fact, I expect to see both Blaine and Cleveland renominated. If such is the case, my faith is that Mr. Blaine will be the next President.

New Orleans Picayune (Dem.).

THE Picayune's steady predictions of the personal popularity of the President are being much more than accomplished. We could fill this page every day with eulogistic editorials clipped from the Democratic papers of every section; and in view of the remarkably bitter and persistent opposition made to the President's policy by a host of malcontents in prominent situations implying leadership of the Democracy, this extraordinary testimony to the thoroughness and efficiency of his administration signifies a great deal that is unspoken.

Boston Globe (Dem.).

EDITOR MEDILL of the Chicago Tribune was interviewed in New York a few days since, just before he left for Europe, and expressed his entire confidence in Blaine's renomination in 1888. "The West is solid and unanimous for Blaine, and will be until the convention meets," says Mr. Medill. We suspect he is a true prophet. Certainly, in the Eastern States, the Republican party is more completely in the grip of Blaine than it was in 1884, and of the entire bundle, Massachusetts, next to Maine, is gripped the tightest.

THE Hon. John G. Carlisle has been frequently nominated for President by many enthusiastic friends in Kentucky and by some out of it. The name of the Hon. David B. Hill, of Elmira, has sometimes been used to complete the Carlisle ticket. The hopeless smash of the tariff smashers last week will make a new arrangement of this ticket necessary. New York is at the top at present, and Mr. Hill's name must change places with Mr. Carlisle's. Hill and Carlisle-rather an attractive ticket.

Ex-Senator Powell Clayton, in New York Tribune Interview. THE present sentiment in the West indicates the renomination of Mr. Blaine, with President Cleveland as the opposing candidate. But no one can tell what two years will bring round. I do not even know if Blaine is desirous to be a candidate. I never heard any one say so who had any positive information on the subject. I should say that Mr. Blaine is stronger before the country at the present moment than he ever was in his life. But I would not even venture to predict about 1888.

THE volume of talk about Presidential chances in 1888 does not show that the political prophets are endowed with greater wisdom this year than usual; but it just how great the chance of Mr. Cleveland's renomination is, and how prudent, does show that the Democratic campaign managers would give a good deal to know therefore, it will be for them to become the friends of his policy this summer.

Congressman Holman, of Indiana, in Interview.

IF any Democrat is to be elected, it will be Mr. Cleveland. If he continues to give the people an honest and faithful administration, winning the confidence of the people as he has been doing, he will again be elected President. If his administration fails, the party fails with it. If we do not re-elect him, we will not elect any one.

Rochester Herald (Rep.).

In the arts of the politician, in measuring and coloring his speech to suit the occasion, Mr. James G. Blaine has found no man in a long time so worthy to rank with him as Governor Hill. The Maine Goliath wants to keep his eyes open in the direction of our own little David of the Empire State.

Galveston News (Dem.).

EVERY time that an expression of opinion favorable to Blaine's candidacy in 1888 is given out your genuine Mugwump editor sits down and writes a ponderous. leader praising Cleveland's administration. The Mugwumps will cross swords with Blaine again.

MRS. CLEVELAND has rivals in the wives of other gentlemen who want to be President, and the social side of the political world promises to be interesting and exciting. The other wives will have to do their very prettiest in competition with a woman who seems to possess all the powers of the best of them, and the additional and very great advantage of youth, beauty, the interest that naturally centers in a bride, and the possession of the White House.-Chicago Times (Ind.).

IF the Democratic party is defeated at the next general election it will be because the grasping, ravenous spoilsmen have provoked discord and dissensions in the party, and have been unwilling to manfully stand by the President and assist him in carrying out his promises to enforce the law and bring about an honest reform of the civil service.-Oshkosh Times (Dem.).

IF the Blaine boomers desire to make a dead sure thing of a second term for Cleveland they should keep right on in the work they are now engaged in. A renomination of Blaine means a re-election of Cleveland by such a majority in the electoral vote as has not been witnessed since 1864.—Illinois State Register (Dem.). THE announcement of the candidacy of Mr. Blaine before the next Republican convention is bringing out many expressions of warning from leading Republican papers all over the country, which were not heard before the last experiment had shown the elements of weakness involved in it.-Providence Journal (Rep.).

MR. BLAINE and his friends have good reason to count Senator Edmunds hereafter among the most formidable opponents of the aspiring Maine statesman, and to expect not only no quarter from that source, but an active hostility that can not fail to be damaging if not disastrous.- Omaha Bee (Rep.).

