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What is there to do? It is hard to sum the great task up, but apparently this is the sum of the matter: There are two great things to do. One is to set up the rule of justice and of right in such matters as the tariff, the regulation of the trusts, and the prevention of monopoly, the adaptation of our banking and currency laws to the varied uses to which our people must put them, the treatment of those who do the daily labor in our factories and mines and throughout all our great industrial and commercial undertakings, and the political life of the people of the Philippines, for whom we hold governmental power in trust, for their service not our own.

The platform is not a program. A pro- strength, as President of the United States, to gram must consist of measures, administrative stand up against the influences which have acts, and acts of legislation. The proof of the pudding is the eating thereof. How do we intend to made the tariff, as Woodrow Wilson says, a make it edible and digestible? From this time on system of favors to private interests. Even we shall be under interrogation. How do we ex- Mr. Taft, in the period of his candidacy in pect to handle each of the great matters that must 1908, talked candidly about the tariff-not so be taken up by the next Congress and the next administration? boldly, to be sure, as Governor Wilson, but in terms of the public interest. The trouble, however, was that when he became President, however good his intentions might have been, he surrendered completely and made his alliances with those self-seeking interests that have corrupted American politics. One is reminded of the man who boasted of his strength and his courage, and finally stated that he was strong enough to stand up against anything except temptation. Woodrow Wilconceptions and of philosophical grasp. He son is unquestionably a man of fine political has given us much reason to believe that he has also the courage of his convictions, and that he cares more for what he believes to be right than for finding an easy and comfortable way by which he may personally move along through practical difficulties. This has been clearly shown by his record as Governor of New Jersey.

The other, the additional duty, is the great task of protecting our people and our resources and of keeping open to the whole people the doors of opportunity through which they must, generation by generation, pass if they are to make conquest of their fortunes in health, in freedom, in peace,

and in contentment.

Wilson on the Tariff

The speech continues with a dis-
cussion of the tariff question, de-
manding immediate revision, and

a careful and deliberate movement toward the
principle of a tariff for revenue only. Of
course it is one thing to discuss tariff reform
lucidly and fairly, and it is quite another thing
to have the high sense of duty and moral

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GOVERNOR WILSON DELIVERING HIS SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE FROM THE PORCH OF HIS SUMMER

politicians. In a State like New York the York State was last month creating one names "Republican" and "Democratic" of the most significant situations of the have for a long time been merely a cloak entire political year.

Parties and Their Purposes

In most countries where men govern themselves, a party consists of a body of leading and

behind which the politicians and corporations have played their own game in comparative harmony. The fight at Chicago in June was mainly between the citizens of the country who had in good faith called themselves responsible public men who are supported by "Republicans" and the combination of inter- a considerable mass of private citizens holding ests that desired to control the Republican like views. The party exists at a given time machinery. As a matter of fact, these ma- for given purposes. If it has served its ends, chine politicians in the Democratic party will its existence is justified; and it matters little never give real and hearty support to Wood-. whether its life be long or short. There seems row Wilson unless they believe that he can be a good deal of confusion about the meaning of made ultimately to accommodate himself parties in this country, because our great posomewhat to their necessities. They have litical organizations have become crystallized seen how Mr. Taft, who started out with the institutions rather than mobile associations of language of reform on his lips, went over more citizens. To the minds of some men, the completely to the machine politicians than mere name of the party has such a hold that any President or prominent holder of office in to act in politics under any other name or the history of the United States. Until now emblem would seem like a kind of apostasy, it has been the current belief that the selfish as if one were deserting the church of his and disreputable type of politicians must be fathers. That is why the great division has tolerated, and in fact that one must do busi- gone on so long within the Republican party ness with such people in order to have any without the complete and final break. chance to be useful in public affairs. This is side was contending for the control of the not true in other civilized countries. The sig- name and the trade-mark. The popular side nificance of the political fight of the present had fairly won the right to keep that name year lies in our determination to rid ourselves and trade-mark, by virtue of the results of the of the boss system and the domination in great series of primary elections. But the our political life by machines or special in- other side retained possession through sharp terests. Such domination, long endured, has practice that could not be defended from any at last become intolerable. standpoint of honor or of moral right.

Internal Reform

This reform is fundamental, beof the Dem- cause, until we get men in public ocratic Party life who will stand absolutely upon their convictions, we cannot deal as we ought to with the tariff, the trusts, or any other great issue. The accident of Taft's success in the Republican convention of June made this issue clear as respects the Republican party. If Roosevelt and the Progressives had not been deprived of their rights in the Republican convention, the process of cleaning up the Republican party would have been a more gradual one. The tremendous work of Mr. Bryan at Baltimore, the nomination of Woodrow Wilson, and the promulgation of such a document as his speech of acceptance would seem to show that the Democratic party will emancipate itself and make itself over into a real and true political body. But in order to achieve this end it will have to deprive the well-known Democratic bosses of the power and influence they have held through their improper methods and their essentially dishonest practices. The attempt

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A REAL UPPER-CUT

Each

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Founding

THE CHOSEN LEADERS OF THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY
(This picture was taken on the day of their nomination at Chicago, August 7)

