Page images
[ocr errors]

doubtless carry some of it into his married life.- St. Louis Post Dispatch (Dem.), May 31.

MR. CLEVELAND is a famous pie-eater. We have no doubt that Miss Frankie will always set the pie plate next to Grover.Baltimore Herald (ind.), May 31.

The President's marriage appears to be altogether the most popular act of his administration up to date.- New York Mail and Express (Rep.), May 31.

All honor to the President. We fear Mr. Tilden would not have been as wise a man in his place. Kansas City Times (Dem.), May 29.

The chances are that the better half of this administration will be in favor of a second term.— Philadelphia Times (Ind.), June 1.

For a national administration a wedding ring is a better ornament than a whisky ring.–Newark News (Dem.), June 1.

The Nation extends congratulations to the happy couple.- Pittsburgh Commercial-Gazette (Rep.), May 29.

PRESIDENT CLEVELAND has carried his own Buffalo ward this time.—Albany Argus (Dem.), May 31.

[ocr errors]

South, East and West vied with each other in doing honor to the great hero whose name is endeared to all. The veterans north of Mason and Dixon's line sent gratesul tributes to the memory of him who led them on to victory, and veterans south of the line sent tokens in grateful remembrance of his magnanimity and kind sympatlıy in the hour of their defeat. The union was complete over that tomb, as the great leader reposing therein had wished it to be. No North, no South, but one unclivided country, paid homage to the memory of one who used his best endeavors during lise to preserve and cement the union of his country.

General Logan at Grant's Tomb. OH! mighty agent of a grateful people, we are here to do you honor. Oh! inspired genius, we come to render testimony of the beneficence of your work. Noble citizen, kind husband, loving father, good friend, great captain, chosen agent! the work thou hast done will shine from the firmament as a new star to light the coming generation. Its ray shall pale the rich troopers of the night, and forever flash with undiminished fire in the presence of the god of day. Until another year shall reawaken the flowers and fill the vernal air with incense, we leave thee with the faithful spirits that guard thy rest and smile about thy tomb.

Newark News (Dem.), May 31. OVER all, over East and West, and North and South, save where some gibbering fanatic insults the face of heaven with his maudlin cries, or, with his puny strength, struggles a moment's space in ghoulish work, time and fraternity are hiding the graves of the old struggles and contentions in flowers. And the prayer of the great man to whose tomb to-day the men whose swords once clashed with his in battle send fragrant offerings has been fulfilled. Forgiveness that is better than forgetfulness is in the hearts of the people and the land has peace.

[ocr errors]



The exercises at General Grant's tomb, Riverside Park, New York, on Decoration Day, have elicited press comment as follows:

New York Mail and Express (Rep.), May 31. MAGNIFICENT Aoral offerings for the decoration of General Grant's Riverside Park tomb have come from San Francisco, from Chicago, and from all sections of the country. Members of the Grand Army of the Republic have come from the far West to participate in or to witness the ceremonies at this new national shrine of patriotic sentiment, who have never thought of coming here before on such an occasion. The spontaneous, unconcerted movement of Grant's old soldiers have revealed the fact that New York, already the one locality that was richest in revolutionary memories, has now become far more interesting as the burial place of Grant. And to-day's impressive ceremonies at and near Grant's tomb, in which the Navy, the Army, the Grand Army of the Republic, the militia and citizens generally, can participate as they could nowhere else so effectively in the country, suggest the wisdom of the selection of such a site.

Troy Telegram (Rep.), May 31. IT not alone tender loyalty to N York's dead heroes and the cause for which they fought that marks the significance of to-clay's celebration. All this has its part in the observance, but there is that in connection with it which makes the affair national in its character and importance. The national shrine is there. The great leader's tomb is to be for the first time decorated by the hands of his old comrades, and from all over the country have come floral offerings and loyal representatives to do honor to his memory. So this year that one tomb in Riverside Park becomes symbolical of the last resting places of all the mighty host. The celebration in New York will henceforth be an affair of the Nation, and as each year rolls around the Nation's loving tributes will be laid upon Grant's tomb, and tender memories of his great service will cluster there as comrades from far and wide gather to decorate the grave of their old commander,

Brooklyn Union (Ind.), May 31. The special feature of this year's Decoration Day is the doing of honor to the memory of the Nation's hero at his tomb in Riverside Park-a feature which is sure to become permanent and which adds a keener personal interest to the day's significance. Impossible as it is to think of a time when the national cemeteries in most of the older Northern States and in the States where the battle-fields were, shall be forgotten or shall fail to remind the people once a year of the Nation's debt to its defenders, it is easier to imagine that the graves of men whose names shall have been forgotten will suffer forgetfulness than it is to conceive of a time when the tomb of Grant or his monument will not be the Mecca of patriotic people. His personality will be distinct in the popular mind, and his career will compe) admiration after every man who looked in his face or remembers his death shall have been dead.

New York Times (Ind.), June 1. In speaking of the great services of General Grant to the country, PostmasterGeneral Vilas made a timely and impressive appeal yesterday for a fitting memorial at the tomb of the Natioa's hero. He reminded the possessors or wealth what they owe to him in the opportunities they enjoy, and called upon them to consider their own necessity “lest that sacred grave, in want of fitting honor, become a monument” to their reproach. The revival of patriotic feeling ought, indeed, to show itself in more generous contributions for the monument. It would be a national shame for this token of a people's gratitude to be neglected or delayed much longer. General Vilas's reminder was vociserously applauded. It is to be hoped that it will find a more substantial response.

Albany Journal (Rep.), May 31. As Fourth of July is the day which brings back vividly to the present generation the achievements of the leaders of the Revolution and fathers of the country, so Decoration Day keeps alive the record of the heroism and bravery of the preservers of the Nation. One is the day of joy and self-glorification; the other the day of memories. And the memories will become dearer year by year, as General Grant's gospel of peace, preached by him from Mt. McGregor and reiterated 10day at Riverside Park, spreads its influence over the entire land.

Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.), June 1. NOWHERE were there such scenęs as at the tomb of General Grant. North and

FRANCE AND THE PRINCES. The introduction by the French ministry of a bill conferring on the government power to expel the Orleans princes has elicited the comments which follow :

Boston Globe (Dem.), May 31. From the ambassadors' tribune in the French Chamber of Deputies, two men, in no wise resembling each other in appearances, but each representing a similar political theory, sat Thursday last the interested spectators of a scene which promises to be the prologue to a drama that threatens more disaster to republicanism in Europe than anything that has occurred since old General Monk, disgusted at weak' Richard Cromwell's hesitancy in assuming his great father's mantle, proclaimed the fugitive Charles Stewart King of England. The two men were, one the grave, white-haired, gray-bearded, austere Ambıssador of Germany, Count Munster, and the other the fair-haired, genial brother of the Czar, Grand Duke Valdimir

, of Russia. There they sat, the first with indignation written on his face, at what he may have thought a sacrilegious onslaught upon the divine right of royalty, and the other with a gay, cynical laugh, at what he considered a dangerous blow to continental democracy. As a Romanoff he hated democracies, and could afford to laugh, for beneath him a member of the French Republican Government stood, amid a storm of shouts and hisses, making desperate efforts to acknowledge to the world that republicanism in France was a failure. M. Demole, keeper of the seats in the orators' tribune, was attempting to move the adoption of a bill to expel the French princes, a tacit acknowledgment that the people were beginning to long for their golden chains of kingly rule; that the government sought to remove the dangerous bauble that temple them before it was too late. In other words, it was an allempt to make Orleans, M. Comte de Paris, a sacrifice for the mistakes of the Republic. Who is the victim and what has he clone? He is a well-bred, portly gentleman, of a literary turn of mind, whose only inisfortune is that he was born the son of a King of France. He was an officer in the Union Army during our late war, and is even more popular in his own country for his liberality and unostentatiousness than he is in America. His crime is that, coupled with his good personal traits, he has minded his own business, kept clear of politics, and consequently made no mistakes. The result is that such a deep impression has been made upon so large a number of his countrymen that he is just the man to rescue his country from its present political and financial plight, that he runs a great danger of having a crown thrust upon him.

The Chronicle, New York, May 29. DURING the last three or four years France has repeateilly allowed herself to show signs of alarm because of imagined dangers resulting from the presence on her soil of the princes of the blouse of Orleans. Expulsion his again and again been threatened; but until now tle calls of the extremnists in the chamber and throughout the country have been ineffectual in rousing the government to adopt any active

This is the second time that pressure has been brought to bear upon M. Freycinet, looking to the same object. It is well known that the French premier is personally opposed to extreme action in the premises, believing that the (langer spoken of is more imaginary than real, and very wisely conclucling that expulsion inight expose the country to greater dlanger by hegetting national sympathy. and thus giving increased importance to the members of the exiled family. On the former occasion his firmness was rewarded with success. On the present occasion, however, he has found it necessary to yield so far, at least, as to introduce a bill giving the government the power to expel, is in its judgment the necessity should arise. Such is the aspect of the situation while we write. It remains to be seen what use will be made of the power when acquired. There can be no doubt that the spirit which calls for special legislation calls for immediate action. The new law, how


[blocks in formation]
[ocr errors]


[ocr errors]

ever, will have the effect of hindering too hasty action. It will always be in the all the property of the princes, and insisting upon “urgency” for it as well as for
power of the government to consider whether the act charged against the prince or the expulsion bill, may perhaps have a different effect from that aimed at, how-
princes amounts to treason or to anything like active pretension to the throne. So scandalous a proposition may bring to their senses some of the deputies
The princes will no doubt be on their guard; and it is probable that the mere who have hitherto aided the expulsion movement without reiecting upon its im-
passing of the law will have the effect of quieting, at least temporarily, the public plications. It would be very likely to have this effect in any other country than
mind. If it should be otherwise, and it should be found that the passing of the bill France, but it is never safe to venture upon predictions in regard to that people.
is but the preliminary to expulsion, there is but small likelihood that the Comte de The French princes are probably iu fact quite harmless, or would be if left alone.
Paris will be the only victim. If the sentence of expulsion goes forth at all, it will go French politicians, however, unconsciously expose their want of faith in thc sta-
forth against all pretenders and all families of all pretenders. The stroke will fall with bility of the present form of Government by the exaggerated alarm with which
equal severity on Bonapartists and on Orleanists; and the last quarter of the nine. they view all elements of hostility.
teenth century, like the first, will be made familiar with the French princes in

New York Mail and Express (Rep.), May 28.
exile. If confiscation should follow, the exiles will all the more command public

If the Count de Paris driven out of France by the present government, it will be
New York Star (Dem.), May 31.

because there was nobody handy to save him from his friends. It will be the con

sequence of two much “demonstration.” Demonstrations of affection and fidelity As long as the Orleans heirs are treated simply as other citizens are treated there on every possible occasion--especially every occasion that gave opportunity for reis but little danger that they will ever be more than citizens, unless the voice of | ligious celebration—have exceedingly irritated the Republicans; and as the govFrance should demand, in unmistakable tones, a change from the republic to a ernment has put down the Red Republican demonstrations in the streets, it is demonarchy. In such a case their own antecedents would force them to the fore and manded that it shall take notice of the royalist demonstrations in churches and the good sense of the world would applaud the elevation of the Comte de Paris as palaces. Some of these demonstrations have been due to the initiative of the a far less evil than the return of the Napoleonic dynasty. Is it possible that the family—as when they have so-called hunts in quasi-royal state in Chantilly. French government knows and dreads the rising flood of such a sentiment among

