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DOMESTIC.-A few incendiary fires reported in East St. Louis. The fall of a burning building in Lawrence, Mass., kills one man and injures several. John Welsh, a distinguished citizen of Philadelphia, and formerly Minister to England, died at his home. Hon. Joseph Pulitzer, editor of the New York World, resigns his seat in the National House of Representatives because he cannot afford to neglect his private business. A young woman hanged herself to the limb of an apple tree near Utica. The scratch of a cat caused the death of a man at Read

ing, Pa., in frightful agony. An Indian prisoner murdered his keeper near Fort Smith, crushing in his skull with an axe.

CONGRESSIONAL.-The Senate passed the bill for admission of Washington

Territory.

FOREIGN.-Cardinal Manning manifested opposition to Gladstone's home-rule scheme. The Socialist leaders in London were acquitted. The Berlin organ of Bismarck mercilessly condemns Mr. Gladstone's Irish measure.

The organ of Prince Bismarck as mercilessly condemns Mr. Gladstone's Irish home-rule scheme. The Paris press occupies itself with the Irish question with a favorable impression of Mr. Gladstone's plan. The Vienna press is almost universal in its condemnation of the home-rule policy for Ireland. The members of the British Columbian Legislature were hanged in effiy at New Westminster for their antiChinese actions. A member of the Ontario Legislature has been arrested for aggravated assault on an old man.

SUNDAY, APRIL II.

DOMESTIC. The funeral of the victims of the Southwestern riot was attended by great crowds. Additional troops report for duty at East St. Louis. Leaders of the Irish nationalists in the United States indorse the Gladstone scheme. One hundred and thirteen head of trotting stock from the Palo Alto ranch, California, en route to New York. They occupy twelve cars.

FOREIGN.-Lord Randolph Churchill, in the House of Commons, opposes Mr. Gladstone at great length. Word come of a steamer lost off the coast of New Zealand, twenty-nine persons perishing; and of a dismasted American schooner drifting in the ocean, from which the crew were saved after seventeen days of suffering.

TUESDAY, APRIL 13.

DOMESTIC.-The Southwestern strike was comparatively quiet. A freight train was stopped at Belleville, Ill., and the conductor beaten by strikers.

The daily press reports the engagement of President Cleveland to Miss Folsom, of Albany. Eleven New York aldermen, of the board of 1884, were indicted, arrested and bailed-charge, bribery in the Broadway surface railway matter.

CONGRESSIONAL.-Mr. Frye's fisheries resolution passed the Senate. Mr. Platt addressed the Senate at length in favor of open executive sessions for the considerations of nominations for office. The House devoted the day to debate on the Hurd-Romeis election case.

FOREIGN. Sir William Vernon Harcourt and Mr. Goschen addressed the House of Commons on the Gladstone proposition for home rule in Ireland.

The Earl of Shafterbury, son of the well-known philanthropist, committed suicide by shooting himself while riding in his carriage on Regent street, London. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 14.

DOMESTIC.-The correspondence between Powderly and Gould which occurred previous to the Southwestern strikes is given to the public.

A destructive cyclone struck the towns of St. Cloud and Sauk Rapids, Minn.; forty persons reported killed, seventy wounded, and the loss of property great. The Rhode Island House of Representatives passed resolutions congratulating Gladstone and Parnell.

The American Medical Association appointed a committee to erect in the city of Washington a monument to Dr. Rush.

Ex-Alderman Charles H. Reilley arrested in New York.

FOREIGN. Anti-Gladstone demonstration in London, addressed by Lords Hartington, Salsbury, Churchill and Mr. Ryland. Earl Cowper, late vice-roy for Ireland, presided.

Gladstone replies by cable to American congratulations, and says that "American opinion affords her Majesty's government a powerful moral support."

The Pope instructed the sacred congregation to study clearly the Irish question in the light of Gladstone's speech.

Caceres elected President of Peru.

CONGRESSIONAL.-Senator Butler, of South Carolina, made a speech in support of open executive sessions. Senator Riddleberger, of Virginia, introduced a substitute. Senator Blair, of New Hampshire, reported from Committee on Pensions the bill for the relief of disabled soldiers who were honorably discharged after six months' service. Senator Cullom and Senator Palmer supported it. The HurdRomeis contested case decided against the contestant. Mr. Willis, of Kentucky, reported the river and harbor bill. The agricultural appropriation bill was taken up and passed.

BULLETS.

IT costs $3,500 to get a seat among the Chicago board of trade gamblers; it costs $3,500 to get a seat among the New York board of trade gamblers; it costs $500,000 to get a seat among the United States Senate land grabbers.

THE only really good effect which the indefinite expansion of the pension policy will have upon the growing generation, will be to add such an effective additional horror to war that they will not resort to it under any consideration.

