had been repaired. The empire furnished a concrete expression for German national aspirations. No longer as outcasts did these wanderers approach our shores, but as representatives of a state of whose achievements they were proud and of whose future they vaguely hoped to remain a part. National and politicalaspirations had been fulfilled, what they asked from America, primarily, was material benefits.

A spiritual change came over Germany. The will to power, enthralled from the time that the last Hohenstaufen met his fate on the scaffold in Naples, was emancipated. This had been accomplished largely by merging the individual in the State, and by making the State synonymous with the Hohenzollern dynasty. But this was overlooked in the enthusiasm for the new-found strength, and German professors set to work to square theory with fact. "The State is a person," exclaims Bluntschli. More than that, it is a man, not a woman, and possesses all the primal male attributes of positive action on environment. It owes no responsibility and must be ruthless in accomplishing its destiny.

With these vital forces of the nation organized and ready to be released, the educated men surveyed the past and present. Spain, France, and England had each had its day. They had each boasted a world dominion. Each had in turn succumbed to its successor. England, the last, had long since lost its preeminence in every field of human endeavor. The British empire was held in palsied hands which required only the effort of youth to strike down. Each of these conquering nations had, however, through its culture, language, and institutions, struck deep root in foreign soil. German culture would therefore have to establish itself in order to pave the way for commerce and political control. To do this required organized effort. Every German in a position of influence in a foreign land, whether as an educator, a professional man, a clergyman, a technician, or a director of industrial enterprises, represented an outlay of productive capital. It was the task of these men to make known the aims and content of German culture in all its branches, from the tilling of the soil to the philosophy of life, from the technique of mechanics to the technique of statesmanship, so that the desire to acquire the benefits of this culture might be stimulated. The respect which

they earned through the thoroughness of their achievement would redound to the prestige of the empire, and the influence which they thus acquired was to be an asset in the achievement of national ideals. The conscious direction of these influences is what Germans call Kulturpolitik, a word which has no English equivalent, for the reason that the whole idea is a German invention.

Equally important was it to retain at least the spiritual and intellectual allegiance of German emigrants. In 1881 there was organized the "Educational Alliance for the Preservation of German Culture in Foreign Lands" (Allgemeiner deutscher Schulverein zur Erhaltung des Deutschthums im Auslande). "Not a man can we spare," so reads its declaration of principles, -"if we expect to hold our own against the one hundred and twenty-five millions who already speak the English language and who have preëmpted the most desirable fields for expansion. A similar thought inspired the Pan-German Alliance (Alldeutszher Verband). It aims to preserve German language and culture, to vitalize the German national sentiment throughout the world and to support Germans wherever, in a distant land, they are struggling to preserve their solidarity against a foreign civilization. "The German people is a race of rulers," so they declare. "As such it must be respected everywhere in the world. The Alliance does not believe that German national development ended with the results of the war of 1870, great and glorious. though they were. It is rather convinced that, with the position then won, there has come a multitude of new and greater duties, to neglect ch would mean the decadence of our people." A number of branches of this society, as well as of the Navy League (Flottenverein), were established in the United States.

The educated Germans had become imbued with these ideas before leaving the old country, and they now kept in touch with their development. Journalists and clergymen naturally found it to their interests to encourage German traditions and the use of the German language. The circulation of their newspapers and the membership of their churches depended upon these conditions. The most potent influence, however, in Kulturpolitik have been the men who, in constantly increasing numbers, have come to occupy positions in our universities,

colleges, and public and private schools. Being, by virtu their profession, less exposed to assimilative influences, t form the outposts of Germanism in the United States.

It was about twenty years ago that voices of the new Germany were first heard in this country. The Spanish-American war at one stroke destroyed the isolation of the United States. The part she would play on the stage of world politics became a matter of vital interest. American ideas of colonial expansion and of responsibility towards foreign races approached to those which had built up the British Empire. Many points of contact between American institutions and those of England were brought to consciousness. Cecil Rhodes, dying, left a will which provided a means for closer intellectual and cultural association between the United States and Great Britain. Kipling celebrated in verse the mission of the Anglo-Saxon people. Much was said about Anglo-Saxon unity, a phrase which Germans interpreted as Anglo-Saxon imperialism.