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.), May 29. the people? Can it be that secret signs and portents, unknown to the world at large, are making the rulers of France uneasy for the stability of the republic ? As THESE gentlemen are old, amiable and anything but revolutionists, it is We can hardly credit the fact that dangerous undercurrents known only to the

difficult for the non-Frenchman to see how their presence can be a menace to the French government are al fault. It is more logical to ascribe it to one of those French government. The Count de Paris and one of his brothers, the Prince de occasional eruptions of capricious folly so inseparable from the mercurial Gallic na Joinville, serveil for a time on the staff of General McClellan during the early part ture, which from time to time shake our best convictions of their capacity for wise

of the rebellion. Both have always been warm friends of the United States. The government. If there is indeed a rising current in favor of Orleanism, no possible

sormer lias written wliat is conceded to be the best history yet publishell of the help could forward it so surely to its flood as unmerited persecution; no possible

American civil war. Intelligent, unprejudiced persons will be apt to consider that barrier would so hold it in check as that wise policy which would simply ignore it

the system of government which is endangered by the presence of such men as and at the same time rule France so justly that there would be no excuse for

these must be weak, indeed. change of government. If French republicanism would cut its own throat, it can

St. Louis Republican (Dem.), May 30. best do so by inaugurating a policy of proscription.

THE princes are harmless at home, but if forced to go abroad may not be harm-
New York Herald (Ind), May 29.

less; are likely to be a rallying point for popular disaffection and a standing menIn our issue of October 12 we published an interview with a gentleman who is ace to the Republic. While in France they are bound in honor to do nothing intimately associated with the Comte de Paris, in which it was asserted that the against her political institutions; driven out of France they will be under no such Comte "confidently looks forward to the time when he shall be called upon to

obligation, and may become a fruitful source of mischief. We hope the Chamber mount the throne of France ;” and this confidence was buttressed by the result

of Deputies will be wiser than the Cabinet, and by rejecting the expulsion bill of the elections which we published on October 12, showing that out of 7,500,000

save the Government from something much worse than bad blunder, and at the votes, excluding Paris, 3,300,000, or very nearly half, had been thrown on the con

same time spare France what would be little less than a national shame. servative side. That fact not only alarmed Paris, but startled France. It proved

Evansville Journal (Rep.), May 29. that conservatism had incredibly increased, and that the door between the Comte de Paris and the fulfilment of his dream was not firmly bolted, but siinply closed.

THE Orleans princes are professional marplots, and have no legitimate place in

a republic of even the semi-monarchial tendencies of Francu. Don Carlos, the These are stern facts and must be faced. With popular opinion in such a state that a slight circumstance can throw it to the one side or the other, nothing could pretender, is not wanted in Spain; in fact

, that country is not very healthy for be more unwise or foolish than for the Chamber of Deputies to make a martyr os

him. Royalty on the one hand and anarchy on the other are becoming very the Comte de Paris and double his chances of success by persecution. There is no

unpopular. stronger element in human nature than sympathy with the oppressed, and when

Charleston News and Courier (Dem ), Muy 29. sympathy controls politics changes are rapidly made.

THESE Orleanists, in their normal condition, are entirely inoffensive, and in no
Philadelphia Inquirer (Rep.), May 29.

wise dangerous. They run no risks, and think inore of their chateaux and their cash

than of a French crown with the shadow of the sword over it. But the French ABOUT the worst use the Government of France can make of the ex-royal per Government will make them count for more than they are worth. sonages who elect to dwell within the borders of the Republic is to honor hem with political persecution. The official apprehension the members of the Orleans and Bourbon families should have that consideration accorded to other citizens of

If they have broken the laws or are conspiring against the State, the Republic their wealth and intelligence, and no more.

To make martyrs of them is to give

should be able to deal with them as it would deal with any other citizens. It is them undue importance and to establish them in a position where they can com

certain that is their influence is of the kind that will bring trouble to the Repubmand the sympathy and support of all the opponents of the existing administra

lic, it will not be decreased by making them martyrs.--Newark News (Dem.), tion. It is a confession of weakness for the governinent to tacitly adnit that the

May 28 princes are regarded with fear; and furthermore, if they are really dangerous to AMERICAN toadies are very much afraid that the expulsion of the Comte (le Chanthe Republic as citizens under the authority of the State, they will be far more borci from France will make a martyr of him and create popular sympathy for his dangerous as exiles freed from all obligations to the State and suffering from pro- pretensions. France has not much synıpathy to waste on exiles of that sort just at scription.

present.—Brooklyn Times (Rep.), May 29. New Orleans Timies-Democrat (Dem.), May 26.

EXPULSION of the French princes will not strengthen the pillars of the Republic. This act is a confession of weak ess by the Republicans and will be so recog.

The proposition is a mistake. —National Republican (Rep.), illay 31. nized by the world. It will have exactly the contrary effect from what is intended, for it will arouse sympathy for the prince, both in and out of France. Persecution like this always reacts, and the prince, in his exile, will win thousands of sup

OLEOMARGARINE. porters, to whoin the action of the French Government will appear in its true light of tyranny and persecution. The more eminent and conservative of the French A BILL providing for the taxation of oleomargarine at the rate of ten cents per Republicans have seen this, and protested against any banishment of the French pound has been for some time before the national House of Representatives and princes except for cause, but France is drifting toward Radicalisin, and the sime has been extensively discussed by the press. The editorial opinions advanced as Government which welcomes back the Communist and Socialist murderers, and

to the bill and as to the arguments for and against its adoption are fairly reprewipes out their treason, declares the Comte d'Orleans guilty and worthy of banishment, because of his daughter's inarriage.

sented in the appended extracts.

