs of a rising tide of Mugwump sympathy and support for John Sherman. Senator Sherman is one of the ablest and best of living statesmen, and this underhanded attempt to prejudice his political future will be treated with the silent contempt it deserves.-Philadelphia Press (Rep.).

THE Logan boom for the Presidency in 1888 is not nearly so vigorous and welldeveloped as it was one year ago, and the "Black Eagle" of Illinois is sailing to the rear of the procession with a graceful, easy motion that must be astonishing to him and his friends.-Oshkosh Times (Dem.).

SUCH vetoes as these pension bills will command the approval of every honest man, whether he served in the army or not, and it is an insult to the ex-soldiers to suggest that they will resent such action. Mr. Cleveland could be re-elected on this issue alone.-N. Y. Star (Dem.).

MR. CLEVELAND has by his ability, vigilance, honesty, and fidelity to his pledges, worked himself into the confidence and affections of the American people, and in 1888 he will have no formidable opponent in the National Democratic convention. Memphis Appeal (Dem.).

Mr. RANDALL is a candidate for the Presidency. That is an honorable ambition, and our candid belief is that Mr. Randall will have it satisfied as soon through the instrumentality of the Republican party as by the partiality of the Democracy.Wheeling Intelligencer (Rep.).

WITH a vigorous 300-pound reformer in the White House, not yet fifty years old, and capable of working sixteen hours a day, the Democratic party has no occasion to call the venerable relic at Greystone out of his enforced retirement.Boston Herald (Ind.).

"LOOKING at things as they are," says ex-Congressman Barr, "Blaine's nomination seems to be assured." Looking at things as they were, as they are, and as they will be in 1888, Blaine's defeat, if he shall be nominated, is assured also.— Boston Herald (Ind.).

MRS. CLEVELAND expresses tender solicitude for her husband on account of the amount of writing which he is compelled to do. The dear, good man will be in no danger of scrivener's palsy after the 4th of March, 1889.—St. Louis GlobeDemocrat (Rep.).

Ir is useless to disguise the fact that Mr. Cleveland is in the field for renomination, and that he no doubt intends to make a clean sweep of practically all Republican office-holders in time for the next national convention.-Baltimore Herald (Ind.).

MR. BLAINE'S weather optic is trained in steady sight on the next national convention which will nominate a successor to Grover Cleveland. The prospects are not brilliant for the candidate from the home of Neal Dow.-Omaha Bee (Rep.).

THE John Griffin Carlisle boom for President continues to trample down the grass in some portions of Kentucky. If it continues in its present course the tareyed goddess will have to turn the hose on it.-Philadelphia Press (Rep.).

You can say positively that I'm not a candidate for a place on the ticket. I'm not a candidate for anything just now. I think the people will decide between

now and then who will be the candidate.-General Logan at St. Louis.

THE ancient Mr. Tilden is fairly in the field as a candidate for nomination for President in 1888. This indicates that the ivy-clad statesman is enjoying another huge and prosperous run of bad health.-Philadelphia Press (Rep.).

THE New York Sun has trotted out Tilden for 1888. This will please the

noted chicken expert, Mr. Hayes. If precedents are good for anything, he will come in for four more years of salary.-Washington Hatchet (Ind.).

THE buzzing of the Presidential bees in the bonnets of Messrs. Logan and Evarts is as nothing now to the banging about their ears by indignant Republicans from Maine to California.-Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (Rep.).

THE rumor that Murat Halstead will manage the Tribune and boom Sherman while Whitelaw Reid goes to the Senate is said to be unreliable. For some reason or other we have suspected this.-New York Graphic (Ind.).

MR. CLEVELAND is acting with reference to 1888. The party will not want him and yet it will hardly dare to reject him. Mr. Cleveland is altogether likely to se cure a renomination.—Minneapolis Tribune (Rep.).

GEN. LOGAN has a large following in Colorado, and his friends here would be sorry to think that he is antagonistic to Mr. Blaine. The interest of Blaine and Logan lie together.—Denver Tribune (Rep.).

THE man who sits down on Ohio, Mr. Logan, should have a stout leather patch on his trousers. There is considerable warmth in the State at present— Youngstown, Ohio, Telegraph (Rep.).

THE Democrats are spending a great many sleepless nights because Blaine, as a great leader, happens to open his mouth occasionally on matters of public moment. Leavenworth Times (Rep.).

PRESIDENT CLEVELAND is on record against a second term, but a little pledge like that is not likely to stand in the way of his own ambition.-Baltimore Herald (Ind.).

THE Cleveland boom is here in plain sight. Any one can see it, though we believe that Mr. Holman was the first statesman to report it publicly.-N. Y. Sun (Dem.).

THE Boston Journal remarks that "Maine effloresces for Blaine." No, dear Journal; she merely blows for Blaine.- Washington Post (Dem.).

THERE are symptoms of an attempt to start a Republican Presidential boom for E. B. Washburne.-Buffalo Courier (Dem.).

FEW men in the country stand as close to the old veterans as the Black Eagle of Illinois. Chicago Inter-Ōcean (Rep.).

WILL the Logan boom which has been running on the Porter controversy now collapse. Chicago Times (Ind.),

MR. HOAR ON THE SENATE AND PRESIDENT. On the 30th ult. Mr. Hoar addressed the Senate in opposition to secret sessions for the consideration of nominations. In the course of his remarks he said: There were 3,593 civil officers of whom the President had the appointment. Of these about eighty were judges with a life tenure. Collectors of Internal Revenue, the Director of the Mint, and perhaps a few others held offices by an indefinite tenure. All these latter the President had already removed and filled their places with Democrats. Of the rest he had already nominated successors for upward of two thousand. The terms of all these would expire by their legal limitation during his term. Yet the axe was constantly upon the necks of worthy and faithful officers for no other reason but that they were Republicans and that he wanted their places for Democrats. To the President's credit it should be said that the poor pretence of "political partisanship" seemed wholly abandoned. There had been some little moderation, he said, in relieving the hunger of the starving Democracy. The doctor at the White House understood the constitution of the patient. If he miscalculated anything it was the intelligence of the country. The determination of the American people to have a non-partisan civil service which had compelled the reluctant promises of both political parties was not to be put off by this transparent attempt to serve God and the Democratic party at the same time.