This was the beginning of the struggle. It was the signal for the mobilization of the forces of Kulturpolitik in this country. AngloSaxon unity, or even a closer understanding between the branches of that race, was seen as an insuperable obstacle in the way of German plans for world dominion. Journalists, clergymen, educators, began to agitate among their countrymen for the solidarity of the German element, the preservation of the German language, and the spread of German culture. Their appeals found a ready response among the later arrivals and even engaged the attention of the older element, who, though having no interest in Germany as an empire, still cherished the memory of the Fatherland as the home of Goethe, Schiller, of Grimm's Fairy Tales, of the philosophers and musicians. Men holding chairs in our universities, permeated with the teaching of Treitschke, Droysen, and other modern German historians, pointed to what they regarded as signs of the impending dissolution of the British Empire; the costly Boer war had drained its strength; the discontent in India, the troubles in Ireland, were undermining its constitution; Germany was destined to overthrow the palsied colossus and succeed it as a world empire; German culture would then be supreme, the German language the universal tongue. Anglo-Saxon civilization the agitators both

disparaged as decadent and, like Treitschke, cordially hated. Puritanism, to them the essence of hypocrisy, represented its most odious phase. They proclaimed that only in a political and geographical sense had they become Americans with the oath of naturalization, in all other respects they remained Germans; they condemned any approach to assimilation and decried the moral of Zangwill's "Melting Pot." Some sought to give the propaganda a patriotic guise by declaring that it was the sacred mission of the German element to guard themselves, their language, and their culture from native influences in order that as a chosen people they might save America from the decay which was destroying the vitals of everything Anglo-Saxon. The media for the propaganda were the lecture platform, the German newspapers, German societies, churches, and schools. A German who had served as a member of the Reichstag began the publication in New York of a monthly magazine as the special exponent of these ideas.

Organizations of every kind have always been a feature of German life in America. The national "Sängerbund" was organized in 1849. The turners organized as far back as 1848, and have had a national alliance since 1850, and to-day boast forty thousand members, with a normal school in Indianapolis. In 1870 the association of German teachers (Deutsch-amerikanischer Lehrerbund) was formed and soon after that a training school was established in Milwaukee. In 1885 a national organization of German schools (National deutsch-amerikanischer Schulverein) was started, but met with the opposition of the older element, who, while they favored the propaganda for the German language in parts of Austria and Hungary, could see no reason for such a movement in the United States. There are associations of German veterans and reservists, many mutual aid and benefit societies, the well-known singing societies, and innumerable other organizations.

Under the influence of the new propaganda all these societies were brought into closer touch with each other. In 1899 the German societies of Pennsylvania formed a state federation known as the German-American Central Alliance. This suggested a national organization, and in the following year delegates from Ohio, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Minnesota assembled in

Philadelphia and formed a temporary association. In 1901, on the anniversary of the landing of the Concord pilgrims, a permanent organization was perfected, known as the National GermanAmerican Alliance. This achievement the promoters regard as of the greatest importance for the future of the German element in the United States.

According to its constitution the membership of the Alliance is made up of state and local alliances. German societies everywhere have been urged to unite in local and state federations. It is only where city and state federations have not been organized that individual societies are taken into membership. The work of organization has been prosecuted with vigor in the last few years, with the result that there is now a state federation in every state of the Union, and every city of importance has its Stadtverband, made up of delegates of local organizations. The Alliance is supported by a per capita levy upon the membership of all component societies. In 1907 it was incorporated by act of Congress, and it now claims to reach, through its subordinate state and local federations and individual societies, not less than two million five hundred thousand Germans.

The principal objects of the Alliance, as officially announced, are to awaken and strengthen the sense of unity among the people of German origin in America; to check nativistic-encroachments; to maintain and safeguard friendly relations between America and Germany; to augment the influence of German culture by encouraging the use of the German language and making its teaching in the public schools compulsory; to introduce into school histories a proper estimate of the work of German pioneers and of their part in developing our institutions; to oppose restrictions upon immigration; to liberalize our naturalization laws by removing knowledge of the English language and other educational tests as requirements of citizenship; and, finally, to combat Puritan influences, particularly invasions of personal liberty in the form of restrictions upon the liquor traffic. The Alliance is pledged to bring its entire organization to the support of any state federation which is engaged in a struggle for any of these objects.

"We must be united, united, united, every petty jealousy, every local interest, must be forgotten," the officers of the