Mr. CURTIS seems disposed to nominate Mr. Cleveland for President again, and if he should do so it is not improbable that the Democratic party would find itself Mr. Curtis and Mrs. Cleveland may yet succeed in obliged to indorse the ticket. giving Grover a second term.-Rochester Herald (Rep.).

THE Mugwump may mourn and the party leaders may mutter the discontent they hardly dare openly avow, but Brother Blaine has his grip on the party and is not to be shaken off. He is bound to ride the party to the White House or to ruin. Cleveland Plain Dealer (Dem.).

MRS. CLEVELAND is accepted by every one as the greatest success of the Administration. She is a Democratic leader, for nothing is more certain than that her marriage to the President made his renomination certain and his election sure. -New Haven Register (Dem.).

LOGAN has an active rival in General Joe Hawley. One is as popular with the soldier element as the other. It seems to us that General Logan will make a mistake if he antagonizes Mr. Blaine and his friends.-Denver Tribune (Rep.).

WE are inclined to think that there's some mistake about the size of Governor Pattison's Presidential boom; nor can we fully credit the statement that Messrs. Morrison and Carlisle have taken it in to nurse.- -Washington Critic (Ind.).

THERE are a hundred and one indications that Blaine and Logan are not as thick as they used to be. In fact, it is highly probable that the Maine historian will have to find a new tail for his 1888 kite.-Galveston News (Dem.).

IF Pattison had not been made Governor of Pennsylvania by chance he would never have risen out of the obscurity which envelopes fifth-rate lawyers in Philadelphia-which we may add is very dense.-Denver Tribune (Rep.).

THE Democratic Congressmen generally begin to share Mr. Holman's opinion as to the President's strength with the people. Contrasting his record with their own, they "read the answer in the stars."-Boston Herald (Ind.).

ONE good thing about Blaine is the fact that he does not claim to have been the hero of the late war, and to think for that reason that he ought to be elected to office.-New Orleans Picayune (Dem.).

THE New York Sun has obligingly lifted the Hill boom off the track and left the way clear for the Cleveland menagerie. It is said that D. B. consents.--National Republican (Rep.).

THAT there is a plan incubating for the purpose of running Hon. John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, for the Presidency, there is no longer any doubt.-Evansville, Indiana, Journal (Rep.).

WE fear the Blaine boom is doomed to next year; but go it must, and it's too bad. Hartford Times (Dem.).

burst, and perhaps before the end of We have hoped for better things.-—

If the Republicans are turned out and the tariff reformed by 1888, the Democratic nominee will be Mr. Cleveland. Otherwise it will not.-St. Louis Republican (Dem.).

THE course of the Mugwump press toward Mr. Blaine represents the most cowardly system of lying ever illustrated in American politics.-Chicago Tribune (Rep.).

THE Sun was not far out of the way when it nominated William S. Holman, of Aurora, for President of the United States.—Louisville Courier-Journal (Dem.).

IF William Morrison is so confident that he is the beloved leader of the Democratic party, let him run for President in 1888.—Philadelphia Inquirer (Rep.). YESTERDAY the talk among the Democrats was "Cleveland and Carlise "-for 1888. It will be a hard ticket to beat.- Washington Sunday Gazette (Rep.). MR. LEVI P. MORTON says that Blaine could be nominated to-morrow, but implies that L. P. M. would like to be in 1888.-New York Star (Dem.).

FOR President, Grover Cleveland, of New York; Vice-President, Fitzhugh Lee, of Virginia.-Louisa, Va., News and Farmer (Dem.).

EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH PRINCES.

On the 22d ult. the French Senate, by a vote of 141 to 107, passed the bill, which had previously passed the Chamber of Deputies, providing for the expulsion of the princes. On the 23d the French Ministry issued the decree, which it was required to issue by the law just passed, interdicting the soil of France to the Comte de Paris and his son, to Jerome Bonaparte, commonly called Prince Napoleon, and to his son, Victor Bonaparte, commonly called Prince Victor. On the 24th the Comte de Paris issued a manifesto in which this language is employed:

New York Tribune (Rep.), June 27.