THE report that the Standard Oil Company contemplates annexing the Russian oil fields to its domains seems to justify the bellicose attitude of Russia. Even the subjects of an autocrat would revolt at a prospect of that kind.

SPEAKING of the tariff, the American says: "The vail is lifting slowly but surely." That is what the "Immortal J. N." has been telling us for years. Will the American also undertake to "remove the pressure ?"

IF Mr. Cleveland is desirous of exhibiting his own sincerity and testing his

FOREIGN.-A despatch from Constantinople states that all the danger of immedi- strength with his own people he might make the experiment by the appointment ate war between Turkey and Greece is over.

Lord Wolseley opposes Gladstone's home-rule plan.

MONDAY, APRIL 12.

DOMESTIC. The deputy sheriffs from East St. Louis are held as fugitives from justice in Missouri. Knights of Labor in St. Louis are on trial for interfering with trains. An inquest on the East St. Louis victims is in progress.

A desperate fight occurred in the mountain wilds of Harlan county, Kentucky, resulting in the death of one man and the wounding of two others.

CONGRESSIONAL-The Senate passes the Indian appropriation bill. Senator Jackson nominated and immediately confirmed as the successor to the late Judge Baxter. The House discusses the Virginia debt question and the Potomac flats improvements,

of a negro postmaster for both Buffalo and Albany, N. Y.

IT IS stated that Nevada has at present less than 15,000 votes. The scarcity of votes out there may account for the high prices which United States Senators from that State are reported to have paid for them.

DO NOT both the credit of the profession and public respect for the law, call for a pretty thorough expurgation from its ranks of members who place their talents and learning at the service of scoundrelism?,

LORD WOLSELEY, the man who set out to smash the Mahdi and didn't, is now engaged in exterminating Mr. Gladstone. Wolseley always believes in taking big contracts, whether he carries them out or not.

A WRITER in “Harper's" makes the good suggestion that the eight-hour-per-day rule be strictly enforced upon those laborious individuals, the dram-shop keepers.

WIT OF THE Week.

REPRESENTATIVE TILLMAN, of South Carolina, declares that the silver dollar is "God Almighty's money." He thinks so, perhaps, because nobody else has courage to assume the the responsibility for it.

TENS of thousands of families are in distress in this country, all on account of the discharge of a malcontent named Hall, somewhere in the indefinite Southwest. Mr. Hall is an expensive fellow-citizen.

WHEN the womanhood of the world desires and demands the right of suffrage it ought to be granted; but it is not certain that women as a class will ever entertain such a desire or make such a demand.

THIS nation will not take the least interest in the army, nor consent to magnify it in any way, until the immediate necessity for doing so clearly appears, and, on the whole, perhaps it is better so.

How IT LOOKS TO A TEXAN.-A State unprepared to meet any necessity for immediate action looking to the preservation of life or property may be compared to a jaybird without a tail.

ONE or two papers have published portraits of Martin Irons. Granting that the likenesses are correct, it must be confessed that Mr. Irons cannot possibly be as bad a man as he looks.

DIFFERENT KINDS OF PARTISANS.-The country perfectly understands that an offensive offensive partisan is a Republican. The Democrats are all inoffensive offensive partisans.

THE words home and family are nearly inseparable, and the outside world can offer no haven like that of home even for matured men who are, after all, but grown up children.

MISS KATE FIELD is nominated by popular acclamation to be Governor of Utah. Miss Field is Life's candidate. A fair Field and no favor is our policy for

the Mormons.

A MUCH better public use can be made of capitalists than to hang them; that is, to make them employ their capital in accordance with public policy and the fundamental laws.

THE Country seems to be getting its eyes open to the fact that hoodlumism does not afford the best rule of policy for conducting the foreign affairs of a first-class nation.

WHILE Martin Irons writes ferocious proclamations against Jay Gould, his shooting-irons and paving-stones hit men trying to earn an honest living at East St. Louis.

WE look to see the Irish, in the course of a generation's experience of home rule, the most enthusiastic Britishers extant, the very right arm of the empire.

The boycott is a foreign institution. It is of alien origin, and is set up here by persons who have not the faintest conception of what American citizenship is. THERE is danger that Ireland, giving the finger, will take the whole hand, and it is probable that the British legislators will take that conservative view.

THE prospect of a six weeks' debate on the tariff bill affords no cause of apprehension. It is the bill and not the country that will be talked to death.

SECRETARY LAMAR'S present gait is such that, unless he breaks, he will soon be popular enough in the Northwest to be mentioned for the Presidency.

SPARKS and Black seem to represent the class of Government wheel-horses that draw the administration wagon into a hole and get it stalled there.

THE spring crop of Eastern war clouds is large and varied. Fortunately, however, the yield will all be used at home, and none of it exported.

