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liberty of the citizen in these respects constitute "a conspiracy at common law," and should be punished as such. The "boycott" is condemned as "tyranny, pure and simple, and, as such, hateful." The claim that the conditions affecting a strike are those of "war" between the parties to the dispute was made, but this is denied by the commission. "There is only one war making power, and that is the government. War between citizens is not to be tolerated, and cannot, in the proper sense, exist; it is unlawful, and it is to be put down by the sovereign power of the state and the nation." The "black-list" is condemned with the "boycott." Both are cruel and cowardly. Finally, "it is adjudged and awarded that no person shall be refused employment or in any way discriminated against on account of membership or of non-membership in any labor organization."

The future of labor organizations, during the period of strife and excitement of the Pennsylvania anthracite miners' strike, seemed to many onlookers extremely uncertain. It appeared as at least a possibility that but one of two developments could occur,-either the labor unions would succeed in mastering the whole organization of the industries and would bring about chaos by depriving it of its generalship by talent evolved by experience and proved ability from the midst of the whole body of citizens; or a worse chaos, anarchy, would be caused by the destruction of the body politic and the provocation of strife without control of law, and with the result of destroying law and order and all safety of property for an indefinite period. On the other hand, should the unions lose in the great contest, it was feared by many good citizens that it would be impossible for the employees to secure even a fair share of the product of their part of the wealth produced by "the triple partnership, labor, capital, and ability," and that, consequently, the country and the world would be checked, if not turned back, in the path of progress. The outcome of this particularly threatening and injurious contest, however, while revealing the fact that such struggles are liable sometimes to cover so large an extent of territory, to affect so large a fraction of the industrial system, and to involve such important industries as to produce most costly and dan

gerous effects, indicated that there, nevertheless, may be found peaceful and righteous methods of settlement, so that the outcome may, in the end, cause important and desirable improvements in the methods of conduct of business, and bring about better conditions of life and work for the protestants against the older conditions.

The organization of the union has been already modified by these events, and a revolt against lawless and unfair methods of prosecution of the purposes of the organization itself has been consequent upon these unhappy experiences. Unions had been long in existence, both in the United States and in Great Britain, which had recognized the inherent wrong in strikes, lockouts, and especially the evasion or infraction of the law and the provocation of disorder and attacks on the rights of the citizen. Law and order above all had been the motto of a considerable number of such unions, where the most intelligent and patriotic and prudent of employees had been banded together for the peaceful accomplishment of rightful purposes. Their constitutions and by-laws had sometimes explicitly declared for correct moral, legal, and economic methods. All the older and most successful unions had long exhibited a tendency in this direction, and the greater their experience and the more intelligent and skillful their administration, the less the frequency of resort to force or to compulsory bargaining. In one case, that of a union formed after the close of the struggle just described, the organization was incorporated, and its articles of incorporation include this declaration of principles:

"This association shall encourage industry, economy, thrift, and honesty among its members; maintain amicable relations between employees and employers of labor; assist its members in obtaining the highest wages consistent with the general good of all concerned; promote all forms of productive industry and increase the employment of labor at good wages; prevent unjust and unreasonable discrimination against any of its members by any person, combination, or conspiracy to prevent such members from securing employment in any branch of industry, and protect and defend its members against any and all attempts by any person or com

bination of persons to abridge the inalienable right of all mankind to work for such wages as shall be mutually satisfactory to the individual workman and his employer."

Legal incorporation is coming to be more generally recognized as both fair and wise, and the deliberate assumption of legal responsibility for the acts of the organization is becoming more usual. The courts are also forcing this responsibility upon all organizations. The administration of organizations, both of employees and of employers, must be probably steadily improved by the recognition of the fundamental principles of law, equity, and economics by their members. Mutual agreement, after careful and fair minded deliberation over the respective rights and needs of the parties to industrial disputes, must probably supersede, ultimately, all attempts at compulsory bargaining, and the absolute contradiction of these terms will be well understood as soon as both sides begin to deliberate in a friendly spirit. The common interests of both parties in maintaining, uninterruptedly and efficiently, the steady operation of every industry under conditions assuring the opportunity to every individual to contribute in maximum degree through his individual ability and talent, and giving him every opportunity to advance to the position in which his talents and his character may have full play in promotion of the good of all, is becoming understood and admitted, and the administration of all organizations of whatever kind or character on such principles may be hoped for in the early future.

The methods of operation must ultimately become those of parliaments seeking the best and most correct, just and efficient ways of promoting common interests and of reconciling conflicting claims. The organization of industries and the organizations of employers and of employees will be found to have common and perfectly reconcilable purposes, and the good of the people of all classes and vocations will be found to be subserved by the adoption of legal and equitable systems to procedure. The most intelligent, conservative, wise, and prudent individuals will necessarily ultimately control and lead the organization, and the progress of the industries will be proportional to the spread of intelligence, pa

triotism, honesty, and fairness amongst the membership. When the growth of this system of studying and of handling industrial problems shall have brought about in maximum degree steady industry for the masses, utilization of individual capabilities and opportunity for gravitation of talent into places of responsibility, the whole industrial system will become, in the highest degree, efficient. Then, and only then, can the nation attain its highest position on the scale of civilization and its people become in the highest degree wealthy, comfortable, contented, and happy.

The coming problems are thus those of promoting the advance of the nation to the highest point of industrial efficiency and the resultant assurance of greatest prosperity, content, and intelligence. Only where a nation is in maximum degree wealthy, and its people, as a mass, comfortable and competent to think out the problems of its time, can a real and a permanent higher life be assured. The whole history of mankind is an illustration of the growth of these principles and of the progress of the race in proportion as they are more generally recognized and acted upon. Invention, progress in the arts and sciences, and growth of education, of general intelligence, of wisdom and of culture conspire in the promotion of the highest and best interests of all.

WHO OWNS THE RAILROADS?

BY SOLOMON HUEBNER.

[Solomon Huebner, economist; born Manitowoc, Wis., March 6, 1882; educated at the Universities of Wisconsin and Pennsylvania; instructor in commerce and insurance at the University of Pennsylvania; member of the editorial committee of the American Academy of Political and Social Science; appointed a collaborator for the Carnegie institution to prepare a history of America's foreign trade; author of various monographs on economic topics.]

Copyright 1903 by American Academy of Political and Social Science

In a study of the distribution of stockholdings in American railways we touch upon a question which, as associated with the fundamental institution of private property, has a most important bearing upon our social, economic, and political life. The ownership of property tends, above all, to create a sentiment favoring conservatism. The greater the number of individuals participating in the ownership of property, the greater will be the number interested in promoting the safety and conservatism of property, and the advancement of industry. The effect of the diffused ownership of stockholdings, for example, upon our economic life may be readily observed. Being owners in a great enterprise, the large number of smaller holders are thus prompted by self interest to view economic questions from the standpoint of an employer. In the industrial struggles between labor and capital, widely diffused ownership of stock may be of the greatest importance in molding public sentiment with reference to the demands of the contending parties. The holding of a single or a few shares in a large corporation may not only cause the holder to feel a greater interest in the welfare of his particular concern, but may cause him, in a general way, to observe and feel as a member of the employing class. Moreover, a large corporation by widely distributing the ownership of its stocks and bonds, especially if it be among an influential class, will thereby safeguard its interests and privileges through an increased political constituency. Railways, for example, whose stocks and bonds are held by thousands of holders may be expected to

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