"In me is prosecuted the monarchical principle transmitted as a trust by him. who had so nobly preserved it. It is desired to separate from France the head of the glorious family which guided her course for nine centuries in the work of national unity, and which, associated with the people alike in good and in evil fortune, founded her prosperity and grandeur. The hope is cherished that France has forgotten the happy and peaceful reign of my grandfather, and the more recent time when my brother and uncle fought loyally under her flag in the ranks of her valiant army. These calculations will prove fallacious. Taught by experience, France will not be misled as to either the cause or the author of the ills she suffers. She will recognize that the traditional monarchy, by its modern principle and by its institutions, can alone furnish the remedy. This national monarchy, of which I am the representative, can alone reduce the importance of the men of disorder who threaten the repose of the country, can alone secure political and religious liberty, restore public fortune, give our democratic society a strong government superior to all parties and with a stability which will be in the eyes of Europe a pledge of lasting peace. It is my duty to labor without respite in this work of salvation."

OPINIONS ON THE MANIFESTO. Springfield Republican (Ind.), June 26.

Montreal Gazette, June 25.

New York World (Dem.), June 28.

SHOULD any further doubt exist as to the justice of the course adopted by the ministry, it must be surely set at rest by the manifesto just issued by the Comte de Paris, in which he states that monarchy is absolutely necessary for the welfare of France, and that, with God's help, he will shrink from nothing in seeking to effect the restoration thereof. It is difficult to reconcile his assertion that "monarchy in France would be a guarantee of lasting peace to Europe," with the semi-official declaration of Prince Bismarck two months ago that any advent to power of the Orleans dynasty in France would inevitably entail and, in fact, be considered as a declaration of war with Germany. Moreover, how does the Comte de Paris manage to reconcile his manifesto with the statements contained in his famous letter of January 18th, 1871, wherein he not only described himself as an ardent republican, but also swore to obey and loyally serve the republican government of his country? Brooklyn Times (Rep.), June 25.

WHAT a magnificent cheek this banished pretender has! How glibly he assumes that he is the natural ruler and superior of all the millions of Frenchmen, who have undertaken the task of ruling themselves, and how willing he is to undertake the task of governing them and keeping them out of mischief! His frank confession that he deems it his duty to "labor without respite" to get back the crown and the rich revenues his ancestors enjoyed so long is ample justification of the decree of expulsion. A similar expression of contempt and defi ance for the existing government would be punished in Russia or Germany-if. its author was a nihilist or a socialist—with death or imprisonment; the Count may think the clemency of the republic that he is only expelled beyond its frontiers. "The republic is afraid," says the Count. O dear, no. If the republic was afraid it would take your head off in short order.

New York Herald (Ind.), June 27.

THE bill of expulsion was a direct challenge to the Comte de Paris. It simply meant, you wish to be King; we dare you to make the attempt. The Assembly threw the gauntlet at his feet and defied him. It went even further than that, and by means of persecution, at a time when it was universally admitted that he was not an element of danger, actually thrust a weapon into his hand, and gave him the best possible opportunity to create popular sympathy. That he would accept the challenge and pick up the gauntlet was a matter of course, and to do so in no way discredits him. That he should answer the defiance by a manifesto which is unsurpassed in the subtlety and eloquence of its appeal to every friend of the monarchy throughout France only shows that he is a man of exceptional ability, who will prove in the end a very dangerous enemy to oppose.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.), June 26.

HAD the Comte de Paris six months ago issued a manifesto declaring that should France need his services she would find him ready to render them in any capacity, from that of constitutional monarch down, but that meantime he should loyally serve the republic, there would have been no occasion for his pronunciamento. He would never have been exiled. Instead he has, ever since the death of the Comte de Chambord, borne himself like a true Bourbon pretender to the throne, biding his time, and though rendering, so far as appears, obedience to the laws, yet neglecting nothing to bring the legislature into contempt. Whatever, therefore, may be thought of the wisdom of the republic's action, is clear that the Comte de Paris can not be awarded sympathy as a martyr, since if he is a martyr at all he is a willing one.

Albany Journal (Rep.), June 25.

THE Count of Paris, like all the living members of his family, is a courageous, intelligent gentleman, possessing all those qualities which the French people ad

mire. Admiration for those qualities must be intensified by the form of martyrdom to which he is now subjected. If the monarchy shall be restored, it must be by the demand of the French people for a government possessing impersonally the same characteristics with which the Orleans princes are so liberally endowed. Mere presence in Paris will not avail to hasten the demand of the people, when the time for its utterance comes. On the contrary, the very idea of recall from exile to a throne would give an impetus to such a demand such as the plots possible from every-day association never could.

New York Star (Dem.), June 26.