ONE of King Thebaw's ministers made a fortune by selling licenses to commit highway robbery. And he had never visited New York either.

LESS talk about ordering out the militia and more about getting up a first-class double-cogged watered-stock wringer is what this country needs.

As To the advisability of arbitrations as a method of settling difficulties between employes and workingmen there is no longer any question.

LAUGHTER FROM LIFE.

CUSTOMER (in restaurant): I ordered some cheese, waiter.
Waiter: Yes, sah. I done brought it, sah.
Customer: Well, where is it, then?
Waiter: Didn't yo' eat it?

Customer: Eat it? Certainly not.

Waiter: Den I 'spects it must a got away, sah.

TOM: How's that cold of yours?

Bert: Oh! I got rid of it.

Tom: What did you take?

Bert: A fresh one.

YES, John Henry, an umpire might be called a man of judgment, but you'd better not let him hear you making any such jokes in his vicinity. He might bat you on the head, base man!

A FASHION item says that great discretion must be used by wearers of striped goods, as they are not becoming to any but very tall and slender figures. Our aldermen should cut this out and paste it in their hats.

A NEW MEXICO obituary closes with the words: "Her tired spirit was released from the pain-racked body and soared aloft to eternal rest in the realms of celestial glory at 4:30, Denver time."

A YOUNG physician of New York refused to go duck hunting with a party of friends the other day. He said the ducks were too infernally personal in their remarks when addressing him.

RUMOR says that Henry Irving is sensitive about his small legs. It is a pity
that such a great actor should not be properly supported.

DIFFIDENT lover: I know that I am a perfect bear in my manner.
She Sheep, you mean; bears hug people-you do nothing but bleat.
"LIGHT gains make a heavy purse purse." If you doubt this look at the gas

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Mater-Why darling?

Angelina-Well, you see, mother, it reminds one so much of church, and church
suggests the marriage service; and it seems to me as if Harry wants something to
jog his memory.

JUDGE Prisoner, the officer says that you were selling liquor in your saloon at
three o'clock yesterday morning.
Prisoner-Sure its mistaken he is, your honor. When the cop kem in, there
was not won dhrop o' liquor in me place; an' whin Murty Gallagher, me cousin,

PARNELL and Powderly are the two men of the day who proved the wisdom of bailed me out, an' Oi wint back lasht night, be gob, it had all gone.
advocating a great reform without turning it into revolution.

THE only responsible government possible in a republic is party government. None of the nostrums suggested can take the place of this.

PRESIDENT CLEVELAND's honest desire is to give the people good government. If they will co-operate with him, he will do it.

A CONTEMPORARY says there are people" who think the Irish grievances are myths." Well, they are mythtaken, that's all.

IF Martin Irons is responsible for the blood that has been shed there is no punishment that would be too severe for him.

"A RAILROAD IDYL" is the name of a new short story that is going the rounds. There are several railroads idle out West.

DENNIS KEARNEY has turned himself loose again in the sand lots of San Francisco. This is a sign of a hot summer.

IF Monday were the pay-day instead of Saturday, Sunday would usually find leaner purses and better observance. JEERS at Jaehne-Fence-rails.

IN speaking of a Western story-writer a Western paper obesrves: "She has, besides, a genius for story-telling, which is rarer than is generally supposed." This is where the journal maks an error. The genius for story telling is common enough. Almost every one has it. It is the genius for getting one's stories printed after they are told that brings so many heads in sorrow to the almshouse.

İr is said that Canon Farrar offers to bet five thousand dollars that no man was ever cured of drunkenness without total abstinence. And yet some people think Canon Farrar's visit to America was not productive of much good. Where, we would like to ask, would the reverend gentleman have gotten his five thousand dollars to bet, if he hadn't made his visit to America ?

"How do you like Smith ?"

"First-rate; only he is so superstitious."

"How so?"

"He never goes fishing on Sunday, because he is afraid the fish won't bite on Sunday."

SOME foolish person asserts that there is not enough dignity about! American politicians. This is simply absurd. When aldermen command thirty thousand dollars each at private sale, there ought to be no complaints on this score.

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VOL. I.

PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE PUBLIC OPINION COMPANY.

WASHINGTON, D. C., SATURDAY, APRIL 24, 1886.

PUBLIC OPINION.

It is the purpose of the managers of PUBLIC OPINION to present in one paper the views of many, to give each week the pith of prevailing thought, and, in short, to. impartially reflect public opinion.

PUBLIC OPINION will contain, in attractive form, printed and spoken opinions on leading questions, taken as they appear, without comment, and with due credit, from newspapers and periodicals, from organs of political parties, from the independent press, from the publications of various orders and associations, and the utterances of professional and public men-thus focalizing many and divergent views and opinions.

