Handbook of Home Rule: Being Articles on the Irish Question |
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affairs agitation agrarian arguments authority Britain British Parliament central century clause Coercion Act colonies condition Council Crown declared Dicey Dicey's difficulty discontent Dublin Dublin Castle duty effect election of 1885 Empire Encumbered Estates Act enforce England English Englishmen evil executive existing fact favour federal union feeling force foreign Gladstone Gladstone's Goldwin Smith government of Ireland Home Rule Bill hostile House of Commons Imperial Parliament interest Irish Government Irish landlords Irish Legislature Irish members Irish Parliament Irish question Irish representative peers Irishmen Land Bill Lecky legislative body less Liberal party Lord Lord Hartington Lord Salisbury matter measure ment Ministry Nationalists object opponents of Home outrages Parlia Parliamentary passed political present principles probably proposed Protestant public opinion reason reform refused rent representatives resist respect Roman Catholics scheme self-government sentiment supremacy tenants things tion Unionists United unity vote whole
Popular passages
Page 147 - But the strongest of all is identity of political antecedents; the possession of a national history, and consequent community of recollections; collective pride and humiliation, pleasure and regret, connected with the same incidents in the past.
Page 176 - It is an inherent condition of human affairs that no intention, however sincere, of protecting the interests of others can make it safe or salutary to tie up their own hands. Still more obviously true is it that by their own hands only can any positive and durable improvement of their circumstances in life be worked out.
Page 138 - I must do it justice: it was a complete system, full of coherence and consistency ; well digested and well composed in all its parts. It was a machine of wise and elaborate contrivance ; and as well fitted for the oppression, impoverishment, and degradation of a people, and the debasement, in them, of human nature itself, as ever proceeded from the perverted ingenuity of man.
Page 147 - A PORTION of mankind may be said to constitute a Nationality if they are united among themselves by common sympathies which do not exist between them and any others — which make them co-operate with each other more willingly than with other people, desire to be under the same government, and desire that it should be government by themselves or a portion of themselves exclusively.
Page 124 - To balance a large state or society (says he) whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able by the mere dint of reason and reflection to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work: EXPERIENCE must guide their labour: TIME must bring it to perfection: And the FEELING of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into, in their first trials and experiments.
Page 124 - To balance a large state or society (says he), whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able, by the mere dint of reason and reflection, to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work ; experience must guide their labor; time must bring it to perfection and the feeling of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments.
Page 75 - ... the right of any child to attend a school receiving public money without attending the religious instruction at the school...
Page 50 - I look, I say, on the imperial rights of Great Britain, and the privileges which the colonists ought to enjoy under these rights, to be just the most reconcilable things in the world. The parliament of Great Britain sits at the head of her extensive empire in two capacities, one as the local legislature of this island, providing for all things at home, immediately and by no other instrument...
Page 51 - The Parliament of Great Britain sits at the head of her extensive empire in two capacities: one as the local legislature of this island, providing for all things at home, immediately, and by no other instrument than the executive power; the other, and I think her nobler capacity, is what I call her imperial character, in which as from the throne of heaven, she superintends all the several inferior legislatures, and guides and controls them all, without annihilating any.