THESE words will be quoted with fierce triumph throughout France by the Radicals as a proof of their well-advised action. They will say that they have forced the royalist hand, and compelled the pretender to emerge from his ambush. The dispassionate observer might well call this "putting the cart before the horse," but it will be none the less forcible as an effective political plea in France. Whether the mistake of the Comte de Paris will offset that of the chambers in transforming him into a martyr remains to be seen. In any case it promises to introduce a new and dangerous complication into French affairs.

New York Mail and Express (Rep.), June 26.

COUNT DE PARIS speaks of his family as faithful to France in good and evil fortune. The worst stroke of evil fortune that France has felt in modern times was when, at the end of the war with Germany in 1871, she was crushed by defeat, dismemberment, and the weight of an enormous money exaction of one thousand million of dollars. In that day of poverty, calamity, and despair, how was the Orleans family faithful? It dropped in and demanded the restitution of forty millions of francs for property which the empire had confiscated. It was hardly considerate to hand in so big a bill at such a time.

New York Sun (Dem.), June 26.

M. LE COMTE DE PARIS and our lachrymose contemporary, the Herald, should brace up. There are a good many worse places to be consigned to than the British metropolis. For example, one might be sent to Coventry-or to Cayenne. When his foot is once planted on the British terra firma and the last qualm responsive to the heaving channel has subsided, the pensive pretender will discover that his lot, by comparison with that of many worthy Frenchmen, or with that of his own family at a former conjuncture, has its alleviations and indemnities.

Boston Herald (Ind.), June 26.

THE Comte de Paris is now officially recognized by the French government as an enemy openly seeking its overthrow, and, taking up the gage thus thrown down, he has announced himself as hostile to the republic, and willing and ready to do all in his power to compass its overthrow. This announcement is like the rallying call of a bugle. It will be heard from one end of France to the other, and those who detest and those who are doubtful concerning the merits of the republican system will see in the Orleanist pretender a duly announced leader.

Telegram from Berlin, June 26.

THE manifesto of the Comte de Paris meets with adverse criticism from the liberal press. The Vossische Zeitung says the pretensions of the prince justify his expulsion. The North German Gazette calls attention to the tone of the manifesto which, it says, shows that the count is confident of victory. The bourse, taking the same view, is depressed, under fears of any early Orleans accession, an event which, it is thought, would be attended with grave danger of war.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.), June 25.

THE Comte de Paris has done all he could to justify his expulsion from France by issuing a farewell address which is a plain declaration of war against the republic. His reference to the alliances with which he was trying to "strengthen France" is a very cool admission that he has been maintaining the semblance of a royal court in France, assuming that he was the state, and preparing by dynastic alliances with reigning families to materialize that assumption.

Galveston News (Dem.), June 25.,

THE followers of the Count of Paris no doubt feel that they owe him as much reverence, obedience and fealty as if he were really on the throne, and it is this tampering with the established order of things that disgusted the Republicans and brought on the decree of expulsion. Neither the Count of Paris nor Jerome nor their immediate friends will suffer seriously. All are rich, and their estates in France are not interfered with.

Buffalo Courier (Dem.), June 26.

THE French republicans must be delighted by this manifesto. If anything could vindicate their course these utterances of the exiled pretender have done this. But it is hardly practicable to treat his declarations with contempt. The republic must become stronger in popular esteem and confidence than it is to-day before it can regard the Bourbon claimant's words and acts as a matter of no consequence.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), June 26.

If the people of France required any justification for the action of their government and legislature in decreeing the expulsion of the Count de Paris it has been furnished by that gentleman himself in his manifesto which was issued yes. terday. Every one who reads it will at once be struck with the ever continuing truth of the famous saying in regard to the Bourbons, that they learned nothing and forgot nothing.

Philadelphia Times (Dem.), June 26.

ALL this must have a very attractive sound just now for the French people, wearied of incompetence and insecurity; and the final sentence," at the decisive moment. I shall be ready," will suggest to them possibilities that could hardly have

taken shape so soon had Prince Philippe been left quietly pursuing his studies of American military history at the Chateau d'Eu.

Chicago Herald (Ind.), June 26.

THE proclamations of the French princes on quitting the country which they think they should rule are as ineffecutual as the faces which schoolboys make at their tutors when the latter turn their backs, but they derive a great deal of satisfaction from them, nevertheless. A prince out of a job is about as useless a product as the old earth brings forth.

Boston Globe (Dem.), June 26.