Montreal Gazelte. Philadelphia Press (Rep.), May 31. It is by no means certain that the threatened expulsion will take place, since OLEOMARGARINE can be made at a profit for ten cents a pound, so that it will be the six ministers who desired discretionary power in the premises are not neces seen how strong is the temptation to dispose of it as the betier article, a temptation sarily to be set down as disposed to exert this power forthwith. If the Comte de that no application of the law is yet known to have overcome. The recognition Paris would only abdicate his pretensions in some effective though perhaps of this fact has led to an agitation in the United States for legislation to suppress informal way, there would be no dispositon to exile him. As it is, the republic is its manufacture altogetlier, and that it will be successful ere long there is small perfectly justified in clealing with pretenders as other regines have done. It is reason to doubt. The interests at stake are, in reality, much wider than appear entirely a question of policy, but a good deal may depend on how it is answered. directly in the issue. The curtailment of the dairy product--and the effect of

oleomargarine competition has nigh brought about that conclition in some sections New York Tribune (Rep.), May 29.

of New York State—means also a reduction in the prosluctive capabilities of a The act of the Anarchist Deputy Basly, in bringing forward a bill to confiscate | large section of the country, for it is only by resort to dairy farming that the lands

[ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors]


of the older sections of this continent have been able to be profitably worked after day : “We members know that it is wrong, but we don't dare vole against it.” The their virgin fertility had been exhausted by the successive grain cropping they at conditions are nearly the same as on the arbitration bill, only more pronounced if first underwent,

anything. Members declare it unconstitutional and impolitic, but trim their votes Omaha Bee (Rep.).

in accord with their estimate of consequences in their respective districts. This is Tue bogus butter business thrives on fraud. The fraud begins at the factory

rank and disgraceful co rdice, and deserves an emphatic rebuke at the polls. when the stuff is packed in tubs marked • Fine Creamery.” It is continued by

Cincinnati Evening Post (Ind.). the retailers when the neatly wrapped rolls are palmed off on customers as the

THE people of the United States have right to be protected from harmful “the best country butter.” It only ends when a surprised stomach wrestles with the doctored-up lard in the vain attempt 10 digest it as it does the product of the

adulterations in butter substitutes, and from impositions in the sale of the butter churn. The farmers of the United States are a unit in demanding ihat such fraud

substitutes for genuine butler. To secure the enjoyment of the right there must

be Government inspection of both the facture and the sale. The cost of such shall be made impossible, because its successsul continuance means the certain destruction of our great dairy interests. Consumers of butter who discover that their

Government inspection should be paid by a reasonable license of the dealers and family grocer has been unable to resist the temptation to make 100 per cent. profit by either a tax on the butter substitute or a license of the facturers. . Both should by charging creamery prices for deodorized lard, are anxious that such temptation

be regulated so as to pay expenses of inspection and no more. shall be forever removed. Bogus butter must go.

Chicago Herald (Ind.).
Pittsburgh Dispatch (Ind.).

To tax imitation butter 10 cents a pound would undoubtedly have the effect of It would be interesting to know upon what authority Mr. Dunham, of Illinois, increasing the price of genuine butter, and to that extent the poor man not only, said, the other day, in a speech in defense of the bogus butter industry that the

but the rich man and everybody else except the butter producers, would suffer. manufacturers of artificial butter would willingly color it pink or sky-blue instead of

On the other hand, the poor man as well as the rich man is suffering now because

stuff which is not butter and which is not worth as much as butter is being sold yellow. If the manufacturers would do that, they would clearly raise their busi

everywhere for butter prices. In keeping the poor man's interests in view in one ness above all charges of fraud. A manufactured article that presents itself to the

case they should not be lost sight of in the other. public for what it really is and cannot be used to perpetuate a fraud, is above any attempt at legal regulation or restriction. If the manufacturers are ready to do

New York Star (Dem.). what their advocates say they are, they can stop the entire dispute at once.


THERE is abundant cause for the criticism of those who insist that it is inconsista sufficient answer to Mr. Dunham's declaration is contained in the surther query: ent for Democrats to vote to tax a manufacture out of existence. There is no obWhy do they not do it?

jection to laying a tax on bogus butter, nor to arranging the methods of the taxation so Washington Post (Dem.).

as to enable the public as well as the Government officers to discriminate between IF Congress is to put a prohibitory tax on butterine at the command of the dairy the untaxed dairy product and the taxed imitation. It is a very different matter, interest, why should it not put a prohibitory tax on gas at the command of the however, to use the taxing power for the specific purpose of stopping the manufacwliale oil and petroleum interests, and on the blue jeans at the command of the ture. woolen interest, and on pork and sausages at the command of the hucksters of

New Orleans Times-Democrat (Dem.). mutton-chops, and on plain straw hats for the “prolection” of the Panama hat im

The Congressional wit of the past few days is of the poorest variety and better porters, and on two-dollar shoes for the protection of Burt's shoes at six dollars a suited to a class of school boys. The proposition to tax artificial glass eggs and pair, and on cider and lager beer for the benefit of champagne? If poor men are artificially incubator-hatched chickens caused a laugh, but it was an expensive not to be allowed to eat butterine when they find it wholesome and palatable, why laugh to the country, as it consumed hours of debate, lengthened out the discussion on carth should they be permitted to buy anything that is cheap?

of the measure, to the sacrifice and injury of other imporlant bills that ought to reSt. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

ceive the attention of Congress. OLEOMARGARINE is manusactured in various parts of the country, but it is the

Galveston News (Dem.). peculiar and distinguishing product of Chicago. Its intimate connection with hog

The olemargarine bill would be special legislation. There are dozens of articles lard and the packing business makes it dear to the Chicago heart and invests it

that are put up and sold as substitutes for other articles. If it is worth while doing with the odor of sanctity in the Chicago imagination. As the sight of the palm anything in such cases, it is worth while having inspectors and a systematic treatcheers the weary eye of the Arabian exile, so does the vision of lard, in whatever

ment with regard to the sale of compounds for food. Chicory for coffee, glucose form, delight the vision of the Chicago wanderer under alien skies. The sensi

for sugar, thorn leaves for tea, and numerous other substitutes present the same bilities of communities are as much entitled to respect as those of individuals. The

problem as oleomargarine.
great grease-manipulating city should not be wounded in its tenderest part, or flip-
pantly affronted by unfeeling Congressmen.

Philadelphia Record (Ind.).
Washington Slar (Ind.).

