ceding President would be expiring from day to day. A Democratic President would appoint Democrats to fill vacancies and vice versa, so that parties would balance, and as all the offices would not become vacant at once there would then be no need for hurrying on to Washington by the thousands for offices at the be-. ginning of each Presidential term.

Die New Yorker Staats-Zeitung, July 3.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

THE Contest of the Republican Senators with the President which was maintained for many weeks, through all kinds of subterfuges, ended in the inglorious defeat of the Senators; and this has inflicted no small damage upon the reputation of Mr. Edmunds, the leader who sounded the keynote in the struggle. He probably feels this very sensibly, and it is very explicable that his most earnest wish should be to get even with the Administration for the session, in order that, as a candidate for re-election, he may not have to go before his constituents, or his legis lature, with the stigma of defeat upon him. He has, therefore, before the close of the session, introduced the bill announced yesterday, which, under a specious and even civil-service reform cloak, aims at nothing less than the withdrawal from the President of the right of suspension or removal; and he hopes to pilot it through, under the pressure of the concluding business of the session. If one examines the bill, superficially merely, it seems to invest the President with entirely new and almost unprecedented powers, in causing the Senate to renounce the right of confirmation of an almost countless throng of subordinate office-holders. But Mr. Edmunds is not very ingenuous in this reform. This portion of his resolution is only the bait thrown out to catch the support of short-sighted people for his bill. It is the concession that he makes to reform, in order that he may conceal beneath a thick coat of varnish, of which one really knows nothing, whether it shall be called more reactionary than revolutionary. The President will no longer be permitted to suspend or remove office-holders, objectionable even upon valid grounds, but in each case must introduce a process for removal before a Federal judge. For a measure of reform, the Edmunds' bill is decidedly an abortion, and as a maneuver, to avenge on the President his defeat in the "Document" controversy, it is altogether-too thin.

Boston Herald (Ind.), July 5.

THE great relief which would be afforded to the President by transferring to other hands the selection of two or three thousand of the minor officials would alone

legislation will not fail to excite close scrutiny. For while the Democrats are not, as a rule, opposed to civil-service reform, they are at the same time willing to wait until the present law inaugurating that reform has been fully tried before extending its ramifications, either directly or indirectly. There is one thing we are glad to note about Senator Edmunds in this connection. He has not even waited to be called upon for his "reasons" for introducing the bill, but has voluntarily diagnosed the motives which controlled him and has promptly given his diagnoses to the press. Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), July 1.

REFORM in appointments will best come by an improved enforcement of present laws and a repeal of such as were passed merely to hamper Presidents, like the Tenure of Office law, passed in the time of Andrew Johnson. Americans understand the doctrine of such a use of the confirming power as makes confirmations obligatory, where no personal objections exist as to the nominee. They understand direct appointments, not depending on the confirming power at all. They understand direct power of removal at the will of the Executive. These propositions are political and logical simples, with business sense on their side. The measure of Mr. Edmunds is both a novelty and complexity.

Columbus, Ohio, Dispatch (Ind.), July 2.

THERE seems to be a great deal of good hard sense in Mr. Edmunds' bill. A new President's embarrassment at finding men of opposite politics fixed in office under him is nothing to that he must experience on finding incumbents in office neglecting their duties in the expectation of removal, while hundreds of officeseekers are crowding about him, making it well-nigh impossible for him to make a judicious selection for any place. Besides, the President's immediate advisers, and practically all who hold close official relationship with him, would be his political friends under any circumstances, and the embarrassment of the opposition would be reduced to a minimum.

Philadelphia Times (Ind.), July 2.

It is evident that the Vermont Senator is making another effort to restore himself to the good graces of the thick-and-thin party workers, whose affections were somewhat alienated by his coolness toward Blaine two years ago; but it will not improve the political prospects of any man in public life to take the side of the strikers and heelers of both parties on an issue which their interests are directly hostile to those of the people at large. Enlightened communities are gradually learning that responsibility must be concentrated, not divided, in order to reach efficiency of administration, and no step backward from this principle will be taken at Washington.