PUBLIC OPINION will aim to be an epitome of American thought, in which the reader will find prepared and arranged for instant perusal and examination the most important comments and expressions on the foremost topics of the day. They will appear without bias toward any political party, commercial enterprise, religious sect, or contending influences. Recourse will also be had to papers in this country printed in foreign languages, and to European publications, for matters and opinions therein.

PUBLIC OPINION, in brief, is designed to be the one medium through which will be given current and contemporaneous opinions on subjects commanding public attention, together with a carefullyprepared miscellany, a chronological record, and items of general and special interest.

For the purpose set forth, and believing that the Capital of the Nation is the best point of observation, the PUBLIC OPINION Company will prosecute the enterprise with energy and persistence, confident that it will meet with public favor.

THE PUBLIC OPINION CO.

POLITICAL.

GOULD AND POWDERLY.

Galveston News (Dem.), April 16.

Mr. POWDERLY's letter makes in one respect a strong bid for public regard and sympathy. It promises that the Knights will use only peaceful and lawful methods. This, so far as Mr. Powderly could govern them, has been believed to be Mr. Powderly's wish, but circumstances have cast strong doubt upon the governing influence of his idea in the practical conduct of the order during strikes. Public opinion has everywhere pronounced emphatically against the methods most prominent in the strike. Mr. Gould makes a straight and clear answer from his point of view, though with a bias for reading between the lines of Mr. Powderly's letter to find a threat of illegal action. If anything approaching to that can be found, it is in the warning that Western men are supposed to be violent in their methods of redressing their grievances. The moral weakness in Mr. Powderly's letter, apart from the historical part of the controversy, is where he makes his threat of lawsuits an alternative to the acceptance by Mr. Gould of the proposition to make friends with the Knights. If Mr Gould's fortune has been made by means for which the law affords a remedy, and the Knights can find a standing in court, there should have been no suggestion of compromising any contemplated suits of virtuous public intent.

St. Paul Pioneer Press (Rep.), April 17.

IN accounts of the situation at East St. Louis appears this brief statement of fact:

No. 2.

"The whole force of strikers of the St. Louis Transfer Company, confident of protection by the militia, have returned to their old places." There is a world of meaning in this simple fact. For it reveals the existence of another despotism than that of capital. It has been assumed that the men who abandoned their work and sacrificed the daily earnings necessary to the support of their families at the summons of the central authorities of the labor organizations at East St. Louis did so voluntarily not, perhaps, because they themselves had any grievance to complain of individually, but to fulfil the obligations they had entered into with their order, and in the interests of the general cause for which the strike was ordered. But if it is true that they retured to work as soon as they were sure of protection from violence, then it follows that they were forced to quit work, not of their own free will, but from fear of violence. Do not these men, deprived of their daily sustenance and forced into idleness by fears for their personal safety, deserve as much sympathy as those who have rebelled against the oppression of a soulless corporation? Have they not as much reason to complain of the compulsion which thus deprives them of their God-given right to earn their daily bread? Just here is the radical defect of the methods pursued by the labor organizations of the Southwest in the present strike. Their cause has not been advanced by acts of violence in injuring the property of the railroad companies. Still less has it been advanced by the use of violence or intimidation in compelling unwilling workmen to abandon their employments. It can never prosper by the violation of those fundamental principles of justice and liberty which are everywhere identical with the cause of labor.

New Haven Register (Ind), April 17.

MR. POWDERLY has won for himself the sincere respect of most right-minded men. He stands before the public as a very honest, intelligent, and disinterested man, who is doing what he can to ameliorate the condition of the working-men, without any thought of his own well-being, and without any selfish desire for his own advancement. It is very rarely that a man attains to a position of so much influence and responsibility as that which he now holds whose motives have been so generally recognized as good and honorable. There is probably no man now living in the country whose character is commonly held at a higher estimate. Mr. Gould, on the other hand, has long been known as an unscrupulous man, whose rapacity was restrained only by a wholesome fear of the law. There were some transactions in the earlier years of his business career which certainly seemed to be punishable by the law, but lately, and since he has had such large interests in his hands, he has probably kept just within the pale of the law in his operations. But he has been restrained in his acquisition of wealth by no considerations of justice, mercy, or truth, or he is a thoroughly misunderstood man. His name has become a by-word for that sort of dishonesty which is the more hateful because it has not the courage to do unlawful things. All the evils which make stock-gambling and railroad-wrecking odious find their personification in him. There is no man in the country who is so universally condemned and detested as Jay Gould. In the present controversy, therefore, labor has the advantage of being represented by a man who is morally very much above the average, and capital has the disadvantage of being represented by a man who is morally very much below the average. Mr. Powderly has a moral weight which gives force to everything which he says, and Jay Gould is very heavily handicapped by the record of his life.

Wisconsin State Journal (Rep.), April 17.