By the passage of the oleomargarine bill an important export trade would be ut

terly destroyed. Is the foreign commerce of this country in so flourishing a condiBY ALL means let Congress withhold the blow it was about striking at bogus tion that Congress can afford to pass such a measure ? But, apart from this, is it butter. As long as it was only horse-grease and such things which were sold as not a most tyrannous thing for the Government to make its power of taxation an-inthe product of the creamery, there would have been some slight excuse, perhaps, strument for destroying the legitimate business of any portion of the people ? for the levy of a tax, because horse-grease is comparatively cheap, and its resiners might fairly be called upon to bear their share in the support of the Government.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.). But cotton-seed oil is quite another thing. If our law-makers persist in their reck Does the bill go at the subject at the right end ? Is not the true object to preless course we shall find them one of these days increasing the burdens of the vent any deception rather than to destroy the manufacture? Is not the right protecbrown sugar industry to such an extent as to bankrupt the owner of every sand tion for the dairy the enactment of adequate safeguards against palming off the imita. bank in America !

tion butter as genuine? In a word, should not the bill aim to prevent fraud and St. Paul Press (Rep.).

not to increase it through the evasion of a tax? The evidence against oleomargarine of intent to deceive is conclusive. It has

Pittsburgh Commercial-Gazette (Rep.). copied the name, " butterine,” to which it has no claim. It has copied the tubs, the pails , the linen cloths, everything distinctively a mark of the genuine product bring it under the control of the Revenue Bureau, and tlrus enable the officers to

What is needed is a light or merely nominal tax on imitation butter, so as to of the dairy, and its success and profits have always depended upon the extent 10 which the consumer could be kept in ignorance of what he was using. It is a

prevent the sale of the bogus article as genuine, and at the same time not interfere

with the manufacture and sale of that which is wholesome and in demand among moderate and reasonable thing which is asked; first, for the prevention of destruc

the laboring classes.
lion to the dairy interest, and second, for the protection of the public health. No
representations from the other side have affected the equities of this question,

Kansas City Times (Dem.).
New York Herald (Ind.).

To say that the manufacture and sale of whisky should be prohibited because it

might interfere with the milk trade or the sale of coffee or tea or cider or vinegar, Wuen Congress once enters upon this sort of business there is no limit to which

would be to subject the controversy to ridicule, and this is precisely the line of the abuse may not be carried, Even if oleomargarine were what its worst and

argument indulged by many of the opponents of oleomargarine. It will not win. most ignorant enemies represent it to be, Congress has nothing to do with it. If its mauufacture and sale are a public detriment, that is an evil for the States to correct. The passage of the pending bill would be a flagrant abuse of Congressional If this product was offered in market as what it is a mixture of butter and power and a plain violation of the spirit, if not the letter, of the Constitution. It

the grease extracted from animal resuse—it would have no sale at all. It does would establish a dangerous precedent, for the power abused to destroy this indus have an immense sale, because, by the aid of drugs, it is made to resemble the try to-day may be abused to crush out any other industry to-morrow.

best article of buller, and is sold under the odious false pretense that it is butter.

St. Louis Republican (Dem.).
New York World (Dem.).
The oleomargarine bill has been amended in a manner that the farmers will not

In regard to the excessive tax proposed, the Plain Dealer believes it is entirely

uncalled for. A nominal tax that would definitely distinguish the imitation from relish, and they are its main backers. The amendment excludes from the designa

the genuine butter would be sufficient. Yet there is no necessity for a tax of any tion of " butter" all products of milk and cream that shall contain coloring matter. This will exclude carrot extract and chemicals from the dairy and cheese-press.

kind, either as a measure of revenue, protection, or restriction.--Cleveland Plain

Dealer (Dem.).
The farmers cannot consistently oppose this item, no matter much it may pinch.
Manchester Union (Dem.).

This question does not lie between the producers of tallow and the producers of

butter alone. It is mainly between honesty and dishonesty, from one point of The melancholy fact about the oleomargarine bill is that Senators and Represen- view, and between the greed of a limited number of capitalists and the general tatives will vote for it against their convictions. Said one Representative the other welfare of the nation from another point.- Ohio State Journal (Rep.).

[blocks in formation]


[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

PRESIDENTIAL POSSIBILITIES. DISCUSSION of candidates and chances for the general election of 1888 has become a very pronounced feature of editorial comment, the drift of which is indicated by the extracts given below :

Memphis Avalanche (Dem.). It is significant that Northern Republican papers begin to be filled with interviews and speculations and opinions of leading citizens directed to whether Blaine would be a popular candidate for the Republicans to nominate in 1888. The question contains matter of supreme interest to Gen. John A. Logan. So far as the Democrats are concerned, with Mr. Cleveland as the logical and inevitable candidate, the Democratic party will not object to a renewal of the old fight, with the Augusta speech as an addition. What it did by a seratch in 1884 it will do by an overwhelming vote in 1888. We know that there are many Democrats who regard Mr. Cleveland as the last Democrat their party is likely to nominate. They will be surprised to find, ten days before the meeting of the next convention, with what ease they will be able to say, Well, after all, perhaps it is best as it is.” With Cleveland against the field, the field will enter the convention with defeat acknowledged. This is so logically inevitable that not even possible trickery in New York will prevent it. There are Republicans who think that their cause has grown since the last election. They have erred in supposing that the many differences within the Democratic party will result in a loss of votes and in believing that the many new issues and loosening of old party ties will result in benefit to them. To the personal objections which destroyed Blaine, and to the fatal blunder of his Lafayette, Ind., speech, will be added the fact that, four years further away from sectional and race issues, Blaine's nomination will mean an inevitable recurrence to these dead issues. But there is an obstacle in Blaine's way which he will find it hard to surmount in seeking the nomination. Logan has not only offered himself as the soldier candidate and exponent besides of all bourbonism, but he has secured a sufficient standing to enable him almost certainly to defeat Blaine, although his own nomination may be an impossibility. We would be glad to know that either Logan or Blaine could receive the nomination. Either would make Cleveland's re-election a certainty.