New York Mail and Express (Rep.), July 1.

MR. HOAR enlivened the proceedings of the Senate yesterday by a concise and vigorous statement of facts in regard to the conduct of the President in making removals and appointments and of the Senate in confirming appointments. It was certainly proper that such a statement should be made by a leading Republican Senator, and profitable that the facts should be stated and put in logical relation by a man of the high character and capacity for terseness and clearness of speech pos. sessed by Senator Hoar. Some of our Democratic contemporaries seem, or affect, to feel that Mr. Hoar was too partisan and violent in his tone. The reports of his speech fail to justify the criticism. Not being a Mugwump and idolator of Mr. Cleveland, but a full-blooded Republican who believes that a fearless, active, and critical opposition is just as essential to good government and politics here as it is in England, Mr. Hoar has presented the facts that are essential to an intelligent discharge of the duty of the opposition party, with the greatest brevity and with masculine vigor. That is all. He proved his statement that no President had received such fair, and even generous, treatment at the hands of the Senate, as regards confirmation of his appointments, as Mr. Cleveland has had from this Republican Senate. It has confirmed 1,749 appointments and rejected but 16. We think it has been rather too liberal. The Senate has also diverted the Presidential succession from its own president pro tem. to the Cabinet officials appointed by Mr. Cleveland, in the order of appointment, an act of magnanimity whose lustre is enhanced by the refusal of a Democratic House to favor the same proposition when the President was a Republican. The Senate has originated and passed an amendment to the Constitution that will prolong Mr. Cleveland's term two months, if adopted. It has promptly created a new office to enable the disabled Secretary of the Treasury to remain in office. These are great and strong instances and proofs of the generosity of the Senate toward the Democratic Administration-a generosity without precedent in the history of the Government. It was a good and right thing for Mr. Hoar to bring out these great facts. It was equally proper for him to expose, by unanswerable and merciless facts and figures, the great diver

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gence of the Administration from its civil-service reform pledges and pretences. Mr. Hoar insists that "the power of appointment to office seemed to have been used by the present Administration with as absolute and single a purpose of promoting partisan interests as it was under Van Buren or Pierce." * * The amount of deception and outright lying that has been resorted to by the Mugwump adulators of Mr. Cleveland has been so immense and appalling that it is time that the truth should be told with vigor and with effectiveness. The rage and rancor with which Mr. Cleveland's personal organs will treat Mr. Hoar's speech will be a good measure of the consternation and damage caused by his truthful arraignments of the Pan-Electric Administration.

Boston Globe (Dem.), July 2.

nominations, it occurs to us that a more thorough scrutiny would be desirable. But the most of President Cleveland's nominations have been so good that it was hard to find a reason to reject them. The Senate records give unmistakable evidence that his nominations have averaged much better than those of his Republican predecessors. No President within our memory has taken so much pains to get the best men for office. This being true, it is a pity that he allows, here and there, a subordinate to do what he would not think of doing himself in the distribution of spoils. These men cast discredit upon the President. Why not kick out the Higginses and Heddens when they are found out?

Washington Post (Dem.), July 2.

JUDGE HOAR has made his campaign speech, and doubtless feels better. It is odd, by the way, that the Kentucky champion of the Star-Eyed Goddess is insisting that the President is no better than a Republican, and produces figures to show that he has appointed hardly any Democrats to office, while Mr. Hoar at the same time denounces the same man as the most extreme partisan the White House has ever seen, and produces figures to demonstrate that he has made as many changes for partisan reasons as did Van Buren or Pierce! But it doesn't seem as if both these parties could form a very solid coalition against him, does it?

WITHOUT discussing the merits or demerits of the civil-service reform, as that term is understood by the reformers, and without inquiring whether or not the President was wise and politic in writing his famous letter, we propose to take issue with Senator Hoar on facts. The Senator substantially declares that Republican office-holders have been removed by wholesale to make room for Democrats. We say that they have not. Our readers will judge whether we make out our case. The Government Printing Office, having over 2,600 employes, not one of whom comes within the pale of civil-service law, is still presided over by a Republican, Mr. Rounds. Republican supremacy has been left wholly undisturbed, although the Administration has been at perfect liberty to make a clean sweep had it so desired. The Bureau of Printing and Engraving, employing more than 1,000 men, is yet under control of a Republican. There, too, the Administration might have interfered had it so desired. The civil-service law shields not one man in that army of Republican workers. But substantially all have been permitted to remain. The same holds true of the architect of the Treasury and the men in his control. A Republican continues at the head, and the Republican force remains intact. Nothing in the civil-service law has prevented the removal of every man of them, and the appointment of Democrats to fill the vacancies. They have remained through the clemency of the Executive. Hosts of other important departments and bureaus are still presided over by members of the defeated party. The consul and vice-consul at Paris, the governors and the secretaries of several Territories, the supervising surgeon general of the marine-hospital service, the supervising inspector-general of steam-vessels, the chief of the secret service, and scores of other high and well-paid officials, are Republicans. The postal service affords examples without number of Executive clemency. Two of the officials of very high rank, the third assistant postmaster-general and the superintendent of the railway mail service, both Republicans, still hold their places, and several thousand railway postal clerks have been left undisturbed. Even in the State Department, the most confidential in the Government, the chief clerk is a Republican, and two of the assistant secretaries are of the same political persuasion. And all of this army of Republican officeholders might have been removed and Democrats put in their places had the Executive thus willed it. We have cited but comparatively few instances of the Administration's generosity toward Republicans; but they are amply sufficient, we believe, to convince any candid person that Senator Hoar's charges of wholesale removals of Republicans to make places for Democrats is without foundation. Our readers are well acquainted with our views of what constitutes reform in the civil service; but facts are facts, and President Cleveland has the right, when attacked by Senator Hoar or any other gentleman, to have the facts stated. As Congressman Springer cogently and truthfully put it, the Executive has endeavored faithfully and honestly to execute the civil service law, and has extended its spirit far beyond its letter. Moreover, "the Administration of President Cleveland is the most nonpartisan since that of George Washington."

