intent as the socialists are upon the unsolved prob- scientific discretion and actual democratic lems of society. Our most influential classes are zeal for humanity."

As to socialism itself, Dr. Small maintains previous to the Civil War. They excluded candid that "whether we are interested in socialism discussion of slavery from Congress, and they primarily as a movement or as a theory, we made it disreputable everywhere else. It is con- do not begin to get our bearings until we have ceivable that the "irrepressible conflict" might have been fought out in the court of reason, and reached the clear perception that both friends not on the battlefield, if it had soon enough been and enemies of socialism are laboring under treated as the uppermost question of statesman- a delusion when they imagine that socialism ship and of morals. There is an irrepressible con- is a perfectly developed thing. It is not, flict in modern society between the presuppositions either as a movement or as a theory. It is a of capital and the paramount values of humanity. definite thing only in the minds of small In the opinion of Dr. Small, our academic groups of people in particular times and social scientists should tackle this radical places. The socialism professed by other problem of men in general. By the socialists groups of people at the same time and in it has been attacked with more zeal than dis- other places may be different in kinds and cretion. Social progress would be promoted degrees ranging from trivial points of order by "more cross-breeding between presumed to irreconcilable principles."

SHOULD SMITH GO TO CHURCH?

N presenting, under the anonymous guise

Among the things that will not bring back the Smiths to the churches, in Mr. Nicholson's judgment, are discussions of the higher criticism and of nice points of dogma.

A church that would regain the lost Smiths will do well to satisfy that large company of the estranged and the indifferent that one need not believe all that is contained between the lids of the Bible to be a Christian. Much of the Bible is vulnerable, but Jesus explained himself in terms whose clarity has in no wise been clouded by criticism. Smith has no time, even if he had the scholarship, to pass upon the merits of the Book of Daniel; but give him Christ's own words without elucidation and he is at once on secure ground.

Smith points to them with a flourish, and says that he prefers to give his money where it is put to practical use. To him the church is an economic parasite, doing business on one day of the week, immune from taxation, and the last of his neighbors to scrape the snow from her sidewalks! The fact that there are within fifteen minutes' walk of his house half a dozen churches, all struggling to maintain themselves, and making no appreciable impression upon the community, is not lost upon Smith, the practical, unemotional, busy Smith. Smith speaks to me with sincere admiration of his friend the Salvation Army major, to whom he opens his purse ungrudgingly; but the church over the way-that expensive pile of stone closed tightly for all but five or six hours of the week!-Smith shakes his head ruefully when you suggest it. It is to him a bad investment that ought to be turned over to a receiver for liquidation.

Something must be done, and done soon,

Smith's trouble is not with faith but with works. He gages the church by business standards, and "the church does not impress him as being an efficient machine that yields to bring Smith back to the fold, and Mr. adequate returns upon the investment. To Nicholson believes that the means most quote further from the article: likely to be successful will be found to be "church union, upon the broadest lines, diThe word we encounter oftenest in the business rected to the increase of the church's effiworld nowadays is "efficiency"; the thing of which Smith must first be convinced is that the church ciency in spiritual and social service." He may be made efficient. And on that ground he would appoint local commissions to devise must be met honestly, for Smith is a practical plans for increasing the efficiency of existing being, who surveys religion as everything else with churches, and to consider ways and means of an eye of calculation. The economic waste represented in church investment and administra- bringing the church into vital touch with the tion does not impress Smith favorably, nor does it community. Millions of dollars are invested awaken admiration in Jones or in me. Smith in American churches which are in the main knows that two groceries on opposite sides of a open only once or twice a week. The doors street are usually one too many. And he has should stand open seven days in the week, and witnessed, too, a deterioration of the church's power through its abandonment of philanthropic work men and women should be waiting at the to secular agencies, while churches of the familiar portals "to comfort and help the weaktype, locked up tight all the week save for a hearted and to raise up those who fall." The prayer-meeting and choir-practice, have nothing people living about a strong institutional to do. What strikes Smith is their utter waste- church would find in it a "church home." fulness and futility. "Not only should body and soul be cared Mr. Nicholson recognizes that "the difficulties of the clergy are greatly multiplied in cal' entertainments, concerts, and dances for, but there is no reason why theatrithese days." A minister's lot is "indubitably should not be provided." The reorganthe hardest one. He is abused for illiberality, ization of the churches on these lines or, seeking to be all things to all men, he is would necessitate a change in the prepaabused for consorting with sinners." He is "expected to preach eloquently, to augment his flock, to keep a hand on the Sunday school, and to bear himself with discretion amid the tortuous mazes of church and secular politics."