Philadelphia Press (Rep.). In response to the question how it would be practicable, if Cleveland wants a renomination, to take his own State away from him, the New York Sun tells us that it is a question of delegates in the State convention, and that from present indications Governor Hill would beat Mr. Cleveland in the Democratic State Convention very handsomely. The Sun very suggestively adds : “ It should not be forgotten that so great a politician as Daniel Manning is no longer a potentiality in these little matters.” But wbat about William C. Whitney ? Has he lost his grip in New York city? Has the custom-house no power? Has the Manning machine broken up with the disablement of its chief, or has it been captured by Governor Hill? It must be owned that it looks a good deal that way.

Governor Hill very skillsully carried the State convention last year, and secured his own nomination and election ; but he had the advantage of being already in the place to be filled—the same advanta_c which Mr. Cleveland will have if a candidate for renomination; and, though he rallied a more positive Democratic sentiment, he had no direct issue with the Administration. He made his own aggressive fight and encountered no open

pposition. Since then it is plain that he has been strengthening himself among the Democratic politicians, while the President has as plainly lost ground. Yet it would be a curious spectacle if the President, desiring a renomination, should have no political standing or power in his own State. Another Buffalo President was impotent against the unfriendly elements of his own party in New York. Mr. Fillmore, with all the powers of the Presidency, was helpless against Mr. Seward with the Whig party at his back. Mr. Fillmore was an accident in one way as Mr. Cleveland is in another. He had more of the political instinct than the present incunbent of the White House; but, in spite of it, he was not in sympathy with the Whig sentiment of the State, and could secure no hold on it. Yet even with this example, it would be singular is Mr. Cleveland should find the scepter in New York taken away from him by the man who was only the tail of his ticket in 1882, and who accidentally became governor only through Mr. Cleveland's elevation to the Presidency. It is altogether probable that New York will determine the Democratic nomination in 1888 as it did in 1884, and this gives more interest and importance to the question who will determine New York. Meanwhile, it is said that so sagacious a politician as Samuel J. Randall holds that is the Democratic party doesn't renominate and re-elect Cleveland, it can't elect anybody.

Boston Herald (Ind.). ONE party or the other will nominate for President two years hence a man who stands for the dominating wish of the people in regard to the most vital questions then before them. What will this controlling issue be ? One of the aspirants in the Senate acts as thongh he imagines the country is, and will continue to be, most deeply concerned in seeing how uch money can be added to a pension list that already requires $75,000,000 annually. Ile is mistaken. His appeal is to a class, and to a class that is divided—and will continue to be-between the two parties. Other candidates hope to succeed by attaching themselves to the rotten remnants of a sectional banner. They, too, are mistaken. The people will not go back in '88 to the issues of '68. One candidate has proclaimed his belief, and several are acting in accordance with it, that the people really love to be taxed—that they take a patriotic delight in contributing to a treasury surplus to be squandered in wasteful appropriations. All such are in error. The people have advanced to high executive positions men whom they had reason to believe would fearlessly interpose the veto to save them from needless expense. They do not knowingly advance one who would help to heap burdens on their shoulders. It is easier to tell

what the issues will not be that will form the ticket than to say at this time what they will be. Congress has not yet adjourned; and an unlooked for interval of lucidity it may remove some questions from the list of issues, at least for the pres

It has also a short session next winter, in which, as was the case with the Republicans in 1883, the Democrats may improve the opportunity to redeem some of their promises. But if matters shall remain substantially as they are, it is as certain as anything in the future can be that the issues of the next Presidential canvass will turn upon the unsettled questions now troubling the executive and confounding the legislative branches of the Government. The Republicans are apparently planning to turn up as the champions of civil-service reform; but with the consession openly made by their leader in the Senate that they interpose no objection to the appropriation of the offices by the Democrats, if it is done upon party grounds -a position based upon an evident intention of recovering the offices if they regain power—their championship of reform will scarcely be accepted. The record upon the question of taxation is not yet made up; but, if the war taxes are not reduced before then, no issue will be more clearly and stubbornly fought in 1888 than this. There is time, however, for many things to happen in two years, and it is not impossible that the issues of the Presidential year will force the nomination of men who are not now mentioned in connection with the office.

Manchester, N. H., Union (Dem.). “There is some Carlisle talk for 1888, but a man who hasn't back-bono enough to make up committees of the House 10 represent his own convictions on important national is. sues will have to grow a good deal before he attains the Presidential size. - Springfield Republican (Ind.).

This stricture is surprising coming from such a source as the Springfield Republican. If Mr. Carlisle had acted as the Republican criticises him for not, it would have been one of the first to roundly censure him for a dictatorial manner, and for setting his individual opinions tyranically above the body he was called upon to preside over, Mr. Carlisle is here impugned for refraining from that very policy which brought the severest criticism upon the acts of James G. Blaine in a similar position of authority. Law and practice gives to the presiding officer of our national House extensive power unhindered by few restrictions, but the unwritten law of public sentiment inexorably demands that this official shall not abuse his authority or render it offensive. The individual elevated to this high public place fills it the most acceptably when he puts above his personality his capacity as representative of the political power that placed him in position. No other view of his office is tenable, and certainly no other administration can bring satisfaction. No one will contend that a speaker is justified in unduly affecting grave public measures by enforcing his individual views against the majority opinion of those he is presumed to represent. This view covers the whole issue, no matter how it is applied. Mr. Carlisle's record in the speaker's chair stands unimpeached, and the country will have reason to rejoice if it always secures as good a one.