IT cannot be too often emphasized that the Gould strike was absolutely without rational cause, that Powderly and all his fellow national-committeemen bitterly condemned it, that it has from the beginning lacked the support of popular sympathy in the southwest region, which is not at all prone to ordinarily endorse corporations. Powderly met Gould and talked the matter over with him. Gould neither said nor did anything to encourage the notion that the company would even meet the strikers half-way, in their nonsensical walk-out. Yet Powderly, in his intense anxiety to reach a settlement, construed Gould's language to mean what no rational man could construe it to mean, and ordered his men to return to work. The men would not obey their chief, and when the would-be arbitrators as if a causeless, one-sided affair of this sort could be "arbitrated"-discovered that Powderly had childishly jumped at a conclusion, then Powderly grew angry, issued a foolish letter threatening Gould with personal vengeance, and now wants every knight in the conntry to back up the southwest rioters in what he once declared to be a causeless and suicidal demonstration. The rest of the knights could help their order more by blackballing their southwest fellows than in financially aiding them. The honest, sober, industrious men on the Gould system, who have not indulged in riots, arson or murder, can at any time get work again on honorable terms, by applying for it. As for the proscribed, they deserve boycotting rather than assistance. Savannah News (Dem.), April 17.

THE truth is, and it is useless to try to conceal it, that the Knights of Labor made a great mistake when they inaugurated the Southwestern strike. If they had grievances, they ought to have presented them and asked for an adjustment of them. This they did not do. They violated the first principle of their organization, and they are suffering for it. The wise thing to have done when they realized they were in the wrong was to have acknowledged their error and repaired it the best way they could. Instead of doing that, they persisted in their wrongful

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course, from a feeling, doubtless, that they were strong enough to dictate their own terms. This is probably the first time in his life, in any matter in which the public is interested, that Mr. Gould has had the support of public sentiment. He has it now, not because of any liking for him or his methods of doing business, but because he has been shrewd enough to put himself in the right in a matter in which a great principle that touches every interest in the country is involved. The best American sentiment demands fair play even for a monopolist.

Labor Tribune, Pittsburgh, April 17.

WE hold that one great error of the workingmen has been their waste of time and energy in efforts to secure legislation of a special description. Such can do them no good, and are too apt to be unjust and dangerous to personal liberty. The states and nation should have general laws, and these alone. Laws that apply to all alike, the rich, the poor, the workman, the idler, the professional man and the business community, are what is wanted. Give the country these, and workmen will get their honest dues, and such is all they demand. Workmen want no advantages over the rest of the community. They want only an even chance before the law with Jay Gould, and they insist-or should insist, and at the polls with ballots in their fists-that Jay Gould shall not by law or by ill administration have advantage over them.

Chicago Herald (Ind.), April 17.

MR. POWDERLY's appeal to the order of which he is the head for money with which to make war upon Jay Gould will be satisfactory or unsatisfactory to the mass of the American people according to the use which is to be made of the funds so obtained. If it is his intention to collect money for the purpose of maintaining a few strikers who have not yet returned to work and who intend to devote their time to interfering with traffic in the Southwest, he is making a mistake. If he expects to use the funds subscribed in a persistent and aggressive effort under the law to restrict Jay Gould's power for evil, to shackle him with laws, to create a popular sentiment which will make him and others like him more circumspect, he will have the moral support of the American people. One course will do Jay Gould no harm and the workingman no good. The other will eventuate in a movement which will destroy the supremacy of the Goulds and result in much good to the people generally.

Hartford Courant (Rep.), April 17.

THE position of Mr. Powderly at present is so antagonistic to his position when he was in conference with Mr. Gould in the early days of the strike in the Southwest, that many people believe he is not the author of the letter published on Thursday. Mr. Powderly has been quite ill, and the opinion prevails that he has been coerced into signing a letter the substance of which it is impossible that he should approve. If the strike on the Misscuri Pacific was made without cause no abuse of Jay Gould will change the fact.

Kansas City Star (Ind.), April 17.

THERE are proper tribunals in this country for the settlement of all differences whether public or private, and it is proper that the Knights of Labor should resort to them for the purpose of righting their wrongs. It is unfortunate, however, that Mr. Powderly should have coupled with his announcement a threat to Gould and a promise ot immunity in the event that he should yield to the demands of the order.

Galveston News (Dem.), April 17.

THE Knights of Labor will have to boycott the United States Government if they are really in earnest and desire to follow up their general theory.

Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.), April 17.

GOULD and Powderly should get together and write it out.