Boston Transcript (Ind.), July 1.

Norfolk Landmark (Dem.), July 3.

WE are obliged to Mr. Hoar for his course. His advocacy of the inquisitorial methods of his party will make them still more unpopular, and his assault on President Cleveland, which is absolutely without justification, will only endear that gen. tleman to the people. When they hear such a man as Hoar assail him they will say in reply: "We love him for the enemies he has made." One Cleveland, as an American statesman, is worth seven hundred and seventy-seven million of Hoars. New York World (Dem.), July 1.

MR. HOAR does not charge the President with any violation of the civil-service law, and considering the real opinion of Congressmen, with a few exceptions-in which our two Senators are included-and the attempted abrogation of the reform, so far as this State is concerned, by the Massachusetts Legislature--condemnation of the President for a departure from civil-service reform ideas looks more like partisanship than any sincere desire to advance the reform. As a whole, the Republican party would welcome a more wholesale discharge of office-holders, and we know that the Democratic party cannot conceal its soreness that so many Republicans are still feeding at the public crib. This would indicate that President Cleveland is still ahead of the working politicians of both parties.

New York Evening Post (Ind.), July 2.

MR. HOAR's great speech in the Senate yesterday was worthy of the author of two hundred bills celebrated for their inherent evidences of crankism. Mr. Hoar is a very funny man. When he is in his most sublime flights he rises to the grandeur of the ridiculous. It was fitting that his mighty effort yesterday should be followed in the Senate proceedings by two Presidential vetoes of pension frauds. Rochester Herald (Rep.), July 3.

SENATOR HOAR thinks he has discovered signs of the President's [second term] purpose and plans in the latter's use of his power of removal from office and of appointment. If the Senator's figures are correct Mr. Cleveland's party has no reason to complain of too much clemency on his part in his treatment of Republican officials.

Buffalo Courier (Dem.), July 3.

THIS is certainly a good showing, especially in view of the fact that of the 2,087 nominations already made only about a baker's dozen have been rejected as unworthy by a Senate politically hostile to the President. Senator Hoar builded better than he knew. Washington Hatchet (Ind.), July 3.

It always seems something of a waste of time to point out specific illustrations of the utter recklessness of Senator Hoar's partisanship, and yet it is perhaps worth while to do it once in a while. In his diatribe against the President on Wednesday he referred to the removal by the Postoffice Department during the first twelve months of the present Administration of 8,635 fourth class postmasters-which, it may be remarked, is only about one in six of the whole number-and said: "The President knows that under the law the term of every postmaster in the country would expire during his Administration." The whole number of postoffices in the United States when the present Administration came in was 51,277, of which 2,346 belonged to the first, second, and third classes and were filled by Presidential appointments. The remaining 48,931 were fourth-class offices. The Revised Statutes provide (section 3,830) that "Postmasters of the fourth-class shall be appointed and may be removed by the Postmaster-General." The United States Official Postal Guide declares (section 750) that "Postmasters at fourth-class offices are appointed by the Postmaster General, and their term of tenure has no specified bimit." In other words, Mr. Hoar stated that the term of all the 51,277 postmasters in the country would expire during Mr. Cleveland's Administration, while the fact is that the term of 48,931 of them "has no specified limit," and will not expire during the present Administration or at any fixed time. This is a fair sample of the relation between fact and fiction throughout the whole of Mr. Hoar's speech. Boston Herald (Ind.), July 2.

SPEAKING of the Senate's liberality in confirming so many of the President's

SENATOR HOAR'S attack upon the President would have been more effective if it had not occurred in a speech in which the Massachusetts cherub defended the secret executive session-which is a much greater fraud than civil-service reform.

MR. KING THE MONROE DOCTRINE.

Minneapolis Tribune (Rep.), June 30.

MR. KING, a Louisiana Representative, has introduced resolutions in the House protesting against the contemplated assistance of M. de Lesseps by the French government. The ministry has recommended to the Chamber of Deputies the authorization of a lottery loan of 600,000,000 francs for the benefit of the Panama canal. Mr. King's preamble maintains that this authorization would identify the French government with the enterprise, and his resolutions read as follows:

Resolved, That the United States will view with great solicitude and disfavor this contemplated action of the French government, or any other measure calculated to identify it with the Panama canal, as such is opposed to the policy of the Americau people as expressed by the Chief Executive of the United States at the inception of this canal, and which policy is now most emphatically repeated and reiterated by the United States. Resolved, That the Secretary of State be requested to send to Congress, without delay, all information bearing on the subject of such vast importance and fraught with such danger to the national interests.