IT IS noticeable that the Count of Paris, in that portion of his protest declaring that monarchy is the only salvation for France, adds that it must be a monarchy modern in its institutions. This concession is important as showing that even princes recognize the power of the people now.

GENERAL COMMENTS ON THE DECREE. Las Novedades (Spanish), New York, June 27.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

THIS monstrous intolerance of the French democracy, or, properly speaking, of the radical elements of France, in overtly imposing its will upon the true friends of the country and of its institutions places the republic in a situation more intransigeante than the monarchy or the empire. Louis-Phillippe banished the Bonapartes, Napoleon did the same to the Orleans family. The republic expels the one and the other, thus fearlessly sustaining the doctrine of "liberty, equality, and fraternity." The comments which the great majority of the French press, in the last few days, have made upon the project submitted to their approval clearly demonstrate what is the general opinion upon it; and more especially that of the Republicans of law and order-sagacious men who, for the good of the nation have sustained the present form of government against the reverses of war and the horrors of the commune, but nourish in their minds a yet stronger antipathy to the advanced elements, with all their violence of language and of action, their excesses, imprudencies, and projected escapades. The situation will become worse for the future of the republic, the day on which the vicissitudes of party shall rise to the heights of power these radical elements, whether anti-monarchical or anti-republican whose terrible influence has made itself felt, more grievously, in epochs which the history of France records with indignation and horror.

L'Eco d'Italia, New York, June 26.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

It is confidently believed that the approval on the part of the Senate of the decree of exile was the result of the pressure of the ministry upon the Republican majority. The decree was passed in the absence of thirty of the Senators. If the latter had had the courage of their convictions the bill would have been rejected. The Republican press, after having censured it, now accept the expulsion as an accomplished fact, but demand that the same energy displayed against the princes be put in practice against the more dangerous anarchists. But M. de Freycinet does not appear disposed to deal severely with the anarchists, as that would damage him with the Radicals. He seems, instead, to draw nearer and nearer to the latter, the organ of whom, the Cri du Peuple, now urges a new decree of proscription against all the members of the Orleans family. In a word, the expulsion of the princes has caused a profound uneasiness in Paris, and the well-educated classes condemn severely a measure which is a signal proof of the weakness of the government; and they maintain that by banishment the princes and their political importance have been placed conspicuously in the front rank, where they do not properly belong, and that the insane measure has created among the masses of the French a current of deep sympathy for the princes, who otherwise would have been regarded personally with indifference only.

AND now, if there remain any reflections to be made upon the accomplished fact, we will say that the whole affair, wrong in its object and in its apparent significance, has created positions false and full of contradiction for everybody concerned for those who have originated it, and who, in aiming at the princes, have fired upon the executive power; for the minister who contradicted his past, and proposed a measure which he had previously condemned; for those who resisted exceptional legislation against the representatives of fallen regimes, and did not fear to invoke it on the morrow against their competitors of to-day. But were it necessary, alongside of all these after-thoughts and vacillations, to take for the expression of an honest policy this great agitation ending in a great mistake, we should not know how to qualify it better than in calling it a policy of fear. Far be it from our thoughts to invoke the deceptive formula of a politics of "libertyhall"-let one say, let one do, let one omit. No; we are neither with those who proscribe nor with those who would permit the laws to be derided. But there is something more potent than the inspirations of pusillanimity to guard France from dynastic plots. It is the will of which she is the mistress, and which she will never permit to be usurped.

Der Deutsche Correspondent, June 24.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

THE expulsion has for long been a settled fact, and the exiles have no right to complain, for their own families have acted precisely in a similar manner, and have exhibited even a less degree of consideration. Bourbons and Bonapartes have, from time to time, proscribed and banished Republicans, in cases in which they have not caused them to be imprisoned or executed. If the French Republicans have averted the danger from their political edifice, they have acted very wisely in their present course. The princes were continually intriguing. They are seeking to elevate their influence and to strengthen their party, and they will

neglect no opportunity of overthrowing the republic so soon as any one of them believes the moment favorable for erecting a throne upon its ruins. In the mutability of the French, however, the exile of the princes will probably not endure very long. It is true, they will not be recalled, but it is very possible that "PlonPlon" uttered recently a true word in declaring that he would one day return. The current in France is continually taking a more radical direction, the blue of the republic daily receding from view, and the vividly conspicuous hues "in which the red lion is painted" pressing more and more to the front.

New Yorker Staats-Zeitung, June 24.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.]