Boston Journal (Rep.), July 5.

Albany Journal (Rep.), July 2.

Buffalo Courier (Dem.), July 5.

Washington Post (Dem.), July 2.

Washington Critic (Ind.), July 2.

THAT feature of Mr. Edmund's proposition regarding appointments which provides for a fixed tenure of four years, and which makes removals possible only after examination before a United States judge, is not at all acceptable to the civilservice reformers. They argue that a large proportion of the things which make a clerk incompetent are small things, which it would seem absurd to lay before a and inefficient clerk. The reform idea is not to limit the power of removal, but, by preventing political appointments, to take away the temptation to political removals.

Chicago News (Ind.), July 3.

To give the President the unrestricted right to fill many offices independently of the Senate will relieve both him and that body of a dependence on each other which has been, and is likely to be again, used tyranically and arbitrarily, as was the case when the President and Senate clashed as they did in 1865 and 1866 under Johnson's administration. There is no need that the time of the Senate be taken in investigating into the qualifications of postmasters in the country, but the President should solely be responsible for his appointments. The bill is a good one and is worth the consideration of Congress.

Oshkosh Times (Dem.), July 3.

THE truth of the matter probably is that Mr. Edmunds desires to see all responsibility removed from the Senate, giving the executive a free rein, and then hold him strictly to account for all moves he may make that are not strictly in accord with the letter and spirit of the civil-service law. Mr. Edmunds has a long head, and he is shrewd enough to see if the President is to be held accountable for any actions that may be construed to be in violation of the civil-service reform law, the Senate should stand from under and not be made a sharer in the disapproval of the civil-service reformers.

New York Sun (Dem.), July 3.

THIS is another step toward establishing here more perfectly the civil-service systems of England and China; but we fancy that we can see an obstacle to the success of the bill which it can never get over. We refer to the Hon. Grover Cleveland. He would never sign it. Certainly no Democrat could vote for it, for it is as directly opposed to the principles of Democracy as Brother Edmunds and Brother Cleveland were opposed to each other on the matter of the district attor neyship of the eastern district of Alabama.

New York Evening Post (Ind.), July 2. SOME capable men might be found ready to take charge of offices under Mr

Edmunds' bill, but if they did so they would probably at once go to work to break it down. They would let inefficiency and disorder have full swing, and refuse to go into court with trumpery stories about A's coming late, and B's drinking, and C's being unmannerly, and D's spelling badly and blotting his books, until the public offices became public nuisances, and the law was repealed.

Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.), July 2.

THE great trouble is that the bill stands but a slight chance of getting through this session. Congress is already laboring under the pressure of warm weather and appropriation bills, and is not likely to take time to consider and pass upon so important a measure. It may possibly get far enough along to carry the matter over as a live issue to the next session, with some instructions from sundry constituencies thrown in.

New York Herald (Ind.), July 3.

THE bill can never pass; it is only a "bull against the comet." But every friend of Mr. Edmunds must regret that in a fit of petulance he should propose so wrong-headed and fatal a measure, and one which, as he has the reputation of being a civil-service reformer, is sure to bring disrepute upon that reform. He proposes, in fact, to make the old Tweed charter a part of the Federal system. Nashville American (Dem.), July 2.

MR. EDMUNDS' views upon this question have undergone a marvelous change in an incredibly short space of time. It was but a few months ago that he succeeded in committing his party to the policy, or rather to the profession of the policy, of rejecting all nominations because of the President's refusal to submit to the Senate's dictation, thereby stripping him of all power of appointment whatever.

IT can hardly be supposed that the Senate will agree to this proposal, and perhaps Mr. Edmunds does not expect them to do so, but that a man of his age and experience should venture on such a mild form of cynical jocularity, to say the least of it, is peculiar.-Newark News (Dem.), July 5.

THE bill is in line with the growing democratic idea hostile to the confirmatory power of the Senate. It goes only part the way toward the abandonment of that power, but as a step in that direction it will doubtless be heartily welcomed by Democrats.- Omaha Bee (Rep.), July 2.