When M. de Lesseps undertook his great work our Government manifested prompt interest, The French government gave assurance, however, that the project was strictly a private enterprise for which the government was not responsible, and over which it would exercise no control. A government loan will necessarily involve such a connection with the project as the United States could not contemplate without solicitude and disapproval. The control of an interoceanic waterway in this hemisphere must not be in the hands of a European governBut quite irrespective of the international aspects of the loan, France can not afford to perpetrate so gigantic a swindle upon her own people. The truth might as well be faced at once. The plan proposed by the French government is a cowardly scheme to postpone the day of wrath and reckoning. Die New Yorker Staats-Zeitung, June 30.

ment.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

THE resolution introduced into the Federal House of Representatives in relation to the Panama canal dispenses in nowise with the value of a timely warning, After the reports of Bigelow and Rousseau almost anything was to be anticipated other than the introduction of a government proposal, which has since followed, permitting the canal company to raise a lottery loan of 600,000,000 of francs. Now, it is certainly not right, as is signified in the resolution, that the French government, in granting the loan, should identify itself with this undertaking.

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The continental states of Europe, it is true, have reserved to themselves, upon just grounds, the right of consent to lottery loans, in order to put an end to speculations upon the credulity or passion for gambling of the great public, at least in this slippery province. Furthermore, although the governments, in all cases, inspect the allotments, they, nevertheless, take upon themselves no responsibility for the loan itself, when this is not expressly declared, as, for instance, in the allotment loans of the Austrian and Turkisn governments. But that such is the case in the Panama loan would neither be asserted nor is it presumable, in fact. On the contrary, the following consideration is not to be underated. If the government assume no material guaranty, a moral security can always be readily attributed to it. And the more energetically, under its present ministry, France aspires to a democracy, the more easily from the mass of the parties interested that an allotment loan of 600,000,000 assembles for the Panama canal, can she be driven into transactions, which .otherwise, with a larger freedom of movement, she would have avoided? should not be here overlooked, in the first place, that the present premier, Freycinet, is, in general, not indisposed to a vigorous policy; secondly, that openly, with a full consciousness of the consequences eventually growing out of it, he ignored the unfavorable reports of Bigelow and Rousseau, and yielded to the pressure of the Lesseps coterie. Were one to associate with this the further historical experience that there were entirely similar relations of individual interest in the Lesseps Suez canal, which, in its time, had impelled the same Freycinet to the Egyptian adventurers, one will be unable to divest himself of the apprehension that this more recent canal operation of the Frenchmen may draw perilous consequences behind it. It certainly is established beyond a doubt that our Union possesses permanent interests in the question of preserving if not, indeed, of controlling every possible water route through the American isthmus, in the strictest and most absolute neutrality. Political and commercial interests unite to make such a requirement irrefutable; and existing treaties afford the same abundant basis. Nevertheless, we should doubt whether King's timely resolution would be called a wise one. Its alleged object is evidently intended to exercise a strong pressure on the French Chamber, in order that it may not assent to the government proposal, because out of it might arise a conflict with the great American Republic, with which its relations are amicable. We fear King's resolution, to say nothing of its adoption by the House of Representatives, will at this moment, probably, produce an impression exactly the reverse from the one intended. The reports hitherto have advised us of a strong majority against the loan in the committee of the Chamber. The government would scarcely have ventured to make a cabinet question of this matter, and so in all probability the project would have come to grief. The interference of the Union, we fear, will induce a hazardous change. People do not like to receive orders from a foreign nation, especially when they are inclined to Calvinism. Had Freycinet, in the introduction of his new proposal, really entertained an arrière-peusée, the "action of the Americans" will come in very opportunely for them to take the lead in the game of "national pride." It would not be the first experience in our diplomatic history in which resolutions, wellmeant but maladroitly introduced, have brought about precisely the opposite effect from that intended. And American patriots have very often played the rôle of the well-known bear, which trying to prevent the fly from disturbing the slumbers of his well-beloved master, planted a stunning blow with his paw on the nose of the latter.

Las Novedades, New York, June 30.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

A MEMBER of Congress from Louisiana, Mr. King, has considered it expedient to re-echo in the House of Representatives the opposition, as irate as inexplicable, that from its inception the great enterprise of Lesseps has encountered among a great number of Americans. The member from Louisiana has introduced and proposed nothing less than a direct notification to the French government threatening the "displeasure" of the United States if the projected "interference" in the subject of the canal be permitted. This suffices to indicate the character of the measure which he has submitted to the approval of his colleagues, and which we do not believe will meet with success before Congress. The previous exaggerations, which we cannot think will be taken into consideration by the House, were brought to the notice of the public almost at the same time as the telegrams from Paris upon the examination of the proposed authorization by the French Chamber and the conclusions of the engineer, Mr. Rousseau, in his report to the government respecting the works on the enterprise and the probabilities of its accomplishment. These opinions do not seem to be very favorable, the more so as we should not lose sight of the bias resolutely opposed to the project which they bring to light. This we already knew of, and to those who did not a perusal of the leading article which the Herald publishes to-day upon the subject will suffice to convince. It is to be noted that the president of the committee of the French Chamber, to whom the subject was referred, declares himself categorically as a partisan to the canal enterprise, as are, indeed, an immense majority of the French themselves, the opposition here and there of a deputy being directed against the concrete point, which restricts his opposition to any participation of the government in the undertaking. There is no necessity to dwell upon the weighty reasons which verify this opinion. That which it is important to establish is the true character of the opposition of the Chamber which has been so much accentuated-an opposition limited to the intervention of the government in that which is, and ought to be, the absolute responsibility of the canal company, but which, it is sought to demonstrate, is adverse to the scheme itself. A pretension like this is the less probable when it is a question of France, when more than among any other people there is faith and enthusiasm in the Panama projet without taking into account the vast interests which depend upon its realization, and in whose behalf Mr. de Lesseps, to-day as full of hope as ever, asks the necessary authorization for the emission of the new loan.