Atlanta Correspondence N. Y. Sun (Dem.). In casting an eye over the field Mr. Blaine discovered that he had a precious small following in Georgia. Gen. Grant was the overwhelming choice of the negroes and the non-officeholding element in the Republican party. Mr. Sherman, then Secretary of the Treasury, had every Federal officeholder in his grasp. Blaine was nowhere. He saw, however, a possibility in the distance. Senator Brown had long desired a seat in the United States Senate. He made a race as a rampant Radical in 1868, but nobody voted for him but the black-and-tan and the worse elements of the Bullock forces. He was ingloriously lest. He hankered after the coveted place. He longed for it. He had worked for it under every conceivable arrangement, but it was no go before the people. Blaine knew that Gordon wanted to improve his private fortunes. Blaine desired to break Grant's and Sherman's hold in Georgia, and when the thing was ripe, Brown turned up in the Senate-Gordon retired from that body. Blaine got eight delegates against Grant's six in the Republican convention, and Field secured the control of a solid delegation of Democrats to Cincinnati. Blaine made Garfield the nominee, and Field retired on his honors. The trading Southern Democrats got all the Southern Federal offices. Certain newspapers got rich, and everything was lovely until the thing leaked out in Georgia, and now Senator Brown and ex-Senator Gordon are fighting the fight over again. Can The Sun throw any light on the affair? Is it true that Blaine is now reaching out again toward the South ?

Petersburg, Va., Index-Appeal (Dem.). THEY are talking of making ex-Senator James L. Alcorn, of Mississippi, the Republican candidate for Vice-President two years hence. We are always looking out for lionors for Virginia's sons, but it is not at all likely that the Republican nomination, if it comes to the South, as it probably will, will fall to any citizen of this Commonwealth. With Cameron or Mahone on the ticket, defeat would be certain of course. There is no Northern State, to say nothing of Southern States, that would deliberately vote to elevate to the second office in the country any man who had represented, as both these gentlemen have, the principle that a State is not bound to the fulfillment of its obligations to the same extent that an individual is. The Republican field in the South is not an extensive one, and there may be difficulty in finding a candidate more acceptible than ex-Senator Alcorn. If, as is most likely, both parties seek to complete their tickets in the South, the chances of the Mississippian would seem to be as good as any one's. Mr. Alcorn is a man of large fortune, of irreproachable private character, was a gallant Confederate soldier, and is ambitious. He lives in the heart of the great black belt of the Southwest. What Democrat of the South will be second on the Democratic ticket?

S. W. Dorsey in N. Y. Tribune Interview. “I THINK at the present time Mr. Blaine's chances of nomination are better than they ever were, but I believe that Gen. Logan and John Sherman will jointly have a majority of the votes of the convention. There may be a repetition of the Cincinnati convention of 1876, when Blaine came so near a nomination, but failed. One thing is certain : Mr. Blaine is too experienced a politician to permit a Gar

[ocr errors][ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

field to appear in the National convention from Maine, although Tom Reed is quite equal to the role. I believe that there will be sewer names before the next convention than before any that has been held.” « Who will be the Democratic nominee?" “The brightest politician the Democratic party has—that is, the present governor of the State of New York.” “ Don't you think Cleveland may be renominated ?” “There is not the slightest chance in the world for him. I don't believe he could get a delegation from a single State in the Union. I don't be lieve now that if he should try to retrieve himself with his party by retracing his steps he could ever regain the Democratic confidence which he has lost. This fellow up here in Albany will cut the life out of him.”

Brooklyn Times (Rep.). HIERE in this Kings county stronghold of Democratic disaffection we have wit. nessed a notable change in the temper of the party to its President since Mr. Hen. drix was appointed postmaster, and a few more judicious allotments of patronage of the same kind would suffice to make Cleveland the idol of Kings county Democracy. The social favors that are now being showered on the head of the Kings county leader at Washington show some purpose 10 counteract the growing strength of the Hill faction, and it must not be forgotten that the President still holds all the trump cards and that he can score a trick for every one of the offices in his gist. Governor Hill is a smart man; he can make himself so solid with the labor unions by the bestowal of a few honorary appointments as to prevent any desection of labor votes from the party if he should gain the nomination, but the labor unions do not nominate Democratic candidates, and Grover Cleveland has a monopoly of the bait by which Democratic conventions are caught.

New York Sun (Dem.). Our esteemed contemporary, the Freeman, proposes the following Republican candidates for the next election : “ For President, Walter Q. Gresham, of Indiana; for Vice-President, John 1). Long, of Massachusetts.” This would be a strong ticket, especially now that Governor Long has got married. In 1884 Gresham was Postmaster-General, and we advised the Republicans to nominale him for President, but the idea did not suit their book. There is no man in the Republican party who would make a better President than Judge Gresham; but it is curious how opposed the American people are to transferring julges into political offices. We have known half a dozen ornaments of the Supreme Court who were willing to be President, but the people would never see it. And as for Judge Gresham, it is safe to say that no man thinks less about the Presidency than be, and none will be less disappointed than lie as he is left to continue his honorable, useful and high-minded career upon the bench.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.). MR. BLAINE is certainly a man of extraordinary influence in his own party, and his chances for a renomination grow brighter every day. His boasted “magnetism” is shown to be a reality, and there is no good reason for believing that the Republican party is not ready to follow him a second time through the trials of a spirited and spectacular campaign. Two years ago some Republican papers that opposed Blaine's nomination assailed his character and fitness in unmeasured terms; to-day these papers are either silent in reserence to him, or give him faint and reluctant praise. When he is adversely criticised by Republican papers, it is usually with apologetic caution, Llaine's popularity among Republicans is still an active, though silent force, and his renomination woull not be surprising. He is the exponent and representative of certain tendencies and practices which are peculiarly Republican, and under the existing circumstances he would seem to be an appropriate candidate for

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.). The opposition by prominent journals of his own party to Mr. Cleveland's renomination is strong and pronounced. The Brooklyn Eagle, Cincinnati Enquirer, and New York World and Sun have all expressed their disapproval of any project looking to the putting of the President again in the field. Their antagonism to him is not that he has turned too many Republicans out of office, but that he has turned out too few. But the leading count in the indictment which they bring against him is that he has demoralized and practically disrupted the party. The confidence which was so generally felt two years ago in his ability to mold the Democratic party into a condition of invincibility has been replaced by the knowledge that his ignorance of political affairs and his want of tact in managing men have made the Democracy powerless to institute an aggressive campaign under his leadership

Brooklyn Cagle (Dem.).
One sentence from Dorsey's “breezy talk” is worth quoting:

I have not been to call on Conkling for the simple reason that I havo not tho timo to spare. IL I should call on him he would want me to spend the evening with him and stay all night. That is his way. He wants to slt up with a friend will the wee small hours. I have not the time to spare for that kind of a call.