THE spoils of office may be a political evil, but they are nothing to the pestilence they would prove if dragged into court on the ermine tails of the judges' gowns. Edmunds' panacea is not worth more than Col. Seller's eye water.Pittsburgh Press (Ind.), July 1.

SENATOR EDMUNDS is out with a civil-service reform scheme which leaves it to United States judges to decide whether subordinate officials shall be removed or All that is needed now is to find non-partisan judges.--Baltimore Herald (Ind.), July 3.

not.

SENATOR EDMUNDS has evidently been gathering inspiration from the fountain

of Governor Hill, who believes that all appointments by the President should be made independent of the Senate.-Troy Telegram (Rep.), July 1.

THE scheme is, from a business point of view, simply absurd. The political ad vantages to be had from it are doubtful, and so far as they are real can be more safely had in another way.-N. Y. Times (Ind.), July 2.

THE BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS. New York Sun (Dem.), July 7.

Of the 670 members of the House of Commons 392 had been returned according to the latest summary attainable. Of these 210 are credited to the Conservatives, and 41 to their allies, the Liberal dissentients. In other words, the antagonists of the government begin the fifth day of battle with an aggregate array of 251 seats. On the other side the Gladstonians are said to have 100 and the Parnellites 41, or 141 in all. There are 278 districts to be heard from. Of these the Parnellites are absolutely certain to carry 45, which leaves 233 to he fought over between the friends and the opponents of the present premier. Outof this remnant the Tories and their confederates must capture 90 to reproduce the vote of 341 by which they threw out the home-rule bill on June 7. They must get 85 to ob tain the smallest possible majority of 2 in a full House, or 336 in all. Where are they to get these votes? Can they hope for them in Scotland, where Mr. Goschen, an arch-dissident, and another deserter from the Liberal ranks have been scathingly rebuked? Can they count on them in Wales, where most of the false Liberals who left their leader in the lurch have lacked the courage to seek a renomination? In the English counties, then, if anywhere, the votes needed by the enemies of Gladstone must be won. What Hodge may do no man can tell, but this at all events seems certain, that a downright Tory majority, secured upon the savage platform of renewed coercion, is out of the question. A mongrel majority, made up partly of men who are willing to concede a Dublin Parliament under certain conditions, but who object to ratify the specific scheme proposed by Glad. stone, is unquestionably possible. But even this is not assured, and can not be till we have heard from most of the English counties as well as from Wales and Scotland. New York Mail and Express (Rep.), July 7.

IF in the elections to come the rally of Toryism keeps pace in any notable degree with what is shown at the present moment, it is entirely probable that the three Liberal elements together-Gladstone men, Parnell men, and Liberal Unionists-will be outnumbered by the Tories In that case, the queer result of the effort to do justice to Ireland will be to put the whole British Empire once more under the Tory yoke. Prejudice will have gone so deep that in order to keep Ireland away from the enjoyment of a 'liberal system England will have denied a liberal system and a progressive government to herself. England will be face to face with the logical consequences of a policy inspired by the fear of popular ideas and apprehension of the people, and in forging new chains for Ireland will have supplied some links that the Tories will proceed to fit on her own limbs. There is nothing mean about Salisbury in the sense of his readiness to give effect to the most extremely reactionary policy that is possible in the circumstances. He simply does not believe in progress and liberty; believes, in fact, that the whole liberal theory of the world is a mischievous delusion. He would revive the curfew if he had a chance. He can not, of course, go very far with reactionary policy in the England of to day, but he may be counted upon for the full length of the rope given. It is not the first time in the history of parties that a people have voted away their own hopes and prospects in going forward with blind energy to the accomplishment of some other purpose. They have seen only Ireland in this case, but in voting against her they have put power into the hands of a party that will use it for other purposes, and for some purposes that may surprise the people of England.

Baltimore American (Rep.), July 7.