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United States with respect to the outside world. It will be the way by which our shipping will reach the Pacific States, and that way must be freely open to us. It will also be a way by which Southern American States' shipping can reach us. This leaves our Atlantic coast more accessible to possible enemies than it was before. These and other considerations involved require that our Government should watch keenly every step France or any other government may take with respect to the canal. The canal once built will always be a means of access from one ocean to the other, and settlements made now will influence our own political and mercantile affairs for generations to come. Prudent and foreseeing action on our part is therefore necessary, if we would aid the future welfare of our country. The Panama canal is a French project, carried on by French people, by means of French capital. Being thus in the hands of a foreign people, the question naturally arose as to the attitude of the French government in relation to it. If that government were in any way taking part in the work so as to give it claims and authority over it which might, in certain contingencies of national politics or trade, be used to our disadvantage, interference on the part of our Government would be required for the defense of our own rights and of the public safety. Some time ago our Government interrogated that of France upon this point. The satisfactory. answer was returned that the Panama canal project of Monsieur de Lesseps was entirely an enterprise of private citizens, in which the French government incurred no responsibility. Since then that government has taken direct action with respect to the construction of the canal; action which, on its face, appears to connect it directly with the project. It has authorized a French national loan in aid of the work to the amount of 600,000,000 francs, an authorization which the Chambers have yet to act upon.

San Francisco Chronicle (Ind.), June 30.

WE incline to the belief that it will turn out that Mr. King has alarmed himself needlessly. French finances are not in a condition which would warrant the government in adding $100,000,000 or so to the national debt for the construction of a canal in a foreign country. And the French know perfectly well that we could not suffer France, as a nation, to gain a foothold in Central America without at any rate. a protest. One of the lessons of the war and of Maximilian's invasion of Mexico was that self-preservation requires us to maintain the Monroe doctrine at all hazards. There is no saying where we should land, or how long peace could be preserved, if the spirit of colonization which seems to have seived the French and the Germans led them to try to plant colonies on this Continent. No American Government could withstand the pressure that would be brought to bear upon it to resist any such enterprise. It is a question in which all parties are perfectly in accord.

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THE French people, having already dumped into this muammoth ditch eight hundred million francs, must throw as much more, and perhaps two or three times as much more after it, before the work can be completed. In order to raise this unlimited amount, some kind of governmental supervision of the concern seems necessary. It is this possible government paternity of the De Lesseps scheme which led to the introduction of a resolution of urgency in the House of Representatives at Washington on Monday by Representative King, of Louisiana. At the present stage of proceedings it is hardly necessary for Congress to take any decided action in the matter. This Government is already clearly on record against the control of the Isthmus by any European power, and the completion of the canal is a contingency so remote that it is not worth while to get excited about it now.

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WILL HISTORY REPEAT ITSELF?

New York Tribune (Rep.), July 2.

HERE is a lesson which it would be well for Senators and Representatives to take to heart. In 1882 the Republicans had been intrusted with power in the House, after that body had been controlled by the Democrats for several years. The appropriation for rivers and harbors had been only $8,000,000 or $9,000,000 for some years prior to 1881, but had been disgracefully expanded by the Democratic House to $11,450,000 for the year 1882. The people having rebuked this and other misconduct by the election of a Republican House, that body proceeded to appropriate $18,738,875 for river and harbor purposes, so called. It was the belief of Senators and Representatives at that time that the people were either too ignorant to comprehend what was done or too indifferent as to the expendi ture of their money, or that they favored heavy appropriations for this object. Probably there are Members of Congress at this time who console themselves with similar notions. Let us see how it turned out in the election of 1882. Out of 152 Republican members of the House which had passed the outrageous River and

Harbor bill, just 59 were re-elected. Out of 132 members from Northern States,
only 54 were sustained by re-election. Out. of 20 Republican members from
Southern States only 5 were re-elected. On the other hand, 25 Democrats were
re-elected from the Northern States, and a large proportion of the Democratic
Representatives from the South. This River and Harbor bill, in its modern
shape, as an agglomeration of all the jobs and swindles that can be put together
under that name, is a favorite measure with Democratic leaders at the South,
who want to get all the money out of the Government they possibly can, and do
not care how soon it is forced into repudiation. The South, where popular elec-
tions in the true sense are scarcely known and certain knots of conspirators con-
trol the election of Representatives, willingly sustains members who vote to waste
public money or to degrade the public currency or to push the Treasury toward
the brink of bankruptcy, but the North does not. New York re-elected in that year
only 5 Republican Representatives, Massachusetts only 5, New Jersey only 1, Ohio 5,
Illinois 6, Indiana 4, Iowa 3, and Kansas 3. In most of the Northern States a clear
majority of all the Republican members in the River and Harbor Congress were
elected to stay at home, and so overwhelming was the defeat in many cases, where
members who had misbehaved were nevertheless renominated, that Democrats
came in with a decided majority in the House. But how was it in the Senate?
There are Senators who fancy that they can afford to disregard public opinion.
But out of 12 Northern Senators whose terms expired March 4, 1883, only 4 Re-
publicans from the Northern States were re-elected: 6 Republicans were left at
home and other Republicans chosen in their stead; 1 Democratic Senator was
retired and I re-elected. From the Southern States, on the other hand, out
of 13 Senators 9 were re-elected, all Democrats. One Democrat was replaced by
a Readjuster, 2 were replaced by other Democrats, I Republican was ousted to
make room for a Democrat, and 9 Democrats were sustained by a re-election. It
may be that the lesson which these events teach will not be wholly lost upon the
Republicans of the Northern States. They may expect to find Southern Senators
and Representatives, who depend not upon the favor of the people, but upon the
control wielded by a few Democratic managers, voting for the most lavish expendi-
tures. It would suit the Democratic managers at the South to have the Treasury
pushed into repudiation. But it would not suit the people of the North, and they
control the election of Senators and Representatives in the Northern States, as
those learned to their sorrow who disregarded public opinion in 1882.