Should the church go to Smith, or should Smith seek the church? On this question, Mr. Nicholson thinks there can be no debate. "Smith will not seek the church, and it must be on the church's initiative that he is restored to it." Smith is impressed with the work being done outside the church by agencies she should never have allowed to slip from her, such as the Charity Organization Society and the

ration for the ministry. The creeds and the old theology would need less defense, for "coalition in itself would be a supreme demonstration of the enduring power and glory of Christianity."

The seven-day church, being built upon efficiency and aiming at definite results, could afford to suffer men to think as they liked on the virgin birth, the miracles, and the resurrection of the body, so long as they practiced the precepts of Jesus.

This busy, helpful, institutional church, welcoming under one roof men of all degrees, to broaden, sweeten, and enlighten their lives, need ask no more of those who accept the service than that they believe in a God who ever lives and loves, and in Christ, who appeared on earth in His name to

THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION

WHEN,

HEN, on May 25, 1911, Gen. Porfirio Diaz resigned the presidency of Mexico, thirty-four years had elapsed since the date (November 28, 1876) on which he had declared himself provisional president of the republic. During these thirty-four years Mexico emerged from a condition of political anarchy, social disruption, and economic stagnation into a well-organized, consolidated, and progressive modern state. In less than a generation General Diaz succeeded not only in establishing order throughout the territory of the republic, but also in bringing about a degree of economic advance which aroused the astonishment and admiration

of the civilized world.

The man who for so long had been the idol of the people of Mexico "seemed suddenly to lose his hold on their affection, and the demand for his resignation resounded in almost every section of the country." In his exhaustive analysis of the causes of this revulsion of popular feeling, Professor Rowe notices, first, that General Diaz "clearly recognized that the Mexican constitution was far in advance of the political capacity of the people." Also,

he realized that the long and almost unbroken tradition of anarchy and civil strife, which began at the dawn of the era of independence, had bred in the nation a spirit of resistance to all authority and a lack of respect for law and order which could be brought under control only by means of a strong government, sternly and almost ruthlessly suppressing every outbreak of lawlessness. The enforcement of this policy carried with it, as a logical consequence, the discouragement of all popular activity.

Concluding that the interests of the country called for the development of greater industrial efficiency among the masses of the people, he, as a part of his plan, encouraged Prof. L. S. Rowe, of the University of Penn- the utilization of the country's natural resylvania, in an article in the Political Science sources through the investment of foreign Quarterly, on the causes and consequences capital. Sone one has said that "in the exeof the Mexican revolution, from which the cution of this plan he fell into the grave error foregoing quotation is taken, asks a question of mistaking the wealth of the country for which has often been asked by the man in its well-being." Professor Rowe thinks there the street, "Why is it that at the close of is much truth in the criticism. The financial this period of development, when law and reorganization of Mexico came to be regarded order seemed permanently assured through- as an end rather than as a means. Financial out the republic, when the government seemed more firmly established than ever before, there should burst forth a revolutionary movement?" And, by way of answer thereto, he traces the events which led up to the overthrow of the Diaz régime. It is to be noted that as late as March, 1911, General Diaz and his cabinet did not regard the situ

stability once attained, the government should have turned its attention to the betterment of the condition of the laboring classes.

Another contributing factor to the downfall of the Diaz government was the bringing into the political life of the country, through the professional schools of Mexico City, of "a large number of young men anxious to

themselves debarred from doing so unless they were willing unreservedly to support the Diaz régime." The discontent thus engendered was fomented by the plan to subordinate the states to the federal authorities. After 1900, instead of selecting candidates for the higher state offices because of fitness, personal loyalty to the president became the sole test.