N. Y. Sun (Dem.), April 18.

“IT makes but little difference now," says Mr. Powderly, "whether the men of the Southwest acted wisely or not." Yet if they acted unwisely, it is not sure that all the loss, past and prospective, which the strike has brought or will bring to them and their employers, all the expense which contributions for the strikers will cause to Knights of Labor in other parts of the country, might not have been avoided. The money cost of the strike will run into the millions. To this the loss of several lives has to be added. It seems to us that the Knights of Labor would have much more reason to expect success in their controversy if they were absolutely certain that the men of the Southwest were wise in ordering the strike. Mr. Powderly has apparently been doubtful all al ng of their wisdom, and he now takes the position that they must be sustained whether they were originally right or wrong.

Washington Sunday Gazette (Ind.), April 18.

JAY GOULD may have committed a thousand crimes in the past for all we know, but in this particular instance-—the Southwestern strike-we would like, in all seriousness, to have some one tell us wherein Mr. Gould is to blame.

Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.), April 18.

MR. POWDERLY dresses better than Jay Gould, anyhow.

Kansas City Times (Dem.), April 19.

MR. POWDERLY, in his letter to Mr. Gould, puts the matter well when he asks whether workingmen are to be treated as citizens or not. Mr. Gould will not deny in words that they are citizens, yet in effect he assumes that they are mere creatures, existing for the benefit of corporations. His newspapers proceed upon the same assumption. Both will regiet it before the end comes.

New York Commercial-Advertiser (Rep.), April 19.

THE very salvation of the laborer depends on his retention of the principle of individual liberty. The moment he accepts the theory that he must adopt a certain

code of regulations as a badge of his station in life, and assume certain fixed rela-
tions to other classes in society, he has abdicated his individuality and thrown away
his political birthright.
Brooklyn Union (Ind.), April 19.

If it be a legitimate form of success to prosper on the ruin of one's neighbors,
then is Mr. Gould the most brilliant success of American financiers. But other
people besides the Knights of Labor will be likely to take exception to the indul-
gent method of dealing with Mr. Gould's character, and others are as strongly im-
pressed as they with the fact that he typifies most of the things that are calculated
to make our free institutions a failure.

Philadelphia Telegraph (Ind.), April 19.

AT the present time capital avoids enterprise; business is paralyzed, trade stands
still, the mercantile spirit is depressed. No employer of men can be certain of the
future;
he cannot even take a profitable order, lest it be made the signal for a strike
that
may ruin him. He is like those within the temple when blind Samson with-
out tugged at the pillars. Such a state of feeling between capital and labor is un-
natural and abhorrent, and it must come to an end soon if it is not to prove the ruin
of both.

Raleigh, N. C., News and Observer (Dem.), April 19.

SUCH interruptions of trade and traffic are hurtful to every class of citizens in the country, and to none more so than to those who are dependent upon their daily labor for their bread. The violence to which they are likely to give rise is absolutely indefensible upon any ground whatever.

Denver Tribune (Rep.), April 19.

We hope that Powderly is not going to upset all the good he has done by going
into the boycott business.
Columbus Dispatch (Dem.), April 19.

To survive and succeed, the Knights of Labor must have but one head and
that head must be level.
N. Y. Tribune (Rep.), April 20.

It is a matter of sincere regret to all who have hoped for good results from
the organization of workers for their own interest that the Knights of Labor in
Texas and St. Louis bitterly denounce Judge Pardee. So the Central Labor
Union of New York denounces Justice Duffy. Do these workers realize that they
are depriving themselves and their organization of public sympathy by upholding
unlawful methods? The judge in Texas is right, unless a striking workman may
legally destroy property and take the lives of other workmen in order to prevent
any one from working in his stead. Do the strikers realize that they have for the
first time asserted their right to violate law when they please? Or are they grow-
ing indifferent to public opinion, and ready to defy that as well as the law? Surely
they do not really imagine that the dictation of 500,000 men will set aside the
laws by which the liberties of 18,000,000 workers are protected. This is a free
country. The 18,000,000 workers know it, and mean to retain their freedom. It
is certain that they have votes enough to put down any attempt to repeal the laws
enacted for their protection, including the law in this State against conspiracy.

Philadelphia Record (Ina.), April 20.

TO THE Workingmen affected by this railroad strike, and especially to the half million or more upon whom Mr. Powderly depends to sustain their Western brethren in a long struggle with a powerful corporation, the situation must present some disquieting aspects. The sturdy, stubborn and dogged resistance that has been opposed by the railroad officials to every claim of the Knights of Labor through their local representatives at the scene; the defiant spirit that has animated every bulletin and pronunciamento of Vice President Hoxie, and the nonchalant, almost contemptuous, manner in which Mr. Gould has scouted all offers of the Knights to treat with him upon a basis of mutual recognition, are factors that have not entered into similar controversies in which this powerful order has heretofore been engaged. If resistance has been encountered it has usually been short lived and has cost the rash experimentist dearly.