THE POLITICAL VALUE OF COURAGE.
New York Evening Post (Ind.), July 1.

truth on a national scale as Governors Rusk and Robinson have in their respective
States. He had the courage to stand out against the demands of Democrats when
those demands required him to break his pledges, and his manliness in living up
to his word has already given him a strength with the people which even the
malcontent politicians recognize to be irresistible. Mr. Cleveland's steadily grow.
ing popularity is primarily due to the deepening belief that he is an honest man
with courage enough to defy his party when it is in the wrong. Such object-
lessons as these have long been needed.

THE NEW SOUTH IDEA.

Nashville American (Dem.), July 1.

THE New York Star, an able, sturdy and reliable Democratic journal, prints some very sensible ideas in regard to much of the disgusting and hypocritical cant which we hear from a certain class in the South, about a "new South," "progressive policy," and such other inane and meaningless catchwords, which many of those who use them associate with schemes for plundering the Treasury and taxing the people. The Star refers to this class as "that small element in the South which seems to think that the only road to prosperity for the Southern people lies across all of the principles and convictions they ever professed. Because the South was worsted in a contest over slavery, this little clique wants to put aside everything distinctively Southern, and involve in one common condemnation the wisdom and the folly, the virtues and the faults of the old South.'. Such a policy does not represent the wishes of the Southern people, and so long as honor and self-respect continue among them they will never assent to it. Reasonable men at the North would be sorry to see them do so. The little clique that shouts for a Brumagem 'new South,' that shall be an imitation New England instead of its own honest self, does not represent the Southern people, and least of all does it represent the Southern Democracy." There are a few of this class right here in Tennessee. They seem to have imbibed a rooted antipathy to all the customs, opinions, ideas, and characteristics of the Southern people that distinguish them from the Puritans of New England. They will never be satisfied until under their progressive leadership Tennessee can rival the proudest commonwealth of Puritandom in the manufacture of wooden nutmegs and basswood hams. Under the specious plea of "changed conditions" and a "new order of things"-expressions to which they attach no definite idea-they seek to make the South hateful in her own eyes and denounce every idea that has not sprung up since the war or been transplanted from New England as bourbon and fossilized. With some, this sort of talk proceeds from the selfish object to further special interests; with others it is the empty babble of political upstarts who wish to be thought wise and progressive, and vainly imagine that they can accomplish this object by uttering the platitudes which have been put into their mouths. There are no "changed conditions order of things" that demand any radical change of policies and political doctrines. The war destroyed slavery and impoverished the people, but it did not necessitate any revolution in political thought. It only made it necessary that the South should acquiesce in good faith in the result and turn with renewed energy to the building up of the waste of war. The South is the South and has no reason to be ashamed of herself, nor any reason to become New-Englandized in order to be prosperous. If these progressive statesmen are so deeply disgusted with their own people and have so great a fondness for those of New England, there is nothing to prevent their exodus to that balmy clime. The South can not afford to surrender her individuality, nor give up her convictions to retain them.

A FEW weeks ago timid politicians throughout the country were thrown into a state of the most amusing confusion by the wild demands of "labor," and they were ready to go to any lengths to appease the "labor vote." Those were the days when demagogues at Washington vied with each other in making absurd bids for the support of organized labor, until the climax was finally capped by the sober request of a member of a Congressional committee that Mr. Powderly would suggest such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as seemed to him desirable in his capacity as Master Workman of the Knights of Labor. While the politicians were in this state of demoralization serious labor troubles broke out in Milwaukee, and the question was presented to Gov. Rusk whether he should try to gain the support of the "labor vote" in his approaching canvass for another term by temporizing with law-breakers, or should rigorously enforce the laws and take the consequences. He did not hesitate an instant, but called out the troops, ordered them to fire upon the mob, threatened to arrest a seditious alderman unless he "shut up," and suppressed the disturbance immediately. The result is that he enjoys to day a popularity in Wisconsin such as no previous governor ever gained, and is sure not only to be renominated without opposition in his own party, but also to be re-elected by a large majority. The display of courage which he made during the Milwaukee crisis instantly made him the hero of the State and won him the admiration of the country. About the same time Illinois suffered from similar labor troubles, East St. Louis being practically seized and controlled by a mob. The situation demanded the same prompt and severe treatment as Gov. Rusk administered in Milwaukee; but Gov. Oglesby, of Illinois, was afraid of offending the "labor vote" if he applied force. He dilly-dallied, allowed the lawbreakers to interrupt railroad communication for weeks, and took no steps to restore order until public sentiment drove him reluctantly to action. Fresh troubles breaking out at Chicago a few weeks later, he pursued the same cowardly course, has permitted traffic on the Lake Shore road to be interrupted for days when he might have put a stop to the disturbances within twenty-four hours. What is the result? The feeling in the country at large, as well as in his own State, is expressed by the Indianapolis Journal when it says, in reference to a mention of his name for the Vice Presidency, "With his East St. Louis and Chicago record of demagogy and imbecility, Gov. Oglesby could not be elected to anything." The Republican Legislature of Massachusetts recently passed, by large majorities in each branch, a bill exempting soldiers from competitive examinations, the motive being a desire to capture the "soldier vote" and the vote of that element which does not believe in civil-service reform. So demoralized has the party grown that the managers actually prided themselves upon having made a good political investment in passing a bill which, it was openly admitted, aimed to take the life out of the civil-service law. Gov. Robinson might have signed the bill and sheltered himself behind the plea that it was a Republican measure, and that, as it had passed the house by more than a two-thirds majority, it would be of no use for him to veto it; but he recognized the duty of thwarting, if possible, this disgraceful assault upon the reform, and vetoed the bill in a message so convincing that it changed enough votes in the house to break the two-thirds majority and thus defeat the scheme. The message was no sooner published than the independent governor reaped the reward of doing his duty in the most hearty applause of the people, and he is to-day a vastly more popular man than before, simply by reason of standing out against his party. President Cleveland has illustrated the same

and

SOUTHERN

CIVILIZATION.