It is still possible--though highly improbable that Gladstone may make sufficient gains in the agricultural districts to make up his losses. The chances are, however, that these will increase the Conservative majority against him. But, supposing Gladstone to suffer increased disasters, it does not at present seem at all probable that the Tories will have a clear majority. It will require the Tories, the old Whigs and the discontented Liberals, led by Chamberlain, all added together, to make a majority against Gladstone, and it will be a very serious question whether it will be possible to organize a ministry that will stand. Salisbury, Hartington and Chamberlain agree in nothing except opposition to Gladstone. They have proven strong as a party of opposition, but will they be able harmoniously to carry on the government, in the face of so powerful a leader as Gladstone, backed by so solid a following? Will such a ministry be able to do anything at all in the face of Irish obstructive tactics? It is more than doubtful that Salisbury would take office unless he has a clear Conservative majority. Hartington might form a coalition ministry and make the effort, but it could hardly be successful. Yet, the fact that this great question has been submitted to the British people, and has received so enormous a popular support, marks it out for ultimate success. England alone opposes it. Ireland, Scotland and Wales support home rule. In this fact alone, carefully considered, there is a vast significance.

Brooklyn Times (Rep.), July 6.

THE most encouraging news that has crossed the Atlantic since the elections opened comes to-day from Edinburgh. In that city, in spite of the bitter hostility of the Scotsman, the Liberals have swept the field, winning two seats that had been held by so-called "Unionists" and giving to the Gladstone delegation from Midlothian a clear gain of three seats. The most gratifying feature of the Edinburgh election is the defeat, by a large majority, of the renegade Goschen, who has held a position of leadership in the ranks of the seceders. Goschen is a man of brains and ability; his influence among the Liberals was scarcely less than that of

EX-SENATOR FRANCIS KERNAN expresses the opinion that if the Presidential Nominating Conventions should be held to-morrow and Mr. Blaine should be the Republican candidate, the Democrats would at once nominate Mr. Cleveland as his opponent. Is not this an error of judgment? The Democratic convention would, of course, have the greatest respect for Mr. Cleveland, and would, beyond doubt, indorse the honesty and general excellence of his administration quite as warmly as the Republican convention of 1884 indorsed the admirable administration of President Arthur, as the convention of 1880 indorsed the administration of President Hayes, and as the convention of 1876 indorsed the administration of General Grant, without giving either of them the nomination. At the same time it appears to us that the object of the convention would be to select as the party's candidate under such circumstances some one from whom Mr. Blaine could not draw the large number of Democratic votes that was cast for him in 1884. The narrow escape of the Democracy from defeat in 1884 was due to the fact that a large and important body of Democrats turned from Mr. Cleveland, some to Gen. Butler and some to Mr. Blaine. Would a Democratic convention, if held to-morrow, come to the conclusion that the stalwart Democratic defection from Mr. Cleveland would be less now than it was in 1884; that the great labor and IrishAmerican Democratic vote would be less likety to prefer Mr. Blaine to Mr. Cleveland now than it did then? And if the judgment of the convention should fail to reach such a conclusion, would not its wisdom point out the expediency of selecting a candidate who would solidly unite the Democracy and prevent any of its natural allies from going over to the enemy? In the event suggested by Mr. Kernan would not Gov. David B. Hill be a more probable nominee than Mr. Cleveland? Gov. Hill carried this State last year by a plurality more than ten times larger than that secured by Mr. Cleveland in the preceding year's Presidential election. His success was due to the fact that he satisfied the Democratic party and received its solid support. * * * Certainly Mr. Francis Kernan's opinion is erroneous if the object of the Democratic convention should be to select a candidate who would defeat Mr. Blaine in New York; and can it be doubted that the loss of the electoral vote of New York would make the success of a Democratic President almost impossible?

Philadelphia Record (Ind.).