Indianapolis Journal (Rep.), April 20

THERE are innumerable "Poo Bahs" just now, determined to make something out of the agitation now in process of ferment. They are very plausible talkers, and to hear them tell it, one would conclude that labor never had a friend. Only too often, in truth, they are men who never did a day's manual labor in their lives, and never expect to. When they get the Congressional chestnut out of the fire they will have no further use for the Knights, unless they hope to persuade them to re-elect them to Congress. Men who labor with their tongues are now pushing themselves forward for the purpose of realizing on their "sympathy" for the workingman. When one of this kind is found it will be observed that he has nothing bui encouragement for everything proposed, whatever its nature.

Wheeling Intelligencer (Dem.), April 20.

THE press has condemned the double play of Mr. Gould and the arrogance of Mr. Hoxie. Appreciating the embarrassments under which Mr. Powderly labors, the press criticised him only mildly, when he said that right or wrong the strike ought to be maintained now that it was on. This did not sound like the wise and conservative Powderly, and if this one utterance had been disconnected from all his other utterances and acts, it would have deserved, and doubtless would have received, different treatment.

Boston Journal (Rep.), April 20.

IN the current discussion of the rights of labor, in connection with the move. ments of labor organizations, there is one right which seems to be less considered than it should be. This is the right of a workingman who wants work, and who has work offered him, to continue at work without interference. It would almost seem that this right would pass without question, as one of the fundamental princi

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MR. GOULD tried to help James G. Blaine bluff his way into the Presidency a year ago last fall after he had been defeated at the polls. Is the Maine historian now too busy to return the compliment? Mr. Gould is in a heap of trouble, and a little friendly assistance from his old and eloquent friend would be highly appreciated, no doubt. Whitelaw Reid is doing his best, but nothing short of a blast from the bugle horn of the Kennebec chieftain will meet the demand.

Louisville Courier-Journal (Dem.), April 20.

We insist that the employers shall permit union men to work; we insist with equal seriousness that employes shall permit non-union men to labor. The refusal in one case is as wrong, as unjust, as indefensible as is a refusal in the other. The labor organizations must not blunder in this direction.

N. Y. Tribune (Rep.), April 21.

THE idea that a crime committed in support of a strike is less guilty or less disgraceful than other crimes must also be got out of the way. At the bottom every such crime is for the distinct purpose of preventing other men from earning a living. It is therefore a crime against free labor as well as a crime against society, More; it is the most cruel and base of all crimes to deprive a man of his lawful opportunity to earn bread for wife and children. If men want to stop work themselves, that is their right and the law will protect them in it. But they become criminals of the worst sort when they try to rob any other man of his freedom to labor. He who steals or murders for private greed or revenge is more deserving of lenient treatment or of sympathy than he who tries by crime to rob a neighbor

of the right to support his dear ones.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.), April 21.

THE right of every man to control his own labor, to determine his own acceptance or rejection of offered wages, to decide upon his own affiliation with or independence of organized bodies, to seek by every legitimate means what is best for his own interests--all this is freely recognized. The great body of our people are looking for the advancement of labor and for the improvement of its conditions. But the cause of labor is only injured by a weapon which is in conflict with every manly instinct, and which is as certain to be impotent as it is unjustifiable.

Philadelphia Times (Ind.), April 21.

THERE can be no revival of industry or business until labor disturbances are settled; and when it is considered that nine-tenths of the recent great labor troubles have grown out of the merest shadows, when there were no substantial complaints about wages, hours of labor, or manner of payment, is there not a grave responsibility resting upon labor to end rather than to inflame labor disputes? Every new labor dispute, and especially every new dispute that involves other issues than that of wages, must inevitably lessen the measure of employment for the year; and how long can labor disputes last when they are weakening the resources and power of organized labor each day?

Washington Post (Dem.), April 21.

IT is quite evident, then, that no strike can succeed which does not in the first place convince the public of the justice of its aims. It cannot hold the sympathies of the people if it interferes with the absolute freedom of action of all workmen disagreeing with its purpose, or if it enters into any mode of conspiracy to hurt others in order to gain its own ends; and it must inevitably fail if, by act of trespass or violence, it invokes for those who are or might be injured the protection of the law and the State.

THE RIVER AND HARBOR BILL.