Memphis Appeal (Dem.), July 1.

or "new

THE South is persistently held up to the world as representing a low order of civilization. Apprehending the old charge of disloyalty and fearing any defense would be attributed to a desire to perpetuate sectional hatreds, the Southern people have submitted to these sneers at their civilization so long that silence is regarded as a confession that we are a semibarbaric people. These misrepresentations have retarded the flow of capital to Southern enterprises and obstructed immigration. Rev. H. Melville Jackson, D. D., of Virginia, comes to the defense of Southern customs, Southern institutions, and in an address before the Washington Literary Society he adduces facts and figures which triumphantly vindicate the civilization of the South. In speaking of our material prosperity he shows that no people could have achieved such marvelous results who were not endowed with all the best qualities of intelligent and vigorous manhood. A few years ago the world stood amazed at the comparative ease with which France endured the loss of $1,000,000,000, paid as a war indemnity to Germany. And yet who correctly estimates the fact that the South, with not one-half the population of France, and in her palmiest days with not one-tenth of her taxable values, suffered in one day by the emanci pation of her slaves the loss of double that enormous amount, the loss of not less than $2,000,000,000, and this at the close of a long, exhaustive and harrying war? In discussing the subject of Southern education, the Rev. Dr. Jackson declared that, considering the poverty of the South and the large class of illiterates, she had demonstrated her appreciation of the value of education, and had achieved an enviable record. He announced the startling fact that there were in Virginia more young men matriculated in the colleges, in proportion to the population, than in any State in this Union; more than in any country in this world excepting Scotland, and more than in Scotland if we lay out of the account our colored population. In his defense of Southern civilazation, Dr. Jackson showed that in the New England States pauperism prevails in the proportion of 44 to every 10,000 of the entire population. In the Southern States the proportion is 13 to every 10,000 of the entire population. In the native New England population the ratio is 47 to every 10,000. In the entire white population of the South, native and foreign the ratio is only 14 to 10,000. In the foreign population of the New England

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States the ratio is 35 to every 10,000. Among the colored people of the Southern
States the ratio is 13 in every 10,000. Next, as to criminal statistics: In the United
States census table of criminal statistics we are told that in the entire New England
population the proportion is 11 in 10,000; in the entire Southern population it is
8 in 10,000. In the native New England population it is 8 in every 10,000;
in the entire white population of the South, native and foreign, the proportion of
criminals is a little over 41⁄2 in every 10,000. In the foreign New England
population the proportion of criminals is 20 in every 10,000; in the colored popula-
tions of the Southern States it is about 13 in 10,000. Again he made comparison
in religious facilities, in the matter of church accommodations: In New England
there is one church for every 643 inhabitants; in the South there is one church for
every 518 inhabitants. These facts adduced by Dr. Jackson show that the persis-
tent imputations made upon the civilization of the South are groundless and false.

HOW ONE QUESTION SETTLES ANOTHER.
Springfield Republican, (Ind.), July 2.

COPIAH County, Miss., where Print Matthews, a Republican, was shot at the polls some years ago for voting the Republican ticket and encouraging the negroes to vote, has just had a lively temperance campaign and has gone for prohibition by from 1,500 to 2,500 majority. At Hazelhurst, where the murder occurred, the prohibitory majority was 165 out of a total vote of 489. Some of the precincts in the county went nearly unanimous for prohibition. The colored vote was on both sides, and the women participated in the campaign freely in behalf of prohibition. Cannon were fired and bells rung over the result. This vote is the more noticeable as being the second time the Prohibitionists have carried the county, and a proof that the improvement in the good order and prosperity of the county is appreciated and recognized by the people themselves. The same work is going on in other counties. Bishop Galloway, of the Methodist church, recently elected, is the leader of the Prohibitionist party in the State. Thus, by the subsidence of the feeling between sections and races has come to the front a pressing local question of a moral character, the settlement of which has done more to advance the popular standard of right, of justice between man and man, and of tolerance for differences of political opinion than could be effected by any amount of angry campaign denunciation at the North, or by efforts to have Congress exert an external pressure upon Southern opinion. The negro at the polls now in Copiah has a powerful local party on his side and in favor of his casting his legal vote and having it legally counted.

Manchester, N. H., Union (Dem.), July 2.

THE ladies were largely instrumental in effecting this reformation, and Copiah, as a result, has become the most orderly county in Mississippi. Public school facilities have increased and the better condition of affairs is having its effect in other parts of the State. The movement for prohibition is spreading to other sections of the State, and it all comes in as evidence that the New South, given a chance, is fast freeing itself from the burdens that held it back. While the races

were kept in unnatural conflict for selfish political ends, it was impossible to inaugurate reforms in the habits or conditions of Southern life that were absolutely necessary to its well-being. Once free from the bondage of the Republican party enforced on the colored vote, local sentiment soon found the way to better local conditions. These observations are true of the South as a whole, where temperance workers tell us that the cause is most heartily entered into of any part of the country.

Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.), July 4.