UNLESS the Republicans in the short time that intervenes till the next Presidential election can take a stand against the advancing strides of railroad monopoly, and in favor of revenue reform and other sound measures of public policy, they will be able to give no reason for a political change. The party that stands still is soon left in the rear in the march of political development. For two years the Republican party has been only marking time while the country has been going forward. There is nothing, unfortunately, in the proceedings of the Republican convention at Harrisburg that indicates a movement in advance. The refusal to sustain the provisions of the constitution of Pennsylvania forbidding unjust freight discriminations and the absorption of competing lines of railroad betrayed a subserviency to corporate power. The prohibitory liquor resolution was a timid reaction toward the tyranny of a majority over the personal tastes and customs of a minority, involving at the same time a sweeping confiscation of property. If, instead of marching forward, the Republicans should be led back by their leaders to a second candidacy of Blaine, a revolution in their favor would hardly be possible. In that case the people would not be compelled to decide between two decaying parties that have outlived their usefulness, but between the strong administration of Mr. Cleveland, with its record of faithful service, and the dire probabilities involved in a four-years term of Blaine. In making their decision they would not be greatly perplexed.

Baltimore Sun (Ind.).

IN the Republican ranks, notwithstanding the dreadful tattoo marks, which can never fade away, the most conspicuous figure is still the vanquished leader of 1884. When thrown to the ground, as he has been time and again, he seems to take renewed life and strength, and commands as much as ever the element of enthusiasm in his party. While it is highly probable that Mr. Blaine will never be President, it looks very much as if the work of decapitation will have to be repeated before he is finally disposed of. In the meantime his friends and foes are alike watchful, as he belongs to a class of heroes whose armor is full of vulnerable points, and it is difficult to tell what a day may bring forth. The law of change goes rapidly on with Mr. Blaine, even if the change is always for the worse. In the Democratic party, Mr. Cleveland is the central figure, whose position is at once his strength and his weakness. Others may share responsibility, and play fast and loose with "insinuating rogues" who want favors and offices, and who rule conventions. But he who defends the constitution under his oath of office, and who finds himself the leader in a great reform, cannot palter with principles or place-hunters, but must stand in the very front of the march, and take the chances of conflict with that "wild and weaponed throng" he is sure to meet.

peculiar fashion. Since Mr. Holman returned to Washington from Indiana, whither he went to fix up his fences, there has been a great deal of talk among the Democracy about renominating Mr. Cleveland in 1888. But the Sun will not have it so, and it has, in a double-leaded article, nominated the Grand Old Man of Greystone, who "could have won in 1880, as well as in 1884, and who can win in 1888, and whose name is Samuel Jones Tilden." Of course it is, but it should be remembered that it was given him a long, long while ago, and that he has borne it so long, especially as a seeker for the Presidential office, as to render it somewhat trite and stale. Two years soon come and go, but yet in two years very extraordinary changes may and do occur in political life. President Cleveland is evidently growing stronger in the admiration of his party, and he may, before 1888, grow strong enough to secure the renomination; but as for Mr. Tilden, he can grow only weaker, for he is in no position of `vantage as Mr. Cleveland is to strengthen his hold upon the regards of the Democracy. His greatest element of popularity was the Fraud Cry of 1876. But that is a very old cry now, and will be older in 1888, with no power whatever to set the echoes flying for Mr. Tilden in another campaign.

Boston Herald (Ind.).

WHEN Field-Marshal Halstead, of the Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette, comes to the seashore in the summer and feeds on clams, he always gets a clearer view of the political situation, and sometimes, like the clam, he opens his shell and puts out his sensitive feelers. The clam season is now open, and the free-feeding Halstead's initials appear at the foot of a letter in the Commercial-Gazette, under date of New York, which is opposite Coney Island. The effect of the clam diet appears in the remark that "Senator Sherman is the best equipped man for President," but there is a lack of clearness in the vague observations about the possibibilities of another candidate from Ohio, and one from California. What can he mean? Those last clams must have been muddy. He recognizes Mr. Blaine as an important factor, either, for himself or somebody else, but seems to see him darkly as through a clamshell. This diet works wonders, but it must be continued a few days more to get rid of the mud. Halstead ought to live forever by the sea. He, if any man, could tell what the wild waves are saying.