THE decree passed by the French Senate of unconditional banishment of the crown pretenders and the optional expulsion of the other members of former ruling dynasties, may cost the Republic very dearly. Above everything else, it unques. tionably shows that the radical elements have the upperhand and are disposed to make a "terrorist " exercise of it. How great the risk of reckless oppression has become is sufficiently evidenced from the noteworthy fact that the stringency of an oral vote by an ascent of the tribune, which was carried through by the Radicals, sufficed to make a portion of the original opponents of the measure vote for its passage. The greatest danger to be apprehended is that the Radicals may not be inclined to stop at their present vantage ground.

Richmond Whig (Dem.), June 27.

THE expulsion was an act not in accordance with the American idea of freedom, and is not calculated to increase our admiration and respect for the French Republic; but then, the French are a very different people from ours, and probably ought not to be judged by the same standard. It hardly admits of a doubt, however, that the princes are more dangerous to the republic in exile than they were at home. Their adherents will cling to them all the more devotedly on account of what they regard as persecution, and sympathy will cause others who were in different to feel more kindly disposed toward them. In the foreign countries in which they have taken refuge they will be surrounded by schemers, plotters, and conspirators from their own country, and it is not improbable the monarchical governments hostile to the French Republic may secretly encourage schemes looking to a restoration of one or the other of the imperial dynasties. At home they were all the time under governmental espionage, but in exile they are free to plot and conspire without hindrance or observation.

Baltimore Herald (Ind.), June 25.

HAD the princes renounced their titles and their aspirations it is certain that M. De Freycinet and the ministry would never have gone to the length of decreeing their expulsion. But it is observable that wherever there has been a close division on a national question the influence of Orleanist and Bonapartist intrigues has been clearly shown. The Comte de Chambord, during his lifetime, never ceased to insist that he was King of France by divine right. True, he was not then living on French soil, but members of the present Bourbon family, including the younger Orleanist branch, were in secret communication with him and equally desirous of subverting the republic. As for Plon-Plon and the Bonapartists, they have all along been lying in wait at the door of the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, ready to make a rush for power whenever an occasion presented itself.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.), June 24.

FOR eight years after the republic was proclaimed men felt monarchy still easily possible. Seven years more have brought a point where the republic can treat itself as a finality. It has scattered the crown jewels, it has reorganized the outer show of the state on a republican plan and it has a right to insist that there shall be no rival titular center. We are strong, and, being strong, long-suffering; but does anybody imagine that we would have let Lee come back to Arlington and sit in state over against the White House while addle-pated people thronged his house to babble about the superior distinction of the supporters of the lost cause? No, not for an hour. Not even Grant could have protected Lee through such idiocy.

Philadelphia Inquirer (Rep.), June 24.

WHILE they remained in France they must have felt that they were closely watched and that it was dangerous to do anything which would bring down upon them the iron hand of the law; but now they can throw off all restraint and conspire from morning until night and far into the night again with no fear or restraining influence. Besides that, they have increased temptation to do it. Exile is pleasant to no one, and they will wish to get back to France, which they can do only by achieving the destruction of the republic and the setting up of a monarchy in its place. The expulsion of the French princes seems to be both exceedingly weak and foolish.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.), June 23.

Chicago Inter-Ocean (Rep.), June 24.

Boston Advertiser (Ind.), June 25.

New York Journal (Ind.), June 24.

IN our stable Republic the notion of expelling members of the opposition party seems preposterous-as if President Cleveland had called for the banishment of Mr. Blaine or Gov. Hill had wanted to exclude Mr. Davenport from the State. But they do these things differently in France, and it should be remembered that the situation is somewhat different. The French Republic is less stable than ours, and there are a good many people who never go to bed perfectly sure that the government will not be revolutionized before morning. Beside a change of party means there something other than what it means here.

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Dem.), June 26.

Chicago Times (Iud.), June 24.

Toledo Blade (Rep.), June 24.

THIS action gives far more importance to those sickly scions of kingly houses than they really deserve. To drive them over the boundary will not prevent the plotting of treason to the republic, but will, on the contrary, give renewed impetus to it. It is difficult, on the whole, to come to any other conclusion than that the French government has made a blunder.

Pittsburgh Commercial-Gazette (Rep.), June 26.

A REPUBLIC, to be worth the name, must be founded in the affections and sentiments of the people, and the idea naturally suggests itself that the expatriation of a handful of men and women because of their association with royalty betrays a want of confidence in popular government, and a well-grounded fear that radicalis already has the upper hand.

New Orleans Times-Democrat (Dem.), June 24.