N. Y. Tribune, April 21.

THE House has so far occupied two days in debate on the River and Harbor bill, but for all practical purposes it might as well have passed the bill in the beginning under a suspension of the rules. The Secretary of War recommended an appropriation of $10,176,000, and the committee increased the sum to $15,125,000. It will be fortunate for the country if this amount is not increased several millions more before the bill reaches the President. There is no hope of any reduction by the House. The great trouble with this bill is that it is sectional, when it ought to be national. It is made up on a plan of dividing the public money among the different States without any particular regard to the merits of the waterways to be improved. This is one reason why Kentucky gets $1,170,000 and Missouri gets $1,065,000 under this bill, while only $875,000 is given to New York, and but a small portion of that is available for improvement in the harbor. Fifty-five per cent. of all the foreign commerce of the country passes through New York harbor. Any saving in the charges on this commerce benefits the entire country. The largest vessels can only pass the bar at high water. detention which is an element in regulating the charges on that commerce. would have been wisdom for Congress years ago to have begun a satisfactory improvement of the harbor here. Such an expenditure would have been in no sense sectional. But New York has not clamored for the money. It has expended $80,000,000 in building and maintaining a canal which is free to the entire coun

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try, and that canal is more of a benefit to-day to the Western farmer in lowering freight charges on his grain than it is to the farmer in New York State. But Mr. Henderson, of Illinois, insists that the people of New York should help to build the Hennepin Canal in that State, and help to dig out all the little streams in the country. We fail to see the justice in such a bill. Is it illiberal to object to such an expenditure? Many streams figure in this bill which have no commerce. The Caloosahatchie, for instance, gets an appropriation though the engineers' report declares that "the principal advantage expected from this improvement would arise from the partial drainage and reclamation of adjoining marshes." A bill made upon such principles ought to fail.

N. Y. Sun, April 21.

It will be a good thing for the Democratic party and for the country if some of the biggest schemes now in Congress are distanced. The river and harbor job, for instance, and the eternal Blair education grab, and the whole batch of the claim agent pension bills. The United States cannot afford the extravagant and foolish outlay proposed by these boodle bills, and the Democrats cannot afford the responsibility of helping to pass them, no matter how much stimulus they may have from the Senate, whose specialty is extravagance.' If, however, Congress makes up its mind to apply these jimmies to the Treasury safe, Mr. Cleveland may have a very decided duty to do; and, though there are better politicians than he, there are few who have a more marked gift for slamming down vetoes.

New York World (Dem.), April 21.

THE river and harbor grab-bag was thrown into the House yesterday, and the gentleman from "everywhere" at once tried to thrust his arm in up to the pit, regardless of the committee's recommendations. This bill may be styled the great leveler, for a statesman who has a three-foot creek in his district, gets the same courtesy as the Representative who represents a hundred miles of seaboard.

GLADSTONE'S IRISH MEASURES.

San Francisco Call (Ind.), April 12.

IF Mr. Gladstone were not a man of strong convictions and great moral courage, he might falter in the task he has undertaken in the attempt to establish home rule pledged support than is given to him by Mr. Parnell and his Irish following in the for Ireland. The shafts of malice assail him on all sides, and he has little other

Commons. These adherents can be relied upon to sustain him to the end, but outside of these there is an unknown quantity in the number of friends who can be mustered under the home-rule banner. Mr. Gladstone moves straight to his purpose, and will be admired even if he suffers defeat.

The Nation (Ind.), April 15.

THE prospects of Mr. Gladstone's home-rule bill seem to be slightly improving within the last day or two, the first burst of rage and surprise among its opponents being over, and the figure cut by the revolting Liberals having proved on the whole poor. Nobody in the opposition has suffered more than Chamberlain, His attack on Gladstone was inexcusably fierce and bitter, even if it had been strong. But the reference to Gladstone's opinions about the prospects of the Southern Confederacy had all the marks of a demagogue's trick. He drew the inference, amid Tory cheers, that Gladstone's having made a mistake on a question of foreign politics concerning which his information must at best have been exceedingly slight and vague, created a presumption of some force that he was also mistaken about a question of home politics with which he had been familiar for fifty years, and to the study of which he had given his best powers. It is impossible to suppose that any man in Chamberlain's position can resort to a device of this sort toward a colleague without permanent injury to his reputation and influence. Galveston News (Dem.), April 15.

FOR a government to engage in issuing bonds and capitalizing landlords' claims is needless trouble. If the British government were to tell the Irish landlords that they can have a moderate rent for ten or fifteen years and after that nothing, the landlords or investment companies for them could capitalize the rent as well as a government bureau could do it.

The Catholic Review, April 17.

It is no longer an Irish-American movement to give Ireland material and moral assistance, but an American movement, a movement of the whole people of the United States. Under these circumstances it will be doubly, trebly unfortunate if any Irish-American mars the moral effect of this movement and breaks its force by criminations and recriminations, or by indulging in mutual jealousies and dissensions. Those who do this, no matter what their ideas or motives may be, will prove themselves Ireland's deadliest enemies.

N. Y. Herald (Ind.), April 17.

In England's history this is a heroic epoch. She can close up the account with Ireland, which has stood for seven long, weary centuries, and get a receipt in full from a grateful nation. She will be stronger in her own self-respect and in the respect of the world. She will by magic restore hands and feet to a maimed people who have gone on crutches and suffered intolerable injuries. She will perform a long-delayed act of reparation, and Ireland will for the first time show her mettle.

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