Concord, N. H., Monitor (Rep.);

THE Republican candidate in 1888 will be some stalwart and representative Republican. No Mugwump and no man suspected of any sympathy with the bolters will be nominated. There is no likelihood that the Democrats will re-nominate Mr. Cleveland. On the contrary, the indications are that they will select some outspoken disciple of Jackson. Such promises to be the situation. What will be the attitude of the professional reformers? They can nominate a third ticket, and can, perhaps, thus make possible the election of the "incorrigible spoilsman," who is morally certain to be the Democratic candidate. What will be gained to the cause of reform? They have destroyed their influence in both parties. They have antagonized and incensed the Republican party, the only party from which they ever received, or were likely to receive, any encouragement or aid. What have they gained? What are they likely to gain? Have they reformed anything or anybody?

Murat Halstead in Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (Rep.). SUCH, at any rate, is Mr. Blaine's power, that he could name the next Republican candidate for the Presidency. There are, in a larger view than ever before taken, many reasons why there would be wisdom in selection the presiding officer of the Senate of the United States, the Hon. John Sherman, the best equipped of American statesmen, all things well weighed, for the Chief Magistracy. One curious proposition has been quietly put with a view, perhaps, to stimulate thought, and it is that Senator Sherman might name another Ohio man for the Presidency, and by aid of a judicious New York combination, win with him; but this, I fear, is premature. Another is that if Blaine and Sherman would put away all personal Presidential aspirations, they could find in California a stick of timber that would tower like one of the great, red cedars of that State, and that duly decorated would surely be struck by the Presidential lightning.

Detroit Tribune (Rep.).

In view of all the circumstances, the comment of the leading Republican newspaper in Ohio that "two candidates for the Presidency have been suddenly sidetracked and derailed," is none too severe. The remark of the same paper that it is "better that the discovery which led to this result should have been made now than at a later period," is also timely. It will have the approval of earnest Republicans in all sections of the country who believe in the absolute and constant faithfulness to his trust of every public official, whether of high or low degree. Messrs. Logan and Evarts have made a mistake. And if they do not know that now they will be fully convinced of it in due course of time and of political events.

vious time.

New York Sun (Dem.).

INSTEAD of growing weaker, Mr. Tilden is far stronger in the respect, esteem, and affectionate confidence of the American people than he ever was at any preIf he would consent to be nominated for the Presidency in 1888, there is no man, no influence, no attraction, no bewilderment that could possibly prevent his nomination by the united and unanimous Democracy of the country. No matter who should come up with an attempt to take the honor from him, the convention would be deaf as a stone to all persuasion and all promise, and would be for Tilden and for nobody else. Nor would it be merely the echoes that would fly in such a campaign. The principal flying would be done by the Republican party. It would be put to rout and utterly smashed forever. There would be no doubt about the meaning of such a victory, nor any subsequent discussion as to the nature or the value of its achievement.

Troy Telegram (Rep.).

THE Baltimore News wants a business man elected President next time. The occupation of every President thus far has been given either as "lawyer," "soldier," or "politician," the lawyers leading with sixteen, soldiers five, and politi

THE quarrel of the Administration and the anti-discrimination factions has been very bitter, and a short month ago there was no more prospect of the Democrats renominating Mr. Cleveland for President in 1888 than there was of their electing the Comte de Paris King of France. But all this has been changed, and Mr. Randall's ready reply to Mr. Reed's taunt about the two wings of the party flapping in different directions is to become the war-cry of the Democracy. Mr. Randall's retort was, "Hereafter the wings of the Democratic party will flap together." Of course they will; they always do flap together whenever there is voting to be done.

Kansas City Times (Dem.).

THE people had got a glimpse of the man they wanted, and they sent for him through the Democratic Chicago convention. Having secured their choice and realized their expectations, they will not be slow to show their displeasure when the politicians of the old regimes propose their restoration. The Democratic party, for twenty years more or less discordant, is having its lines surveyed and its boundaries marked by the White House engineer, and is making preparation to settle down indefinitely in the old homestead, which for a greater part of a century had been in the possession of aliens and strangers to its faith and family traditions.

"An Old Observer" in The New York Sun (Dem.).