If Mr. Conkling has more intelligence and taste than some of his jocose or passionate ebullitions in court seem to imply, it would be interesting to know how he likes the close and confidential friendship thus imputed to him. The best thing for Mr. Blaine that has recently occurred is Dorsey's formal declaration that he is “opposed to the renomination” of the Maine candidate in 1888. For a like reason Governor Hill will not be greatly pleaserl, while the friends of President Cleveland may be correspondingly elated with part of the “breezy” colloquy.

National Republican (Rep.). THERE are some very shrewd Democratic politicians in the great Northwest who confidently believe that Mr. Voorhees ought to start a Presidential boom; but the Senator will probably object to anything like previousness in so serious a busi

The fact is the Hill boom is now virtually occupying the whole road, crowding the boomlets of Carlisle and Randall against the fence and making things

disagreeable for every possible competitor. New York will undoubtedly name the head of the Democratic ticket, and Tammany, reinvigorated as the organization appears to be, will, in all probability, decide the choice of New York. Tammany is solid for Hill at this date, but the nomination is more than two years off and President Cleveland has been on deck less than fifteen months. Lots of things are likely to happen before inidsummer in '88.

Troy Press (Dem.). “Mr. Samuel J. Randall has pronouncod against ciyll sorvice reform. It was once truthfully remarked of an eminent Democratic statesman that he did not realize that the time had come when no man could be elected Pre-ident who spelt negro with two g's, and Mr. Randall should have prosted by the example."--Providence Journal Rep.).

We do not understand Mr. Randall to oppose civil-service resorm, but if that be his intention, the Journals reminder should be brooded upon by him and by every aspirant to the Presidency, for the reform is dear to the people of this coun. try. They are determined to enforce it, and woe betide the statesman that should try to oppose them or to cheat them in this matter. Even President Cleveland would be politically dead the moment it should become known by the people that he had betrayed the great trust they have imposed in him.

The Jewish Messenger (Religious). It is by no means agreeable to find some of the prominent papers ringing the changes upon the next Presidency besore the people are fully accustomed to the present incumbent, but it is a commentary on the political condition of the couniry. Underlying all our activities seems to be the political craze which prevents hundreds of citizens who could be leaders of opinion from expressing their honest views on public questions. The man who inakes a business of politics aims high sor preferment, and his every word and every act are based upon the programme that he proposes to fill. This continual agitation between the parties ihat intrinsically have no dividing line except the offices has always crippled conservative business methods, and merely encouraged speculation in all its ramifications.

Salt Lake Ilerald (Dem.). UNDOUBTEDLY Carlisle is among the foremost statesmen of the day, being able, pure and progressive; the Democrats have few men who would be his equal in the Presidential office; but the political history of parties and men should teach him and his friends that the best way to destroy his chances is to announce him as a candidate for the Presidency and “boom” him for the nomination. Long before the convention in 1888, if the boom shall begin now, Mr. Carlisle will have been exhausted and forgotten, and some “unknown,” without a record, will step in and pluck the fruit, as Cleveland did in 1884. The Speaker is too good a man to be sacrificed by his ambition or the misguided efforts of his friends. Two years hence will be soon enough to inaugurate a Carlisle boom.

New York Sun (Dem.). BLAINE and Logan made a pretty ticket, and Blair and Logan would make a beautiful one. Platform: “ Hang the expense!” Decidedly, if the Democrats are beaten in the Congress elections, the President will have to take his part of the blame. But there is no use in crying for spilled milk before it 's spilled. Let us hope that it won't be spilled. Spilled it will be, though, if the House is not Holınanized. The Providence Journal correspondent wonders if Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Randall are “working together again as they dici in the early days of the Administration.” We hope so, but just at present the majority of the House Democrats are working together with Mr. Randall and Mr. Holman for economy.

Richmond Va., State (Dem.). BLAINE is at present the hardest working candidate in the country. It is a mistake to suppose that he is idle. Wherever we turn we notice his lines of circumvallation thrown out. Perhaps no man is better aware of this than Mr. Powderly, and hence his manly rebuff of Blaine at the very outset. The thinking man is not to be deceived by promises. He knows that Blaine has for a long time been in politics and that Blaine was for a long time in a position to have rendered some aid io the industrial interests of the country. But did he? It is only when he is a candidate that we hear of his friendship for the laboring man. These are just the men that good citizens ought always to reject.

Chicago Ilerald (Ind.). One of the most interesting pieces of political gossip that has been circulated recently is that which attributes to the politicians who are in the confidence of Mr. Blaine a purpose to run him for President two years hence on a reunion, protective tariff and liberal appropriation platform, with General John B. Gordon, of Georgia, as the candidate for Vice-President.' General Gordon is now, as a part of the alleged scheme, making a canvass for the Democratic nomination for Governor of Georgia, and his success in the convention and at the polls would be regarded as a very important step toward the perfection of the plan.

Eugene Field, in Chicago News (Ind.). The Washington Republican must be joking when it suggests that John G. Carlisle is going to loom up as a Presidential candidate. Once in awhile a Washington politician springs Carlisle as a Presidential possibility and expatiates upon the enthusiasm that Carlisle's candidacy would create in the mighty West. The truth is that Mr. Carlisle is so little heard of north of the Ohio river and West of the Alleghanies that most of our intelligent voters think that he is the man who wrote a novel about the French revolution.

Memphis Appeal (Dem.). AMONG the Democrats that are close on Cleveland's heels are Carlisle and Morrison, with the chances stronger in favor of the latter, who is in all respect a typical Western man and a soldier of the Mexican as well as the civil war. McDonald of Indiana has strength in his own State, but very little out of it. Cleveland overshadows all of them combined, the people being satisfied that he has made a

his party.


« PreviousContinue »