The Progressive movement has Mr. Gladstone was a leader of the great forces the New been as real as any political de- of advanced Liberalism and Radicalism in Party velopment in our history. To England. The movement there was real; say now that it is merely a one-man affair, Mr. Gladstone did not create it. John Bright improvised to serve the ambitions of Theo- and his associates, and their successors, dore Roosevelt, is to ignore the whole course would have made their movement and their of our political history during the past four party strong and successful, even if Mr. years. The movement has indeed been fortu- Gladstone had remained a Tory. This movenate in securing Mr. Roosevelt to take the ment is not of Mr. Roosevelt's invention, and field just now as its chief advocate and leader. it is ridiculous to say that it hangs upon the

Plenty of Virile Leaders

There are probably more men in the Progressive movement to-day who are forcible enough to come forward as national leaders than remain in the orthodox Republican fold. Whatever position men like Senator Cummins and certain of his associates in Congress may seem to have taken as to the organization of a new party, it would be flying in the face of the most obvious facts to separate such men from the movement which they themselves have, more than any other individuals, made both possible and inevitable. Cummins,

Dolliver, Beveridge, LaFollette, Bristow, Bourne, Clapp, Dixon, and a number of other Senators, were openly and ostentatiously read out of the Republican party by Taft and his cabinet two or three years ago. These Senators have not pretended to act as Republicans for a long time. They have had a separate caucus, and have been as distinctly a third party as any separate group in the French or German parliaments. They were seriously conferring in regard to the launching of a third party throughout the country before other men began to see the need and the opportunity. They have been constructive and courageous. They have held the balance of power in the United States Senate, and they are responsible, more than any other group of men, for such public work at Washington in recent years as has been intelligent, high-minded, and creditable. The rank and file of the Progressives who are now supporting the ticket of Roosevelt and Johnson are the people who have stood behind the work of Cummins, Bristow, and the rest.

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Hiram Johnson's

Copyright by Harris & Ewing, Washington

HON. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE OF INDIANA

(The leading spokesman of his State for the Roosevelt forces,

and the Progressive candidate for Governor)

campaign in the primaries made him the undisputed leader for the present period. Let it be remembered that he became a candidate and went before those primaries, last spring, only because a group of distinguished Progressives, conspicuous among whom were a number of governors, urged him to take the field.

Party Names
and
Their Value

Critical times bring out men of courage and quality very rapidly. Emergence Hiram Johnson has come before the country as a great national figure. Mr. Roosevelt very truly said at Chicago last month that Johnson was the kind of man to name for the Vice-Presidency, because he was wholly fit at any moment to occupy the It is of little importance whether higher place. Men like Bristow and Stubbs in at some time in the future the Kansas, like Beveridge in Indiana, and many Progressives recapture and reothers, are capable of strong leadership. But sume the name of "Republican," or not. more important than that is the great body The movement already embodies the heart of intelligent and sincere men and women and soul of the Republican party. As who have gone into this movement from con- Professor Macy shows in his article which viction. The people who filled the conven- we publish this month, the names "Retion hall at Chicago last month were not of publican" and "Democratic" have the sort who would abandon their convictions peculiar history. He believes that in the and give up their political activity merely nature of the case we shall evolve some because they were without the leadership of real parties in this country to take the place one particular man. Nevertheless, it has of the two which have not recently been

a

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DEAN WILLIAM DRAPER LEWIS, OF THE LAW SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

TWO LEGAL AUTHORITIES WHO HELPED TO DRAFT THE PROGRESSIVE PLATFORM

merely rival organizations striving for the impelled by his own qualities of intelligence emoluments of office and the advantages of and honesty to express admiration. The conpower. He believes that the Democratic vention was orderly and businesslike. It was party is likely to be made over into a con- made up of men and women of high charservative body, and the Republican into a acter, great experience and fine intelligence. more advanced and constructive body well The membership of this convention was repcharacterized by the name "Progressive." resentative of the most valuable elements It happens that the Progressive party has in American society. The speaking was of a come on with a rush, because the Republican high order, and it was directed squarely at party has fallen into the hands of unworthy existing political and social conditions. Senaleaders. The Democratic party, on the other hand, has now had the good fortune to fall into the hands of leaders who are worthy of it, both in character and in intelligence and patriotism. Its transformation will therefore come about by a less violent process and will be more gradual.

Progressive
Party

tor Beveridge, of Indiana, as presiding officer, made a speech of remarkable eloquence and power, in which he analyzed our political and business conditions and demanded a reform in our affairs that would give us a real government of public opinion, delivered from the control of elements and forces that he characterized as the "invisible government."

Colonel

Address

The great mark of the Progressive convention at Chicago was its Colonel Roosevelt, in an elaboCharacteristics sincerity. Its positions were clear Roosevelt's rate speech before the convenand explicit. Its appeal to the country is tion, reviewed the party crisis of without ambiguity. First of all, it stands for the present season, and expressed his views the reform of American politics. The sneer- upon social problems and public issues. ing criticism of the enemies of the Pro- First, he demonstrated the need of direct gressive movement would have the country political methods, and, next, the need of havthink that these men and women were either ing the people rather than the courts of law sentimental fools or else prating hypocrites, determine their own fundamental policies. who were promising to usher in the millen- Then followed his views upon social and nium as the result of a single campaign. Yet industrial justice to wage-workers and to every newspaper man who watched the pro- farmers. Perhaps the ablest portion of his ceedings of the Progressive convention, even address is its very remarkable and extended

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