You appear to say, ex cathedra, or as one having authority and not as the scribes, that Governor Hill is "convinced that if Cleveland can't win in '88 there is no other New Yorker who can." Have you forgotten the Grand Old Man of Greystone? There is one who could have won in 1880, as well as in 1884, and he can win in 1888, and his name is Samuel Jones Tilden. He is not so old as William Ewart Gladstone, and is equally vigorous, as witness his letter to Congress on harbor defences, and his other recent utterances ! Hosts would like to vote for him again, and thousands will vote for no other Democrat while he survives.

New York World (Dem.).

THE boycotting of Logan and Evarts by the Republicans of Ohio is proceeding with great vigor. Their failure to support the resolution to open up the Payne bribery case has deprived them of the love, confidence, and respect of the John Sherman wing of the party. The Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette is printing letters and despatches from all parts of the State denouncing the recreant Senators. "Dead as a Smelt" is one significant heading. "Their Presidential Prospects Forever Blasted" is another. Without Ohio, Logan and Evarts must be counted out of the struggle. But what does Private Dalzell say?

Pittsburgh Press (Ind.).

Galveston News (Dem.).

QUITE a number of absolutely disinterested patriots are going about the country giving it as their very patriotic opinion that the Republican party should not again nominate Blaine for the Presidency. Mr. Blaine says that he is "out of politics," and has nothing to interfere with the work on his new book except a few agricultural fairs, at which he has been invited to make a few bucolic remarks. So there would appear to be no cause for public alarm on his account. By the way, President Cleveland is also down for entry at a number of rural fairs. He must be "out of politics," too, like Blaine.

New York Evening Post (Ind.).

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.).

FOR our part we have been convinced for several weeks past that it was only a question of time when all the Blaine advocates and Blaine himself would discover that it would not be advisable for him to run again. If he were to make another campaign, somebody would have to pay a tremendous bill of expenses, and the prospect of paying it and being defeated, too, is not enticing. The idea that it would be wiser to nominate somebody who would unite rather than split the Republican party, seems also to have gained a foothold in even Blaine men's minds.

Brooklyn Times (Rep.).

Auburn Dispatch (Ind.).

IT is an unquestioned fact that the Blaine boom has grown stronger every week since the last election. If the Mugwumps don't like it, they can console themselves with the reflection that it is largely their own fault. Mr. Blaine was beaten, and went home like a good, law-abiding citizen; but the Mugwumps won't let him alone. They kept poking him up, and firing squibs at him, and exulting over his defeat, and abusing him in a hundred unwise as well as unnecessary ways, until the Blaine boom became absolutely inevitable.

New York News (Dem.).

It is useless to endeavor to disguise the fact that the prevailing Democratic sentiment is hostile to the operation of the law of bogus civil-service reform, that was specially designed and framed by the Republicans to keep their own partisans in office and Democrats out of office. If the President adheres to his policy in this matter the national Democracy will have to fight its next battle independently of the Administration and with relations much to be deprecated toward their standardbearer of the last campaign.

Philadelphia Times (Ind.).

THE fact that the President of the "National Blaine Association," of Washington, sent a congratulatory telegram to General Fitz John Porter may be taken as one more evidence that the man from Maine does not intend to let any guilty opportunity escape. Logan had gotten about all the glory obtainable from the antiPorter side of the Porter issue, and somebody might as well get what there was to get on the Porter side. Now that Porter is successful the Blaine Association is decidedly “for him.”

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

SENATOR HOAR says that if the people's will had its lawful and constitutional expression Mr. Blaine would now be President. This hypothetical method will be the only one by which the Republicans will elect a President for some time, but it is not always courteous to state explicity where a politician would be if the laws had been rigorously enforced.

Kento, Ohio, Dispatch to Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (Rep.). GEN. LOGAN had many friends here anxious for his nomination to the Presi dency in 1888. Others were anxious for Blaine and Logan, while others were for Evarts and Foraker, or some other Western man. Now all have gone back on their first choice, and demand of Senator Sherman that he embrace the golden opportunity of his life.