THE French Republicans have gained nothing by this expulsion, have lost friends abroad and at home. They seem to be endeavoring to force the legitimists into revolutionary proceedings of some kind, and they yet may succeed in this by their unwise course.

Troy Telegram (Rep.), June 24.

FRANCE has taken a step which can bring her nothing but disgrace, perhaps also serious trouble, for from this time sympathy for the expelled royalists will spread and opposition to a government that would do so cowardly a thing constantly in

crease.

THE FITZ JOHN PORTER BILL.

On Friday, June 25th, the House bill authorizing the restoration of Fitz John Porter to his ante-bellum position of colonel in the Army of the United States, without back pay, and his transfer to the retired list of the Regular Army, at the discretion of the President, passed the Senate by a vote of 30 to 17. The bill had passed the House, on February 18th, by a vote of 171 to 113.

Detroit Tribune (Rep.), June 26.

IT IS never to be forgotten that a court-martial, composed of some of the most distinguished generals of the war, including the lamented Garfield, patiently tried General Porter at the time, when all the facts were fresh in the knowledge of the witnesses of the country, and when the evidence was easily accessible. Upon the solemnity of their oaths that court found him guilty of the most serious charges that could be brought against an officer of his grade, and in their findings Abraham Lincoln concurred. This verdict was in accord with the prevalent sentiment of the country at the time, and was generally believed in the army to be a just one. The Tribune adheres to the opinions formed under such circumstances and shared by names so eminent as those who then constituted his judges.

The New Yorker Staats-Zeitung, June 26.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION.1

It will be remembered that Arthur played a political role with the bill, whilst it

was never judged upon considerations of historical or military desert, but was always treated as a measure that hung in the shade of the bloody shirt. Every time that it came up, it again warmed up the bigoted belief that the leaders who by chance belonged to the Democracy, at the outset of the war, were not sincere in their determination to put down the rebellion. History has long since condemned this fallacy; long since the soldiers (Grant himself, before the rest), on whose staunch Republicanism not even the most rabid partizan ventured to cast a doubt, have nailed to the counter this pernicious lie. But for all that the Fitz John Porter bill on each occasion has been able to enkindle afresh the blind party prejudices and passions of an almost extinct generation. It is a satisfaction for Gen. Porter that two Congresses have decided in his favor, and assuredly this is worth to him as much as his actual rehabilitation, of which there is now scarcely a doubt to be entertained.

Philadelphia Inquirer (Rep.), June 26.

By evidence the most convincing and irrefutable, by clouds of witnesses of highest fame, General Fitz John Porter has again and again disproved every imputation upon his good fame, and established beyond all doubt and cavil his unswerving fidelity to the patriotic cause he served. For nearly a quarter of a century he has, with heroic patience, rested under charges and under a sentence wholly unjust, yet never ceasing to vindicate his honor from the cruel wrong put upon it. Years ago he convinced his countrymen of his loyalty and patriotism as a soldier and citizen, but between him and them base partisanship interfered and justice was still denied him.

The Irish-American for July 3.

IT IS a tardy justification of a brave and efficient officer, that should never have been needed, and that would have been performed years ago but for the intense hatred of General McClellan and all his friends, cherished by the dominant Republican majority at Washington. As it is, the act loses much of its value, since it does not render even half justice to General Porter in failing to restore him to the well-earned rank and promotion to which his merits, no less than his services of forty years ago in the army of the Republic, entitled him, while men who were every way his inferiors have enjoyed the honors he had fairly won and should have received.

Washington Critic (Ind.), June 26.

It comes late, but will be none the less acceptable to himself and his friends. It will not accord with the prejudices of that political and military element which follows the lead of General Logan, but to the great body of the people it will be a source of satisfaction and go upon the records as an act of justice which none more honestly approved or logically believed in than Gen. U. S. Grant. All, both friends and foes, will agree that throughout this weary and protracted contest General Porter has borne himself with a manly dignity and consciousness of right that are beyond all praise. So true a gentleman could scarce have been a traitor or a coward.

OF late years the violent opposition to the unfortunate general has greatly abated, and when General Grant announced himself in favor of relief and rein. statement there was a much kindlier feeling manifested. Congressmen began to study the nature of the case and, notwithstanding the unwarrantable speeches by General Logan and others, it has gained friends until when the vote was taken but seventeen opposed it.

St. Albans, Vt., Messenger (Rep.), June 26.