SURPRISING advance is shown by the news that the Prohibitionists have carried Copiah county, Mississippi. It is evident that such a result in that district will necessitate one of two things. Either the old methods of conducting campaigns will have to be reformed or prohibition on experiment must be abandoned. It is evident that men cannot be wrought up to the shooting point on cold water; and the absence of stronger campaign material seems certain, if prohibition is adhered to, to imperil the political solidity of that heretofore murderously solid locality. Prohibition starts out with no slight strength in its favor, the no-license party having swept the county by 2,000 majority. If upon experiment it reforms the politics of Copiah county, few people will care to dispute the assertion that there must be some good in the new idea. It is certain that prohibition is making far greater strides in the South than in the North. It remains to be seen how that locality will take the actual experience of getting along without its whisky.

Rochester Herald (Rep.), July 2.

MANY Englishmen have settled in various parts of the South, and it is said that they are advising their friends that that section has a great future. And why shouldn't they? The South is growing rapidly. In the States that were first to abandon the proscriptive policy a great many English and Scotch may be found permanently located and, as a rule, prospering in business. They are but an advance guard, for they are overwhelmed with letters from their former neighbors and acquaintances, asking for information, and intimating a speedy emigration. The larger number of these English and Scotch comers are located in Florida, where each nationality has several settlements. Three colonies, two English and one Scotch, recently located in Manatee county, the newly opened up part of south Florida, which is said, in soil, climate, water and fruit producing capacity, to surpass all other parts of the State.

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Copiah county has just pronounced for prohibition, and ranged itself under the banner of those surpassingly virtuous and amiable persons, the teetotalers. The campaign, which has been going on for a month, amid great excitement, ended in a vote last Tuesday, with a majority of nearly 1,000 in favor of prohibition. "Citizens old and young worked faithfully for the cause," says a dispatch to the New Orleans Times Democrat; at Beauregard "the ladies and children turned out to the polls to assist in electioneering; one other precinct voted solid for teetotalism; and when the returns indicated how the county had gone the church bells were rung and an old Southern cannon boomed in exultation over the victory. Philadelphia Press (Rep.), July 5.

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THIS is much more satisfactory news than came from Copiah in 1883. Then Print Matthews was shot, just as he deposited a Republican ballot in the box, by the man chosen by lot to assassinate him if he dared to go to the polls. He was killed to frighten the black voters. It is probable that in this prohibition election the colored citizens were allowed to vote, and, considering the large majority for prohibition, many of them must have supported the temperance cause. As one concession to the colored people has resulted so happily, it is to be hoped that the white Prohibitionists will stand by their colored allies in future and aid them in securing their rights at the ballot-box.

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IN THE trial of Hans Holdorf, in the Theiss case in New York, growing out of the boycott of the Theiss saloon, the defendant was found guilty. Judge Barrett, in the charge to the jury, used the following language: "A certain thing may be lawful when done by an individual, but when done by a combination of individuals, then it may become unlawful. No man can stand up against a combination, and, when he finds his fellow-men so arraigned against him, he is bound to fall." An upright judge! A worthy judge! He has sounded the keynote to the whole labor subject, did he but know it. No man can stand up against a combination! Of course not. That is why we boycott. But the boycotted individual always has an opportunity to make his peace. The door for his return is always open. Or. ganized labor does not seek revenge; it only desires to enforce justice. What may be right in an individual may be wrong in a combination! Precisely so. And therefore are we at war with combinations of capital-monopolies, syndicates, corporations, corners-established to crush out individual effort and rob the people and uproot the right to a share in Heaven's blessings. The individual can not stand up against these combinations. He must go down. There is no door open whereby he may escape. He can not make his peace. He can only give! give! If the methods of these combinations are not lawful, they can quickly be made so by the power of wealth, or the law may be deprived of its force and effect. You are right, most worthy judge. No man can stand against the efforts of a combination. They are falling around you every day, exhausted, starving, dying, while the judicial ermine is trailed in the dust. The coal combinations are starving the miners, the railroad corporations are shooting the strikers, the provision syndicates are robbing the poor, and the power of wealth everywhere is used to crush the people. The only salvation we have is in counter combination. And when we do this we are in danger of the judgment. But this axiom has been established in a New York court of justice: No man can stand up against a combination! "A Daniel come to judgment; yea, a Daniel! I thank thee, Jew, for teaching me this word."

Boston Journal (Rep.), July 3.

It is satisfactory to learn from a New York dispatch that sixteen of the boycotters of Mrs. Landgraf's bakery have been arraigned, and that the judge per. emptorily denied the appeals which were made for delay and set the cases down for immediate trial. While the public attention has been drawn to more extensive labor conspiracies, and sympathy has been concentrated in other quarters, the boycott of this helpless woman's bakery has been enforced relentlessly. She has had comparatively little aid, and her custom has been driven away from her to such an extent that her business is probably hopelessly ruined. The climax of the outrage is reached in the fact that the original cause of the boycott, whatever it may have been, is either forgotten or withdrawn, and the woman is now being punished because she can not pay the sum exacted from her for the expenses of the boycott. The very refinement of cruelty is reached in this practice of first destroying an honest woman's business and then demanding of her that she shall defray the expenses of the operation. It is tolerably clear that the line conspiracy to blackmail is what the offense of these sixteen boycotters amounts to. which separates this feature of the boycott from blackmail is imperceptible. A Before they are through with the courts they will learn how the law regards that sort of offenses in free America. The judge who presides at these trials has explained the law with singular clearness and vigor, and his instructions to the juries have been so enlightening that it has taken only a few moments to reach a verdict. Every boycotter thus far tried has been convicted and sentenced. eral of them are already in the penitentiary, and the sooner the sixteen oppressors of Mrs. Landgraf join the procession, the better will the public be pleased. Brooklyn Eagle (Dem,), July 3

Sev

THE first noteworthy trial of a boycotting case has been finished before Judge Barrett in New York. Three of the men who extorted money from Paul Theiss

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