In return for this loyalty the state governors were given a free hand, and they abused their power to such an extent as to create widespread discontent. This was increased by the tyrannical abuses of the minor administrative officials, especially the so-called jefes politicos, whose control of the police force in their districts enabled them to develop a system of intimidation and extortion which weighed heavily on the poorer classes and gave rise to widespread discontent.

tural laborer is almost if not quite hopeless. Working from dawn to sunset and earning from 12 to 20 cents a day, his position borders so closely on serfdom as hardly to be distinguishable therefrom. . . . To add to the difficulties of the situation the government made the mistake of passing a land act in 1894 under which some of the larger landowners were by "manipulation" able to dispossess some of their weaker neighbors.

Of the secondary causes which led to the downfall of General Diaz, Professor Rowe cites the attempt of the General to designate his successor.

When the vice-presidency was reëstablished in 1904, it was generally assumed that this was a first step toward this end. . . . Those who were dissatisfied with the Diaz régime were willing to accept his reëlection in 1910, provided freedom of choice were permitted in selecting a candidate for the vice-presidency. . . . The high-handed measGeneral Diaz promised often that the mat- ures employed at the elections of 1910 to assure ter should receive his attention, but it was the triumph of Corral served to increase his unpopularity with the masses. Consequently this atput off from time to time, and "when action tempt on the part of Diaz to designate his sucwas rendered imperative it was too late." These abuses, says Professor Rowe, “were the primary causes of the revolution."

Another and a very important factor in the downfall of the Diaz government was the opposition resulting from the attitude of the government toward labor unions and strikes. The General during his thirty years of office was accustomed to unquestioned submission to his will.

Instead of appreciating the fact that the formation of labor unions was an indication of progress, he looked upon such organizations with great distrust.... The policy of stern repression was interpreted by the workingmen as an indication of a settled purpose on the part of the government to keep them in a condition of hopeless subordination. . . . The disaffection spread to the agricultural laborers. . . . The condition of the agricul

cessor should be regarded as one of the secondary causes of the revolution.

With regard to the election of Madero to the presidency and the political outlook, Professor Rowe remarks that extravagant promises made by the revolutionary leaders were manifestly incapable of fulfilment. And the political unrest has brought to the surface and positions of local leadership "elements of Mexican society whose main purpose is the looting of their fellow citizens." The disappointed ambitions of some of Madero's former associates, and the dissatisfaction of others with the policy of the new government, "make the future of the Madero administration exceedingly uncertain, and at any moment may cause its downfall."

THE

CANADA AND WOMEN EMIGRANTS

HE English society known as The Colo- thought that her college education would nial Intelligence League for Educated have assisted her, had she become a school Women aims at supplying reliable information teacher, but she was not strong on matheto girls wishing to settle in Canada, and it is matics, and these were a sine qua non. Not to be complimented on the method it adopts having any dexterity in a manual art, she to secure such information at first hand. Miss perforce joined the ranks of the home-helps. Ella C. Sykes, one of its members, visited She reached her destination, Calgary, and the Dominion as an ostensible "home-help"; was taken in at the Women's Hotel, where took five positions in four provinces; and she received comfortable accommodation. publishes (in the Cornhill) her experiences for After inserting an "ad" at a newspaper office, the benefit of real emigrants. According to Miss Sykes made her way to the Y. W. C. A. her narrative, the position of "home-help" to see if she could get work. seems to be a sheet anchor for the woman im

The only thing that the secretary had on her

where the wife was ill, and there were four children; milliner, but the bare idea of seeking work in and the matron at my Hostel offered me a situa- the shops was abhorrent to her. Said she: tion 29 miles from the railway and among a Mor- "I hate the idea of it. I want to live in a mon community. . . . On my way home I saw a notice in a confectioner's shop that a girl was wanted as a waitress, so I went in and asked to see the manager. "Would I promise to stay the whole summer? This I could not engage myself to do, so I was reluctantly obliged to give up the idea.

Miss Sykes, as the result of her experiences, offers the following opinions for the benefits of intending emigrants:

I consider that Canada is a land of opportunity for the young, strong and resourceful, who are not afraid of hard work and who can cheerfully adapt themselves to entirely new conditions.

In order to succeed a girl must be skilled in something that the country wants, such as teaching, stenography, dressmaking, poultry or vegetable raising; a knowledge of the domestic arts I do not, however, recommend an educated woman to become a

being absolutely essential. One such