THE decision of Congress will have little to do in changing the opinions of those who at the time had their minds made up regarding his guilt. General Logan will be respected for the firm stand he has taken and held to the end. Let the

bill restoring the great traitor be approved, and he be sent into retirement with those who, having great opportunities, have proved recreant to their trusts.

Indianapolis News (Ind.), June 26.

WHILE it is a satisfaction that this case, if it gets the President's assent, as it ought to, will make an ending of a vast amount of demagogery, for which it has "stood in" these many years as raw material, the great glory of it will be as a sign that in spite of the unequalled political bitterness of this country, so much intensified by the memories of a civil war, justice can at last reach her own.

New York Evening Post (Ind.), June 26.

DESPITE all the efforts of Gen. Logan to make it a party question and even a test of loyalty, six Republicans voted in Gen. Porter's favor, and two others were paired on the same side. Even Gen. Logan must recognize that the bloody shirt George F. Hoar from turning "traitor" and voting with the "rebels." is "played out" when his most vigorous waiving of the garment will not prevent

Norfolk Landmark (Dem.), June 27.

GEN. PORTER should have his place on the register, his back pay, and active duty; but he has gotten what is more valuable than these-his vindication. No man was ever better entitled to it-not only to this, but to thanks from the very men who opposed his bill, for if Porter had been able to do what Pope wanted, he would have completed the disaster of the second Manassas.

Newark News (Dem.), June 26.

THE passage by the Senate of this bill does not discredit the integrity of the men who were parties to Porter's condemnation or approval of it. Humanity is ever liable to error, and it is no grave reflection upon them to allow their verdict to be reversed after twenty years and more have piled up evidence tending to show that they made a mistake.

Boston Journal (Rep.), June 26.

WHILE there was sufficient ground to justify the action of those who voted against Gen. Porter, it has seemed to us since the publication of Gen. Grant's paper that there was sufficient justice in the demand of the accused to warrant the passage of the bill which received the sanction of the Senate yesterday.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.), June 28.

THOSE able Democratic statesmen and editors who try to make it appear that the passage of the Fitz John Porter bill was a party victory should proceed cautiously. They may be friends of Gen. Porter, but they are fool friends who will serve his cause best by keeping quiet.

It is possible for Congress and the President to put the name of Fitz John Porter on the retired list, but it is not possible to undo all that he has suffered during this long interval through the malice and unfairness of the leaders of the Republican party.-St. Louis Republican (Dem.), June 27.

It is a shame that a man who, through jealousy of General Pope, tried to sacrifice his army should be restored; but of such is the kingdom of Grover Cleveland, the man who loses sleep for the purpose of vetoing pension bills.—Evansville, Ind., Journal (Rep.), June 27.

He has been pursued for partisan purposes, against the facts of history and the judgment of the best military critics from Gen. Grant down. A stain is removed from the fair fame of the Republic.-Springfield Republican (Ind.), June 27.

FITZ JOHN PORTER gets large money for official treachery and the President vetoes the bill allowing a pension to the widow of Gen. Hunter, the president of the Fitz John Porter court martial.-Illinois State Journal (Rep.), Jüne 26.

SATURDAY was the anniversary of Gen. Fitz John Porter's victory at Mechanicsville; yesterday that of Gaines' mill. It is a good season in which to give him his vindication in official form.-Philadelphia Ledger (Ind.), June 28.

JUSTICE was long delayed, but there is in the tardiness of the Senate this satisfaction, that an emphatic majority attests that reason has swept away the barriers of prejudice.-Manchester Union (Dem.), June 26.

IF Porter had fought the Confederates with the desperation which he has manifested in his own rehabilitation, he would have become the most illustrious general of the war.-Baltimore Herald (Ind.), June 26.

His vindication will not only be a crown of honor for himself, but it will be a fresh testimony to the courage, patriotism, and impartiality of Gen. Grant.— Washington Post (Dem.), June 26.

HE can not escape the verdict of the future historian, writing without bias. No living man can foresee what that verdict may be.-Columbus, Ohio, Dispatch (Ind.), June 26.

WHILE the President has his hand in on that line, he should veto the Fitz John Porter bill. Ohio State Journal (Rep.), June 26.

THE CASE OF SENATOR PAYNE.

On the 25th ult. the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections decided, by a majority vote, that the evidence placed before them, and the various statements which had been made to them, did not justify an investigation of the charge that Senator Payne's election to the Senate was procured by bribery.

Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (Rep.), June 26.

THE action of the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections yesterday has